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^H
1
1
ALPHEUSRLCyiSTOfiOLLIBemi
BEQUEATHED '.
UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN '
HON. ALPHEUS FBL.CH.
1
^1
i
THE
ECLECTIC MAGAZINE
ov
FOREIGN LITERATURE, SCIENCE, AND ART.
SEPTEMBER TO DECEMBER, 1853.
W. H. BIDWELL, EDITORAND PROPRIETOR.
NEW-YORK:
PUBLISHED AT-120 NASSAU STREET.
1868.
•«
1 1
I
EDWABD O. JENKINS, PRINTER|
114 Naasaa Street.
INDEX.
EBCBELLIBHMEinB.
1. Oaulio nr pBisoir, engraved by Sartainu
2. Portrait of Hsnst Hallax, author of the Hittoiy
of the Middle Agei^ eDgraved by Sartain.
8. Portrait of Cbasubs EnfosLsr, author of Alton
Locke, ioCf engrayed by Sartain.
4k Portrait of Wiluam Makxpbaoi Thackxrat, en-
grayed by Sartain.
A.
Ampere in PhiladelpU .:- -iZdviM du Deux
Mondes, . . .... 52
Anatoeracy of Pnuria^ 90
Do. in Washington, .... 239
Azago and Angnate St.Hilaire — Athetumimf 666
B.
Balzae and his Writingi — Wettmintter JU-
vieWf 20
Boearm^ Tragedy, The-'^SharpeU MagaHne^ 88
Biot and Laplaee, 106
Barke, Edmund — HoggU Irutruetar, • . 201
Byron, an Event in the Life ot—Colbum*» J^ew
Monthly, 410
a
Charlea L, Danghtera of,
Chloroform — BeniUt^B Miieellany,
Court of PnuBia, ....
Commou^ Houee of, from the Stranger'
Ury—TaitU MoffaHne, .
Cotmtea Hahn-hahn, .
Cnrtia, George William*— a»/6iim*«
MofUhiy, ....
Clarion, MlleL — FroMi'e Magazine,
Camille DeemouUnfl — Chttmbeti^ Edinburgh
Journal^
Gal-
Nme
71
84
90
282
265
844
872
662
E.
Education, Popular, In United States— J^iiV
burgh JtevieWf
Evening, An, with Jaemin,
Elizabeth, Queen, and the Earl of Eesez —
Edinburgh Review, ....
Early ChriBtiaa Literature in Syria, .
P.
Fl^chier, the French Pulpit Orator— j^ee^te
Review,
G.
Gillray's Garicaturea— i2e<ro«p€ehv0 Review,
Gossip about Laureate^ , , , ,
H.
Hindoos and Mussulman^
Hahn-Halm, Countess of— i>u6/in Univernty
Magaxine,
History of a Contributor, . . .
Hypatia — BrUieh Quarterly Review,
Haydon, B. R. — Biographical Magaxine, .
Holy Places, The — Quarterly Review,
House of Brunswick in Germany and Eng^
land, — Eraeer'e Magagine, . •
I, J, K.
D.
Daughters of Charles L — OentlemanU Magah
£tne, ....... If
Dope's Dilemma, The-^Blackwood'e Maganne, 897
Dauphin, The, 488
Dr. Abemethj — Elvta Coolie Jou/med, . . 567
Duchess of l^wcastle and her Works— JSeiro-
ipective Review, 528
109
272
2S9
808
548
129
888
219
266
276
816
882
494
518
Iniquity, Cost ot^Chamben^ Journal, 127
India and ito People— Tat^'x Magaxwe, . 219
Jasmin, An Evening with— CAafii6«f«V<mma/, 272
Kingsley, Estimate o( . 816
Knox, John — Weetmineter Review, . I
Life of John Knoz, 1
Laplace and Biot — SbagU Inetructor, 106
Lady Novelists — OentlemanU Magaxine, . 134
Laureates, Gossip tibou^Bentlej^e Mtecellany, 888
Life of Haydon, 882
JjovMXVU.'-Quarterly Review, . . 488
Landor, Walter Savage— iTo^^s Initruetor, 468
Literary Miscellanies, . 141, 286, 429
M.
Melville^ Herman— ObZ6t«rft's Ifew Monthly, 46
INDEX.
Moore, Thotxuu, Memoin ot^Quarterly lUview, 145
Maris Thereaa and her Son — Edinburgh Revimo, 1 86
Modem British Oratory . . 201
Macgilliyraj, the Natundut— ^tm CooV$ Jawr-
nal, 218
Marie Antoinette — Eliza Oool^a Jaumal, , 2b0
Milton, life and Poetryof— JTo^^f /fu^m^or, 864
Moore's Opinions of hiE Contemporaries — New
Quarterly Beview, . . . . 412
Moore and Russell, — Hog^t InHruetor^ . 481
Moaurt, W. A.Sliza CoohU Journal, 488
MisooaLANxocs. — Children of Great Poets,
87; Remarkable Trial in Greeoe, 46; The
Greek a living Langaage,76; French Litera-
tore, 120; Mr. Gladstone, 186; Tomb of Pope's
Nurse, 218; De Qoincej, 264; Milton's Rib-
bone, 284; An Awkward Stage, 848; The
Lottery, 480.
N.
N^ovelistSk Lady, 184
Kash, Satires of ..... 224
Neo-Platonism — British Quarterly Heview, 316
Napier, CharleBJame^'^JBiographiceU Magazine, 469
0.
Ooenpied Proyinoes^ The— Sharpie Magaxine, 860
Original Anecdotes--^en//«yf MUeellany, • 424
Oliver Wendell Holmes — New Monthly Mag-
oxine, 682
P.
Philadelphia, by Ampj^re^ ... 62
Preacher^s Daughter, The— i^Tao Monthly Mag-
aune, 68
Prassian Court and Aristooraoy — Fra9er'$
Magazine, 90
Popular Education in the United States . 109
Political Satires under Greorge IIL — Jtetroepee-
iive Review, 181
Partner, The-^Ohamben^ Journal, . 611
Russell, Lord John, and Moore — Hogget Inr
9truetar, 481
&
Satire^ Political, under George in, . . • 121
Satires and Declamations of lliomas Nash, —
Retronpeetive Review^ .... 224
Self-oonyicted, The— Co/6«rfi*f New Monthly, 264
Syria, Early Christian Literature ot— North
BrUieh Review, 808
State Trials and John Home Tooke, . . 866
T.
Tragedy of Bocarm^, 28
Trappista, Traits of the — Oentleman*» Mag-
azine, 100
Talfourd, Sir Thomas Noon—New Monthly
Magtuine, 811
Took, John H^me, and State Trials— 2rat<'«
Magazine, * 866
Thackeray's Lectures on the English Humor-
ists—(7o/Mim'« i^T^w JTon^A/y, • 687
XT. V, W.
Writings of Bslcac^ 29
tTnited States^ Popular Education in, . . 109
Wainwright^ the Murderer — Froneie' Annual, 126
Wife of the Great Condi^Ohatnberz* IStUn-
burgh Journal, 668
ECLECTIC MAGAZINE
FOREIGN LITERATURE, SCIEiJCE, AND ART.
SEPTEMBER, 1858.
JOHN KNOX.*
The Scotch Rerarmalion in tbe aliteenth [
ceotury is remarkable for an almost complete
absence of ihe dubious and quesliunable
features by which violeot revolulioiu are bo
often disfigured. Less happy thso the Eng-
lish, tbe Protestants of Scotland had no
altemalive between an armed resistance to
the Government, and tbe destruction of them-
•eWea sod tbeir religion ; and no body of
people who have been driven to such resist-
ance, were ever more temperate in the con-
duct of it, or more moderate in their use of
victorf. Tbe problem which they had to
•oWe was h simple one : it was to deliver
themselves of a systeia which, when judged
hj the fruits of it, was evil throughout, and
withwhicb no good man was found any more
to sympathize.
Elsewhere ta Europe there was some life
left in Cathdicism ; it was a real faith, by
irhicli sincere and earnest men were able to
direct themselves, and whose consciences it
was painful or perilous to wound by over-
aweeping measures. In Scotland, it was
VOL. zxz. ^a L
dead to the root, a mass of falsehood and
corruption; and, having been endured to the
last extremity, the one thing to be done with
it, when endurance was no longer possible,
was to take it utterly away.
So great a work was never executed with
slighter loss of human life, or smaller injury
to a country. It was achieved by the will
of one man, who was the represents tive of
whatever was best and noblest in the people
to whom he belonged ; and as in itself it was
simple and straightforward, so of all great
men in history there is not one whose charac-
ter is more simple and intelligible than that
of John Knoi. A plain but maasive under-
standing, a courage which nothing could
shake, a warm, honest heart, and an intense
hatred and scorn of sin ; these are the qnali-
ties which appear in bim ; these, and only
these. There may have been others, but
the occasion did not require them, they were
not called into play. The evil which was to
he overcome had no strong intellectual de-
fences ; it was a tyrannical falsehood, upheld
by force ; and force of character, ratlier than
breadth or subtlety of thought, was needed
to cope wiib it.
JOHN KNOX.
[Sept,
The struggle, therefore, was an illustration,
on a large scule, of the ordinary difficulties
of common men ; and we might have expected,
in consequence, to have found Knox better
understood, and better appreciated, than al-
most any man who has played so large a
part in history. There are no moral blemishes
which we have to forgive, no difficulties of
position to allow for. His conduct through-
out was single, consistent, and direct; his
character transparent to the most ordinary
eye ; and it is a curious satire upon modem
historians, that ill as great men usually fare
in their hands, Knox Has fared the worst of
all. A disturber of the peace, a bigot, a
fanatic — these are the names which have
been heaped upon him, with what ludicrous
impropriety some one man in a million who
had looked into the subject was perhaps
aware, but the voices of these units, until
very recent times, had little chance of being
heard in remonstrance. The million, divided
into Whig and Tory, could not a6ford to
recognize the merit of a man who had out-
raged both traditions. The Tories hated him
because he was disobedient to constituted
authorities: the Whigs hated him because
he was their bete noire, an intolerant Protest-
ant ; and the historians, ambitious of popu-
larity, have been contented to be the expo-
nents of popular opinion. There are symp-
toms, however, at the present time, of a
general change for the better in such matters.
In the collapse of the old political parties,
and the increasing childishness of the eccle-
siastical, the prejudices of the two last cen-
turies are melting out from us, and we are
falling everywhere back upon our common
sense. The last fifty years have not past
over our heads without leaving a lesson be-
hind them ; and we, too, in our way, are
throwing oflF ** the bondage of tradition,''
for better ascertained truths of fact. In con-
trast with the tradition, Mr. Carlyle has
placed Knox by th^ side of Luther as the
Hero Priest; and, more recently, (which is
also no inconsiderable indication of the state
of public feeling,) a cheap edition of Dr.
M'Critt's excellent life of him has been
brought out by Mr. Bohn,* in the belief that
there is now sufficient interest in the subject
to justify the risk. Let us hope that these
are real signs of the growth of a more whole-
some temper, and that before any very long
time has elapsed, some judgment will have
* Why does not Mr. Bohn republiBh Kqox*8 own
"History of the Reformation'* for us in the same
farm?
I been arrived at, which will better bear the
test of time than that which has hitherto
passed current. As far as it goes, M'Crie's
book is thoroughly good ; it is manly, earnest,
and upright ; and, in the theological aspect
of the subject, it Jeaves nothing to be desired,
except, indeed, a little less polemical asperi-
ty. But a history written from a theologi-
cal point of view, if not incorrect, is neces-
sarily inadequate ; and, although the sound-
ness of Dr. M*Crie*s understanding has gone
far to remedy the unavoidable deficiency,
yet the account of John Knox which shall
tell us fully and completely what be was,
and what place he fills in history, remains to
be written.
He was bom at Haddington, in the year
1505. His family, though not noble, were
solid substantial landowners, who, for several
generations, had held estates in Renfrewshire,
perhaps under the E'trls of Both well, whose
banner they followed in the field. Their his-
tory, like that of other families of the time,
is obscure and not important ; and of the fa-
ther of John, nothing is known, except that
he fought under the predecessor of the fa-
mous Lord Both well, probably at Flodden,
and other of those confused battles, which an-
swered one high purpose in hardening and
steeling the Scotch character, but in all other
senses were useless indeed. But it is only by
accident that we know so much as this ; and
even of the first eight and thirty years of the
life of his son, which be spent as a quiet, peace-
able private person, we are left to gather up
what stray hints the after recollections of his
friends could supply, and whic^, indeed,
amount to almost nothing. We find that he
was at school at Haddington ; that he after-
wards went to the University of Glasgow,
where, being a boy of a weak constitution, and
probably hi» own wi>hes inclining in the same
direction, it was determined to bring him up
to be a priest. He distinguished himself in
the ordinary way ; becoming, among other
things, an accomplished logic lecturer ; and,
at the right age, like most of the other Re-
formers, he was duly ordained. But what
further befell him in this capacity is alto-
gether unknown, and his inward history must
be conjectured from what he was wiien at
last he was called out into the world. He
must have spent many years in study : for,
besides his remarkable knowledge of the Bi-
ble, he khew Greek, Latin, and French well ;
we find in his writings a very sufficient ac-
quaintance with history. Pagan and Christian :
be bad read Aristotle and Plato, as well as
many of the Fathers ; in fact, whatever know-
1863.]
JOHN KNOX.
ledge was to be obtaiDed oat of books con-
cerning men and baman things, he had not
failed to gather together. But his chief know-
ledge, and that which made him what he was,
was the knowledge not of books, but of the
world in which he lived, and the condition of
which must have gradually unfolded itself to
him as he grew to manhood.
The national traditions of Scotland, which
for some centuries held it together in some
sort of coherence, in spite of the general tur-
bulence, were broken at the battle of Flodden ;
the organic life of it as a separate indepen-
dent nation died there ; and the anarchy which
foHowed, daring the long minority of James
y., resulted in the general moral disintegra-
tion of the entire people. The animosity
against England threw them into a closer and
closer alliance with France, one consequence
of which was, that most of the noblemen and
gentlemen, after a semi-barbarous boyhood
in their fathers' castles, spent a few years in
Paris to complete their education, and the
pseudo cultivation of the most profligate court
in the world, laid on like varnish over so un-
couth a preparation, produced, as might have
been anticipated, as undesirable specimens of
human nature as could easily be met with.
The high ecclesiastics, the-bishops and arch-
bbhops, being, in almost all cases, the young-
er sons, or else the illegitimate sons, of the
great nobles, were brought up in the same
way, and presented the same features of
character, except that a certain smoothness
and cunning were added to the compound,
which overlaid the fierce sensuality below the
surface. Profligate they were to a man ; liv-
ing themselves like feudal chiefs, their mis-
tresses were either scattered at the houses of
their retainers, or openly maintained with
themselves ; and so little shame was attached
to suchalife, that they brought up their chil-
dren, acknowledging them as their own, and
commonly had them declared legitimate by
act of parliament. So high an example was
naturally not unfollowed by the inferior cler-
gy. Concubinage was all but universal among
them, and, by general custom, the son of the
parish priest succeeded to his father's bene-
fice. Enormously wealthy, for half the land
of Scotland, in one way or another, belonged
to them, of duty as attaching to their posi-
tion they appear to have had no idea what-
soever ; further than that the Masses, for the
sins of themselves and the lay lords, were
carefully said and paid for. Teaching or
preaching there was none ; and the more ar-
duous obligations of repentance and practi-
cal amendment of life were dispensed with by
the convenient distribution of pardons and
absolutions.
. For the poor, besides these letters of par-
don, the bishops it appears provided letters
of cursing, which might or might not be of
material benefit to them. " Father," said a
village farmer to Friar Airth, one of the ear-
liest reforming preachers, *' can you resolve a
doubt which has risen am ong us : What ser-
vant will serve a man best on least expense V*
— " The good angel," answered the friar,
" who makes great service without expense."
— " Tush," said the • gossip,*' we mean no
such great matters. What honest man will
do greatest service for least expense ?" and
while the friar was musing, " I see, father,"
he said," the greatest clerks are not the wi-
sest men. Know ye not how the bishops
serve us husbandmen ? will they not give us
a letter of cursing for a plack, to curse all
that look over our dyke? and that keeps our
com better nor the sleepin' boy that will
have three shillin' of fee, a sark, and a pair
of shoon in the year ?"
Such were the duties of ministers of reli-
gion in Scotland in the first half of the six-
teenth century; and such was the spiritual
atmosphere into which Knox,> by his ordina-
tion, was introduced. If ever system could
be called the mother of ungodliness, this de«
served the title. What poor innocent peo-
ple there may have been in the distant High-
land glens, who still, under the old forms,
really believed in a just and holy God, only
He knows ; none such appear upon the sur-
face of history ; nothing but evil — evil pure
and unadulterated. Nowhere in Europe was
the Catholic Church as it was in Scotland.
Lying off remote from all eyes, the abuses
which elsewhere were incipient, were there
full blown, with all their poison fruits ripen-
ed upon them. " The Church, the Church,"
said Dean Annan to Knox, " ye leave us no
Church." — " Yes," answered he, " I have
read in David pf the church of the malig-
nants. Odi eccUsiam fnalignaniium; if this
church ye will be, I cannot hinder you."
But as long as it continued, it answered too
well the purposes of those who profited by
it, to permit them to let it be assailed with
impunity; and when we say, " profited by
it, we do not mean in the gross and worldly
sense of profit, but we speak rather of the
inward comfort and satisfaction of mind
which they derived from it. It is a mistake
to suppose that such a religion was a piece
of conscious hypocrisy. These priests and
bishops, we have no doubt, did really believe
that there were such places as Heaven and
JOHfiT KKOX
Hell, and their religion was the more dear to
them in proportion to their sinfulness, be-
cause it promised them a sure and easy es-
cape from the penalties of it. By a singu-
lar process of thought, which is not uncom-
mon among ourselves, they imagined the
▼alue of the Mass^to be dependent on the
world's belief in it ; and the Reformers who
called it an idol, were not so much supposed
to be denying an eternal truth, as to be spoil-
ing the virtue of a convenient talisman. No
wonder, therefore, that they were angry with
them; no wonder that they thougiit any
means justifiable to trample out such perni-
cious enemies of their peace. For a time,
the Protestant preachers only made way
among the common people, and escaped no-
tice by their obscurity. As the profligacy of
the higher clergy increased, however, they
attracted more influential listeners; and at
last, when one of the Hamiltons came back
from Germany, where he had seen Luther,
and began himself to preach, the matter grew
serious. The Archbishop of Glasgow deter-
mined to strike a decisive blow, and, arrest-
ing this young nobleman, he burnt him in the
Glasgow market-place, on the last of Febru-
ary, 1527. He^had hoped that one example
would be sufficient, but the event little an-
swered his expectations. ^ The reek of Mr.
Patrick Hamilton," as some one said to him,
** infected as many as it did blow upon," and
it soon became necessary to establish a regu-
lar tribunal of heresy. Of the scenes which
took place at the trials, the following is not,
perhaps, an average specimen, but that such
a thing could have occurred at all, furnishes
matter for many curious reflections.
A certain Alexander Ferrier, who had been
taken prisoner in a skirmish and had been
kept seven years in England, found on his
return that *' the priest had entertained his
wife, and consumed his substance the while."
Being over loud in his outcries, he was accu-
sed of being a heretic, and ^wus summoned
before the bishops : when, instead of pleading
to the charges against himself, he repeated
bis own charges against the priest: —
^ * And for God's cause,' he adJed, * will ye take
wives of your own, that 1 and others, whose wives
ye have abused, may be ravenged upon you.'
Then Bishop Gavin l>nnbar, thinking to justify
himself before the people, said, * Carle, thou shalt
not know my wife.' The said Alexander an-
swered, * My lord, ye are too old, but with the
grace of God, I shall drink with your daughter be-
K>re I depart.' And thereat was smiling of the
best, and loud laughing of some : for the bishop
had a daughter, marriM with Andrew Balfour in I
the same town. Then, after divers purposes, they I
[Sept,
commanded him to burn his bill, and he demand-
ing the cause, said, * Because ye have spoken the
articles whereof ye are accused.' His answer
was, * The muckle devil bear themaway that first
and last spake them ;' and so he took tne bill and
chewing it, he suit it in Mr. Andrew Oliphant 's
face, saying, « Now burn it or drown it, whether
ve will, ye shall hear no more of me. But I mnst
have somewhat of every one of you to beginmy
pack again, which a priest and a priest's whore
have spent,' and so every prelate and rich priest,
glad to be rid of his evil tongue, gave him some-
what, and so departed he, for he understood no-
thing about religion." — Knox, ffisL p. 16.
Knox tells the story so dramatically, that
he was probably present. He had gone to
the trial perhaps, taking his incipient doubts
with him, to have them satisfied by high au-
thority. Lists of obnoxious persons, con*
taining several hundred names, were present-
ed to the king, and at one time a sort of con-
sent was extracted from him : but there was
a generosity of nature about James which
would not let him do wrong for any length
of time, apd he recalled the permission which
he had given before any attempt had been
made to execute it. Profligate himself, and
indiflferent to the profligacy of others, his in-
stincts taught him that it was not for such
princes as he was, or such prelates as those
of his church, to indulge in persecution ; and
as long ae he lived the sufferings of the Pro*
testants, except at rare intervals, were ne^er
very great. The example of England, and
the spoliation of the abbey lands now in rapid
progress there, forbade the bishops to ven-
ture on a quarrel with him, he might so ea-
sily be provoked into following a similar
course : and for a time they thought it more
prudent to suspend their proceedings, and
let things take their way.
So the two parties grew on, watching one
another's movements; the Reformation
spreading faster and faster, but still princi-
pally among the commons and the inferior
gentlemen ; the church growing «very day
more fruitful in wickedness, and waiting for
its opportunity to renew the struggle. The
Protestants showed no disposition to resent
their past ill treatment ; they were contented
to stand on their defence, and only wished
to be let alone. We are apt to picture them
to ourselves as a set of gloomy fanatics, such
men as Scott has drawn in Balfour of Burley
or Ephraim MacBriar. On close acquaint-
ance, however, they appear as little like fa-
natics as any set of men ever wore. The
gi'eat thing about which they were anxious
was to get rid of sin and reform their lives ;
and the temper in which they set about it
ISffd.J
JOHN KNOX.
was quiet, simple, and nnobtnisire ; a eertsin
broad humorous kindliness shows in all their
movements, the result of the unconscious
strength which was in them; they meddled
with no one, and with nothing ; the bishops
were welcomed to their revenues and their
women ; they envied them neither the one
nor the other; they might hate the sin, but
they could pity the sinner, and with their
seraglios and their mitres these great, proud
men, believing themselves to be the succes-
sors of the apostles, were rather objects of
compassionate laughter. Naturally they
recoiled from their doctrines when they saw
the fruits of them, but desirous only to live
justly and uprightly themselves, and to teach
one another how best to do it, they might
fairly claim to be allowed to go on in such a
purpose without interference ; and tho^e who
chose to ioterfere with them were clearly
responsible for any consequences which might
ensue.
Lost in their number, and as yet undistin-
guished among them, was John Knox. The-
odore Beza tells us, that early in his life be
had drawn on himself the animadversions of
the authorities of the University by his lec-
tures ; but this is not consistent with his own
account of himself, and it is clear that he re-
mained quietly and slowly making up his
mind, till within a year of James's death,
before he 6nally left the Catholic church.
He must then have been thirty-seven or
thirty-eight years old, and that he was so
long in taking his first step is not easily to
be reconciled with the modem theory, that
he was an eager and noisy demagogue. Nor,
after he had declared himself a Protestant,
was there any appearance of a disposition to
put himself forward; he settled down to
plain quiet work as a private tutor in a gen-
tleman's family. Whoever wishes to under-
stand Knox's character ought seriously to
think of this : an ambitious man with talents
such as his, does not wait till middle age to
show himself. Vanity, fanaticism, impa-
tience of control, these are restless, noisy
passions, and a man who was possessed by
them would not be found at forty teaching
the children of a poor Scotch laird. What-
ever be the real account of him, we must
not look for it in dispositions such as these.
But we are now coming to the time when
he was called upon to show what he was.
The death of James was followed by a
complication ef intrigues, which terminated
in the usurpation of the supreme power by
Cardinal Beaton, the nominal authority being
left to the regent— the foolish, incompetent
Earl of Arran. Cardinal Beaton, who was
the ablest, as well as the most profligate of
the prelates, had long seen that if the Refor-
mation was to be crushed at all it was time
to do it. The persecution had recommenced
after the death of the king ; but the work
was too important to be left in the hands of
the hesitating Arran. And Beaton, support-
ed by a legatlne authority from Rome, and
by the power of the French court, took it
into his own hands. The queen-mother
attached herself to his party, to ^ve his
actions a show of authority ; and with law,
if possible, and if not, then without law, he
determined to do what the interests of the
church required. At this crisis, George
Wishart, a native Scotchman, who had been
persecuted away a few years before by the
Bishop of Brechin, and had since resided at
Cambridge, reappeared in Scotland, and be-
gan to preach. He was by far the most
remarkable man who had as yet taken part
in the Protestant movement, and Knox at
once attached himself to him, and accom-
panied him on a preaching mission through
Lothian, carrying, we find (and this is the
first characteristic which we meet with of
Knox), a two-handed sword, to protect him
from attempts at assassination. They were
many weeks out together; Wishart field-
preaching, as we should call it, and here is
one little incident from among his adventures,,
which will not be without interest :
'* One day he preached for three hovrs by a
dyke on a muir edge, with the multituile about
him. In that sermon, God wrought so wonder-
fully by him, that one of the moAt wicked men
that was in that country, named LAwrence Ran-
ken, Laird of 8hie1, was converted. The tears
ran from his eyes in such abundance, that all
men wondered. His conversion was without hy-
pocrisy, for his life and conversation witnessed it
in all time to come."
Surely that is very beautiful : remmding
us of other scenes of a like kind fifteen hun-
dred years before : and do not let. ue think
it was noisy rant of doctriae, of theoretic
formulas ; like its antitype, like- all true
preaching, it was a preaching of repentance,
of purity and righteousness. It is strange,
that the great cardinal papal legate, repre-
sentative of the vicar of Christ, G<Kild find
nothing better to do with such a man than
to kill him ; such, however, was what be re-
solved on doing, and after murder had been
tried and had failed, he bribed the Earl of
Both well to seize him and send him prisoner
to St. Andrew's. Wishart was taken by
treachery, and knew instantly what was be*
JOHN KNOX
[Sept,
fore him. Knox refused to leave bim, and
insisted on sharing his fate ; but Wishart
forced him away. " ^2y»" ^® ^^» *' "^'ttrn
to your bairns; ane is sufficient for a sacrifice."
It was rapidly ended. He was hurried
away, and tried by what the cardinal called
form of law, and burnt under the walls of
the castle; the cardinal himself, the arch-
bishop of Glasgow, and other prelates, re-
clining on velvet cushions, in a window,
while the execution was proceeded with in
the court before their eyes. As the conse-
quences of this action were very serious, it
is as well to notice one point about it, one of
many — but this one will, for the present, be
sufficient. The execution was illegal. The
regelit had given no warrant to Beaton, or
to any other prelate, to proceed against
Wishart ; to an application for such a war-
rant, he had indeed returned a direct and
positive refusal ; and the execution was,
therefore, not in a moral sense only, but ac-
cording to the literal wording of the law,
.murder. The state of the case, in plain
terms, was this. A private Scottish subject,
for that he was a cardinal and a papal le-
gate made not the slightest difference, was
taking upon himself to kill, of his own pri-
vate motion, another Scottish subject who
was obnoxious to him. That the executive
government refused to interfere with him in
such proceedings, does not alter the charac-
ter of them ; it appears to us, indeed, that
by such a refusal, the government itself for-
feited the allegriance of the nation ; but, at
any rate, Beaton was guilty of murder, and
whatever punishment is due to such crimes,
he must be held to have deserved. Il is
necessary to keep this in view, if we are to
bring our judgment to bear fairly on what
followed. When governments are unwilling
or unable to enforce the established law, we
are thrown back upon those moral instincts on
which rightly understood law itself is founded,
and those who feel most keenly the horrors
of great crimes, are those who, in virtue of
that feeling, are the appointed avengers of
them. We shall tell the story of what fol-
lowed in Knox's own words, his very nar-
rative of it having itself been made matter
of weighty accusation against bim. The
cardinal, having some misgivings as to the
temper of the people, was hastily fortifying
his castle. Wishart had been burnt in the
.winter; it was now the beginning of sum-
tmer, and the nighis were so short that the
<lvorkmen never left the walls.
^* J^arly upon Saturday in the morning, the 2Qth
of May, the gates being open, and the drawbridge
let down for receiving of lime and stone, William
Kircaldy of- Grange, younger, and with him six
persons, getting entrance, neld purpose with the
porter, if my lord cardinal was waking? who
answered, * No,' — and so it was indeed ; for he
had been busy at his accounts with Mistress
Marion Ogilvy that night, who was espied to de-
part from him by the private postern that morn-
ing, and therefore quietness, after the rules of
physic, and a morning's sleep were requisite for
my lord. While the said William and the porter
talked, and bis servants made them look to the
work and *tki^ workmen, approached Norman
Leslie with his company, and because they were
noipvat number, they easily got entrance. They
addresi^ed them to the middle of the closs, and
immediately came John Leslie somewhat rudely
and four persons with him."
Knox goes on to tell how these young
men, sixteen in all, seized the castle, turning
every one out of it, and by threat of fire,
forced the cardinal to open the door of the
room where he had barricaded himself ; and
then he continues :
** The cardinal sat down in a chair, and cried,
* I am a priest — ^I am a priest, ye will not slay
me.' Then John Leslie struck him once or
twice, and so did Peter CarmichaeK But James
Melvin— a man of nature, most gentle, and most
modest — perceiving them both in cboler, with-
drew them, and said, ' This work and judgment
of God, although it be secret, yet ought to be
done with greater gravity.' And presenting to
him the point of his sword, be said, * Repent thee
of thy former wicked life, but especially of the
shedding of the blood of that notable instrument
of God, Mr. George Wishart, which albeit the
flames of fire consumed before men, yet cries it
with a vengeance upon thee, and we from God
are sent to revenge it. For here before my God,
I protest, that neither the hatred of thy person,
the love of thy riches, nor the fear of any trouble
thou cottldst have done to me in particular, moved
or moveth me to strike thee, but only because
thou hast been and remainest an obstinate enemy
to Christ Jesus and his holy evangel.' And so
he struck him twice or thrice through with a
sword ; and so he fell, never word heard out of
his mouth, but ' I am a priest — I am a priest—
fie, fie, all is gone.' "
" The foulest crime," exclaims Chalmers,
** which ever stained a country." • * ♦ •« It
is very horrid, yet, at the same time, amus-
ing," says Mr. Hume, " to consider the joy,
alacrity, and pleasure which Knox discovers
in his narrative of it," and so on through all
the historians.
** Expectes eadem summo minimoque poet&,"
even those most favorable to the Beformers*
1868.]
JOHK KNOX.
not Tenturing upon more than an apologetic
disapproval. With the most unaccountable
perversity they leave out of sight, or in the
shade, the crimes of Beaton ; and seeing
only that he was put to death by men who
bad no legal authority to execute him, they
can see in their action nothing but an out-
break of ferocity. We cannot waste our
time in arguing the question. The estates
of Scotland not only passed an amnesty for
all parties concerned, but declared that they
had deserved well of their cquj^^Wy in being
true to the laws of it, when the legitimate
guardians of the laws forgot their duty;
and, surely, any judgment which will con-
sider the matter without temper, will arrive,
at the same conclusion. As to Mr. Hume's
" horror and amusement " at Knox's narra-
tive : if we ask ourselves what a clear-eyed
sound -hearted man ought to have felt on
such an occasion, we shall feel neither pne
nor the other. Is the irony so out of place ?
If such a man, living such a life, and calling
himself a priest and a cardinal, be not an
object of irony, we do not know what irony
is for. Nor can we tell where a man who
believes in a just God, could find fitter
matter for exultation, than in the punirthment
which struck down a powerful criminal,
whose position appeared to secure him from
it.
The regent, who had been careless for
Wishart, was eager to revenge Beaton. The
little "forlorn hope of the Reformation"
was blockaded in the castle ; and Knox, who,
as Wishart's nearest friend, was open to sus-
picion, and who is not likely to have conceal-
ed his opinion of what had been done, al-
though he had not been made privy to the
intention, was before long induced to join
them. His life was in danger, and he had
thought of retiring into Germany ; but the
Lord of Ormiston, whose sons were under
his care, and who was personally connected
with the party in the castle, persuaded him
to take refuge there, carrying his pupils with
him. Up to this time he had never preach-
ed, nor had he thought of preaching ; but
cast in the front of the battle as he was
now, the time was come when he was to
know his place, and was to take it. The
siege was indefinitely protracted. The castle
was strong, and supplies were sent by sea
from England. The garrison was strength-
ened by adventureis, who, for one motive or
another, gathered in there, and the regent
could make no progress towards reducing
them. The town of St. Andrews was gene-
rally on their side, and» except when it was
occupied by the regent's soldiers, was open
to them to come and go. Taking advantage
of this opportunity, Knox was often with
his boys in the church, and used to lecture
and examine them there. It attracted the
notice of the townspeople, who wished to
hear more of the words of such a man.
The castle party themselves, too, finding
that they had no common person among
them, joined in the same desire: and as —
being a priest — there could be- no technical
objection to his preaching, by a general con-
sent he was pressed to come forward in the
pulpit. The modern associations with the
idea of preaching will hardly give us an idea
I of what it was when the prolwible end of it
was the stake or the gibbet ; and although
the fear of stake or gibbet was not likely to
have influenced Knox, yet the responsibility
of the office in his eyes was, at least, as
great as the danger of it, and he declined to
** thrust himself where he had no vocation."
On which there followed a very singular
scene in the chapel of the castle. In the
eyes of others his power was his vocation,
and it was )iecessary to bring him to a con-
sciousness of what was evident to every one
but himself. On Sunday, after the sermon,
John Bough, the chaplam, 'turned to him as
he was silling in the body of the chapel, and
calling him by his name, addressed him
thus : —
'* Brcther, ye shall not be offended, albeit, that
I speak unto vou that which I have in charge,
even from all these that are here present, which
is thifi. In the name of God, and of hi«i son
Jesus Christ, and in the name of those that pre-
sently call you by my mouth, I charge you that
ye refuse not this holy vocation ; but as ye ti^n-
der the glory of God, the increase of Christ's
kingdom, the edification of your brethren, that ye
take upon you the public ofiice and charge of
preaching, even as ye look to avoid God's heavy
displeasure, and desire that he shall multiply his
grace with you."
Then, turning to the rest of the assembly,
he asked whether he had spoken well.
They all answered that he had, and that they
approved.
*' Whereat, the said John, abashed, burst forth
in the most abundant tears, and withdrew him-
self to his chamber. His countenance and be-
havior from that day till the day that he was
compelled to present himself to the public place
of preaching, did sufficiently declare the grief
and trouble of his heart, for no man saw any
signs of mirth in him, neither yet had he plea-
sure to accompany any man many days to-
gether."
8
JOHK Kirox.
[Septi
Again, we ask, is this the ambidons dema-
gogue— the stirrer-up of sedition — the enemy
of order and authority ? Men have strange
ways of accounting for what prerlexes them.
This was the cnll of Knox. It may seem a
light matter to us, who ha^e learnt to look on
preaching as a routine operation in which only
by an effort of thought we are able to stimu-
late an interest in ourselves. To him, as his
after history slfowed, it implied a life*battle
with the powers of evil, a stormy tempestu-
ous career, with no prospect of rest before
the long rest of the grave.
The remainder of this St. Andrews busi-
ness is briefly told: — At the end of fifteen
months the castle was taken by the French in
the name of the regent ; and the garrison, with
John Knox among them, carried off as prison-
ers to the galleys, thenceforward the greater
number of them to disappear from history.
Let us look once more at them before they
take their leave. They were f ery young men,
some of them under twenty ; but in them, and
in that action of theirs, lay the germ of the
after Reformation. It was not, as we said, a
difference in speculative opinion, like that
which now separates sect from sect, which
lay at the heart of that firreat movement ; the
Scotch intellect was little given to B^btJety,
and there was nothing of sect or sectarianism
in the matter. But as Cardinal Beaton was
the embodiment of everything which was most
wicked, tyrannical, and evil in the dominant
Catholicism, so the conspiracy of these young
men to punish him was the antecedent of the
revolt of the entire nation against it, when
the pollution of its presence could no longer
be borne. They had done their part, and for
their reward they were swept away into exile,
with prospects sufficiently cheerless. They
bore their fortune with something more than
fortitude, yet again with no stoic grimness or
fierceness ; but, as far as we can follow them,
with an easy, resolute cheerfulness. Attempts
were made to force them to hear mass, but
with poor effect, for their tongues were saucy,
and could not be restrained. When the Salve
Regina was sung on board the galley, the
Scotch prisoners clapt on their bonnets. The
story of the painted Regina which Knox, or
one of them, pitched overboard is well-known.
Another story of which we hear less, is still
more striking. They had been at sea all nigh t,
and Knox, who was weak and ill, was fainting
over his oar in the gray of the morning, when
James Balfour, as the sun rose, touched his
arm, and pointing over the water, asked him
if he knew where he was. There was the
white church-tower, and the white houses,
gleaming in the early sunlight, and all which
was left standing of the Castle of St. Andrews.
" I know it," he answered ; " yes, 1 know it
I see the steeple of that place where God first
opened my mouth in public to. his glory, and
I shall not depart this life till my tongue again
glorify his Name in that place." Most touch-
ing, and most beautiful. We need not be-
lieve, as some enthusiastic people believed,
that there was anything preternatural in such
a con viction . Love, faith, and hope, the great
Christian virtues, will account for it. Love
kept faith and hope alive in hhn, and he was
sure that the right would prosper, and he hop-
ed that he would live to see it. It is but a
.poor philosophy which, by comparison of dates
and labored evidence that the words were
spoken in one year and fulfilled so many years
after, would materialiee so fine a piece of na-
ture into a barren miracle.
Such were the conftpirators of St. Andrews,
of whom we now take our leave to follow the
fortunes of Knox. He remained in the gal-
leys between three and four years, and was
then released at the intercession of the Eng-
lish Government. At that time he was, of
course, only known to them as one of the par-
ty who had been at the castle ; but he was
no sooner in England than his value was at
once perceived, and employment was found
for him. By Edward's own desire he was ap-
pointed one of the preachers before the court ;
and a London rectory was offered to him,
which, however, he was obliged to refuse.
England, after all, was not the place for him ;
nor the Church of England, such as, for po-
litical reasons, it was necessary to constitute
that Church. Indeed he never properly un-
derstood the English character. A Church
which should seem to have authority, and yet
which should be a powerless instrument of
the State ; a rule of faith apparently decisive
and consistent, and yet so little decisive, and
so little consistent, that, to Protestants it could
speak AS Protestant, and to Catholics as Ca-
tholic ; which should at once be vague, and
yet definite ; diffident, and yet peremptory ;
and yet which should satisfy the religious
necessities of a serious and earnest people ;
such a'midge-madge as this (as Cecil describ-
ed it, when, a few years later, it was in the
process of reconstruction under his own eye),
suited the genius of the English, but to the
reformers of other countries it was a hopeless
perplexity. John Knox could never find him-
self at home in it. The " tolerabiles intptim'^
at which C&lvin smiled, to him were not to-
lerable ; and he shrank from identifying him-
self with so seemingly unreal a system, !by ao-
1858.]
JOBS KNOX.
ceptiBg any of its higfier offices. The force
of his character, however, brought him into
constant contact with the ruling powers ; and
here the extraordinary faculty which he pos-
sessed of seeing into men's characters becomes
first conspicuous. At no time of his life, as
far, as we have means of knowing, was he ever
ttffstiiken in the nature of the persons with
whom he had to deal ; and he was not less
remarkable for the fearlessness with which
he would say what he thought of them. If
we wish to 6nd the best account of Edward's
ministers, we must go to the surviving frag-
ments of Knox's sermons for it, which were
preached in their own presence. His duty
as a preacher he supposed to consist, not in
delivering homilies against sin in general, but
in speaking to this man and tp that man, to
kin^ and queens, and dukes, and earls, of
their own sinful acts as they sate below him ;
and they all quailed before him. We hear
much of his power in the pulpit, and this was
the secret of it. Never, we suppose, before
or since, have the ears of great men grown
so hot upon them, or such words been neard
in the courts of princes. "I am greatly
afraid/' he said once, " that Ahitopbel is coun-
sellor ; and Shebnah is scribe, controller, and
treasurer." And Ahitopbel and Shebnah
were both listening to his judgment of them :
the first in the person of the then omnipo-
tent Duke of Northumberland ; and the se-
cond in that of Lord Treasurer Paulet Mar-
quis of Winchester. The force which then
must have been in him to have carried such
a practice through, he, a poor homeless,
friendless exile, without stay or strength, but
what was in his own heart, must have been
enormons. Nor is it less remarkable that
the men whom he so roughly handled were
forced to bear with him. Indeed they more
tban bore with him, for the Duke of North-
umberland pr^osed to make him Bishop of
Rochester, and had an interview with him on
the subject, which, however, led to no con-
clusion ; the duke having to complain that
"he had found Mr. Knox neither grateful
nor pleaseable :" the meaning of which was,
that Knox, knowing that he was a bad, hol-
low-hearted man, had very uncourteously told
him so. But upheld as he was by the per-
sonal regard of the young king, his influence
was eyery day increasinfir, and it was proba-
bly in consequenee of this that the further
developments of Protestantism, which we
know to have been in contemplation at the
close of Edward's reign, were resolved upon.
It is impossible to say how far such mea-
sares could have been carried out success-
fully, but we cannot think that it was for the
interest of England that Knox, who had
formed his notions of Catholicism from his
experience of Scotland, should determine
how much or how little of it should be re-
tained in the English polity. Sooner or later
it would have involved the country in a civil
war, the issue of which, in the criiical temper
of the rest of Europe, could not have been
other than doubtful ; and it has been at all
times the iustinctive tendency of English
statesmen to preserve the very utmost of the
past which admits of preservation. The Via
Media Anglicana was & masterpiece of states-
manship, when we consider the emergencies
which it was constructed to meet ; the very
features in it which constitute its imbecility
as an enduring establishment, being what es-
pecially adapted it to the exigencies of a
peculiar crisis. A better scene for Knox's
labors was found at Berwick, where he could
keep up his communication with Scotland,
and where the character of the English more
nearly resembled that of his own people.
Here he remained two years, and appealed
afterwards, with no little pride, to what he
had done in reinine in the fierce and lawless
border- thieves, and the soldiers of the Eng-
lish garrison, whose wild life made them al-
most as rough as the borderers themselves.
For the time that he was there, he says him-
self, there was neither outrage nor license in
Berwick. But he had no easy work of it,
and whenever in his letters he speaks of his
life, he calls it his " battle."
At Berwick, nevertheless, he found but a
brief resting-place, and on the death of Ed-
ward, and the re-establishment of Catholi-
cism, he had to choose whether he would fly
again, or remain and die. He was a man too
marked and too dangerous to hope for escape,
while as an alien he had no relations in Eng-
land to be offended by his death. In such a
state of things we can scarcely wonder that
he hesitated. Life was no pleasant place for
him. He saw the whole body of the noble-
men and gentlemen of England apostatize
without an effort ; and the Eeformationgone,
as it seemed, like a dream — Scotland was
wholly French^the Queen in Paris, and be-
trothed to the Dauphin ; with the persecu-
tion of Protestantism in full progress under
the Archbishop of St. Andrews. And though
his faith never failed him, the world appeared^
for a time, to be given over to evil ; martyrs,
he thought, were wanted, "and he could
never die in a more noble quarrel ;" it was
better that he should stay where he was, and
" end his battle."
10
JOHN EKOX
ISept,
In this purpose, however, he was overruled
by his friends, who, " partly by admonition,
partly by tears, constrained him to obey, and
give place to the fury and rage of- Satan."
He escaped into France, and thence into
Germany ; and after various adventures, and
persecuted from place to place, he found a
welcome and a home at last with Calvin, at
Geneva. While in England he had been en-
gaged to the daughter of a Mr. Bowes, a
gentleman of family in the north, and with
Mrs. Bowes, the mother, he now kept up a
constant correspondence. These letters are
the most complete exhibilion of the real na-
ture of Knox which remain to us. We can-
not say what general readers will think of
them. It will depend upon their notions of
what human life is, and what the meaning is
of their being placed in this world. It
might be thought that, flying for his life into
a strange country, without friends and with-
out money, he would say something, in writ-
ing to the mother of his intended wife, of
the way in which he had fared She, too,
we might fancy, would be glad to know that
he was not starving ; or, if he was, to know
even that, in order that she might contrive
some means of helping him. And after-
wards, when he had found employment and
a home at Geneva, we look for something
about his prospects in life, his probable means
of maintaining a family, and so on. To any
one of ourselves in such a position, these
things would be at least of some importance ;
but they were of none either to him or to his
correspondent. The business of life, as they
understood it, was to overcome the evil which
they found in themselves; and their letters
are mutual confessions of shortcomings and
temptations. When Knox thinks of England,
it is not to regret his friends or his comforis
there, but only to reproach himself for ne-
glected opportunities : —
** Some will ask," he writes, •* why I did flee —
assuredly I cannot tell — but of one thing I am
sure, that the fear of death was not the cause of
9iy fleeing. My prayer is that I may be restored
to the battle again."
It would not be thought that, after he had
dared the anger of the Duke of Northumber-
land, he could be accused of want of boLiness
or plainness of speech, and yet, in his own
judgment of himself, he had been a mere
coward : —
*' This day my conscience accuseth me that I
spake not so plainly as my duty was to have done,
for I ought to have said to the wicked man ex-
pressly by his name, thon shalt die the death ; for
1 find Jeremiah the prophet to have done so, and
not only be, but also Elijah, Elisha, Micah, Amoa,
Daniel, Christ Jesus himself. I accuse none but
myself; the love that I did bear to this my wicked
carcase, was the chief cause that I was not faith-
ful or fervent enough in that behalf. 1 had no
will to provoke the hatred of men. I would not
be seen to* proclaim manifest war affsinst the ma-
nifest wicked, whereof unfeighedlyl ask my God
mercy." . . . . " And besides this, I waa
assaulted, yea, infected and corrupted with more
gross sins — that is, my wicked nature desired the
favor, the estimation, the praise of men. Against
which albeit that some time the Spirit of God did
move me to fight, and earnestly did stir me — ^God
knoweth I lie not— to sob and lament for those
imperfections, yet never ceased they to trouble me,
and so privily and craftily that I could not perceive
myself to be wounded till vainglory had almost
gotten the upper hand."
And again, with still more searching self-
reproof : —
" I have sometimes been in that security that I
felt not dolor for sin, neither yet displeasure
against myself for any iniquity in which J did of-
fend ; but rather my vain heart did then flatter
myself (I write the truth to my own confusion)—
thou hast suffered great trouble for professing
Christ's truth ; God has done great things for thee,
delivering thee from that most cruel bondage. He
has placed thee in a most honorable vocation, and
thy labors are not without fruit ; therefore thou
oughtest rejoice and give praises to God. Oh,
mother, this was a sul^Ie serpent who could thus
pour in venom, I not perceiving it"
God help us all, we say, if this is sin. And
yet, if we think of it, is not such self-abnega-
tion th^ one indispensable necessity for all
men, and most of all for a reformer of the
world, if his reformation is to be anything
except a change of one evil for a worse. Who
can judge others who has not judged him-
self? or who can judge for others while his
own small self remains at the bottom of his
heart, as the object for which he is mainly
concerned ? For a reformer there is no sin
more fatal ; and unless, like St. Paul, he can
be glad, if necessary, to be made even ** an-
athema for his brethren,'* he had better leave
reforming alone.
The years which Knox spent at Geneva
were, probably, the happiest in his life. Es-
sentially a peace-loving man, as all good men
are, he'found himself, for the first time, in a
sound and wholesome atmosphere. Mrs.
Bowes and her daughter, after a time, were
able to join him there ; and, with a quiet con-
gregation to attend to, and with Calvin for a
friend, there was nothing left for him to de-
18^8.J
JOHN KNOX
11
sire which such a man as he coald expect life
to yield. ''The Geneva Church," he said,
** 18 the most perfect school of Christ that
ever was on earth since the days of the apos-
tles." And let us observe his reason for say-
ing so. " In other places/' be adds, <' I con-
fess Christ to be truly preached, but manners
and religion so sincerely reformed I have not
jet seen in any other place besides." He
could have been well contented to have lived
out his life at Geneva; as, long after, he
looked wistfully back to it, and longed to re-
turn and die there. But news from Scotland
soon disturbed what was but a short breath-
ing time. The Marian persecution had filled
the Lowlands with preachers, and the shift-
ing politics of ihe time had induced the court
to connive at, if not to encourage them. The
queen-mother had manoeuvrea the regency
into her own hand, but, in doing so, had of-
fended the Hamiltons, who were the most
powerful of the Catholic families ; and, at the
same time, the union of EngUnd and 8pain
had obliged the French court to temporize
with the Huguenots. The Catholic vehe-
mence of the Guises was neutralized by the
hroader sympathies of Henry the Second,
who, it was said, " would shake hands with
the devil, if he could gain a purpose by it ;"
and thuBy in France and in Scotland, which
was now wholly governed by French influ-
ence» the Protestants found everywhere a
temporary respite from ill usage. It was a
shortlived anomaly ; but in Scotland it lasted
long enough to turn the scale, and give them
an advantage which was never lost again.
At the end of 1555, John Knox ventured
to reappear there; and the seed which had
been scattered eight years before, he found
growing over all the Lowlands. The noble
u>rds now came about him ; the old Earl of
^I'gylCy Lord James Stuart, better known
after as Earl of Murray, Lord Glencairn, the
Erskines, and many others. It was no longer
the poor commons and the townspeople ; the
whole nation appeared to be moving ; much
latent skepticism, no doubt, being quickened
into conversion by the prospect of a share
in the abbey- lands ; but with abundance of
real earnestness as well, which taueht Knox
what might really be hoped for. Knox him-
self, to whom, with an unconscious unanimi-
ty, they all looked for guidance, proceeded
at once to organize them into form, and, as
a first step, proposed that an oath should be
taken by all who called themselves Protest-
ants, never any more to attend the mass. So
serious a step could not be taken without
provoking notice ; the Hamiltons patched up
their differences with the regent on the spot,
and Knox was summoned before the Bishops'
Court at Edinburgh to answer for himself.
It was just ten years since they had caught
Wishart and burned him: but things were
changed now, and when Knox appeared in
Edinburgh he was followed by a retinue of
hundreds of armed gentlemen and noblemen.
The bishops shrank from a collision, and did
not prefer their charge; and, on the day
whicn had been fixed for his trial, he
preached in Edinburgh to the largest Pro-
testant concourse which had ever assembled
there. He was not courting rebellion, but
so large a majority of the population of Scot-
land were now on the reforming side, that he
felt — and who does not feel with him ? —
that, in a free country, the lawful rights of
the people in a matter touching what they
conceived to be their most sacred duty were
not to be set aside and trampled upon any
mQre by an illegal and tyrannical power. In
the name of the people he now drew up his
celebrated petition to the queen regent, beg-
ging to be heard in his defence, protesting *
against the existing ecclesiastical system, and
the wickedness which had been engendered
by it. It was written firmly but respectfully,
and the regent would have acted more wise-
ly if she had considered longer the answer
which she made. to it. She ran her eye over
the p< ges, and turning to the Archbishop of
Glasgow,»who was standing near her, she
tossed it into his hands, saying, "Will it
please you, my lord, to read a pasquil ?"
" Madam,'* wrote Knox, when he heard of it,
** if ye no more esteem the admonition of God, nor
the cardinals do the scofiing of pa aq nils, then He
shall shortly 9end you messengers with whom ye
shall not be able in that manner to jest."
It is the constant misfortune of govern-
ments that they are never able to disUnguish
the movements of just national anger from
the stir of superficial discontent. The sailor
knows what to look for when the air is moan-
ing in the shrouds ; the fisherman sees the
coming tempest in the heaving of the under*
roll; but governments can never read the
signs of the times, though they are written
in fire before their eyes. For the present it
was thought better that Knox should leave
Scotland while his friends in the meantime
organized themselves more firmly. To a
grave and serious people civil war is the most
desperate of remedies, and by his remaining
at this moment it would have been inevitably
precipitated. He was no sooner gone than
the Archbishop of St. Andrews again sum-
12
jomr KNOX.
[Sept.9
moned him. He was condemned in his ab- ^
sence, and bnraed in effigy the next day at
the market cross. But the people were no
longer in the old mood of submission, and to
this bonfire they replied with another. " The
great idol" of Edinburgh, St. Giles, vanished
iDfif his perch in the rood-loft 'of the High
Church, and, after a plunge in the North
Loch, the next day was a heap of ashes. The
offenders were not forth commg, and not to
be found ; and the regent, in high anger,
summoned the preachers to answer for them.
To secure herself against being a second time
baffled as she had been before, by the inter-
ference of the people, she put out a procla-
mation that all persons who had come to
Edinburgh without authority should forth-
with depart from it. It so happened that
''certain faithful of the west,*' some of Lord
Argyle's men, probably, were in the town.
They had come in at the news that the
preachers were to be tried, and the meaning
of this proclamation was perfectly clear to
them ; so, by way of reply to it, they assem-
bled together, forced their way into presence-
chamber, where the queen was in council
with the bishops, to complain of such strange
entertainment ; and not getting such an an-
swer as they desired, one of them said to
her, ** Madam, we know this is the malice
and device of those jefwellis and of that
bastard (the Archbishop of St. Andrews)
that stands by you ; we avow to God we
shall make a day of it. They oppress us and
our tenants for feeding of their idle bellies.
They trouble us and our preachers, and
would murder them, and us. Shall we suf-
fer this any more ? Nay, madam, it shall not
be.'' "And therewith every man put on
his steel bonnet."
When i^ilinc; powers have listened to lan-
guage like this, and answer steel bonnets
with smooth speeches and concessions, the
one thing left for such rulers is to take them-
selves away with as much rapidity as they
can, for rule they neither do nor can. At
this time almost the whole of the nobility,
for honest or dishonest reasons, were on the
reforming side. The Church, unluckily for
itself, was rich : they were poor ; and if some
of them had no sympathy with Protestantism,
they had also ceased to believe that any ser-
vice which Catholicism could do for them
entitled it to half the land in Scotland. It
was, consequently, with little or no effect,
that the bishops now appealed for protection
to the nobles. The Archbishop of St. An-
drews sent a long remonstrance to Lord Ar-
gyle for maintainmg a reforming preacher.
*' He preaches against idolatry," Lord Argyle
answered coldly. *' I remit it to your lord-
ship's conscience if that be heresy. He
preaches against adultery and fornication.
I remit that to your lordship's conscience.'*
And the archbishop's connection with Lady
Gilton being somewhat notorious, it was dif-
ficult for him to meet such an answer.
If the question had been left for Scotland
to settle for itself, the solution of it would
have been rapid and simple. But the regent
knew that sooner or later she might count on
the support of France ; and she believed,
with good reason, that if the real power of
France was once brought to bear, such re-
sistance as the Scotch could offer to it would
be crushed with little difficulty. The mar-
riage of the young queen with the Dauphin,
and the subsequent death of Henry, removed
the causes which had hitherto prevented her
from being supported. The Guises were
again omnipotent in Paris, and their ambi-
tion, not contented with France and Scot-
land, extended itself on the death of Mary
Tudor to England as well. With the most
extravagant notions of England's weakness,
and with a belief, which was rather better
grounded, that the majority of the people
were ill affected to a Protestant sovereign,
they conceived that a French army had only
to appear over the border with the flag of
Mary Stuart displayed, for the same scenes
to be enacted over again as had been wit-
nessed six years before ; and that Elizabeth
would as easily be shaken from the throne
as Jane Grey had been. But the success of
the blow might depend upon the speed with
which it could be struck ; and no time was,
therefore, to be lost in bringing Scotland to
obedience. Accordingly, under one pretence
and another, large bodies of troops were car-
ried over, and the queen regent was instruct-
ed to temporize and flatter the Protestants
into security, till a sufficient number had been
assembled to crush them. It is no slight
evidence of their good meaning that they
should have allowed themselves to be de-
ceived by her, but deceived they certainly
were; and except for Knox's letters, with
which he incessantly urged them to watch-
fulness, they might have been deceived fatal-
ly. But the clear strong understanding of
Knox, far away as he was, saw through the
real position of things. There was no one
living whose political judgment was more
sound than his, and again and again he laid
before them their danger and their duty.
He saw that the intention was to make Scot-
land a French province, and how it would
1858.]
JOHN KNOX
18
fare then with the Reformation was no diflS-
cult question.
•* Gfod Fpeakelh to ynnr conscience, therefore,"
be wrote to the lords, " unless ye be dead with the
biind world, that you oogfht to hazard your lives,
be it affainst kings and emperors, for the deliver-
ence of your brethren. For timt cause are ye
called princes of the people, and receive of your
brethren honor, tribute, and homage — not by rea-
son cf your birth and progeny, as most part of
men falsely do suppose, but by reason of your
office and duty, which is to vindicate and deliver
your subjects and brethren from all violence and
oppreasion to the uttermost of your power."
In the meantime time the Church, as a
prelude to the energetic measures which
were in contemplation, thought it decent to
attempt some sort of a reformation within
itself. We [smile as we look through the
articles which were resolved upon by the
epbcopal conclave. They proposed, we pre-
sume, to proceed with moderation, and con-
tent themselves with doing a little at a time.
No person in future was to hold an ecclest
asUcal benefice except a priest, such benefi-
ces having hitherto furnished a convenient
maintenance for illegiiigoate children. No
hirkman was to nourish hia bairn in his own
company, but every one was to hold the chil-
dren of others. And such bairn was in no
case to succeed his father in his benefice.
The naiveti of these resolutions disarms our
indignation, but we shall scarcely wonder
any more at the rise or the speed of Pro-
testantism. On the strength of them, how-
ever, or rather on the strength of the French
troops, they were now determined to go on
with the persecution ; Walter Milne, an old
man of eighty, was seized and burnt ; and
although the queen regent aflfected to de-
plore the bishops' severity, no one doubted
that either she herself or the queen in Paris
had directed them to proceed.
Now, therefore, or never, the struggle was
to be. Knox left Geneva, with Calvin's
blessing, for a country where he was under
sentence of death, and where his appearance
would be the signal either for the execution
of it or for war. Civil war it could scarcely
be called, — it would be a war of the Scottish
nation against their sovereign supported by
a foreign army ; but even so, no one knew bet-
ter than he that armed resistance to a sover-
eign was the last remedy to which subjects
ought to have recourse — a remedy which
they are only justified in seeking when to
obey man is to disobey God ; or to use more
human language, when it is no longer possi-
ble for them to submit to their sovereign
without sacrificing the highest interests of
life. . However, such a time he felt was now
come. After the specimen which the Catho-
lics had given of their notion of a reforma-
tion, to leave the religious teaching of an
earnest people in their hands was scarcely
better than leaving it to the devil ; and if iir
was impossible to wrest it from them except
by rebellion, the crime would lie at the door
of those who had made rebellion necessary.
Crime, indeed, there always is at such times ;
and treason is not against person, but against
the law of right and justice. If it be trea*
son to resist the authority except in the last
extremity, yet when such extremity has
arisen, it has arisen through the treason of
the authority itself ; and, therefore, bad
princes, who have obliged their subjects to
depose them, are justly punished with the
extremest penalties of human justice. That
is the naked statement of the law, however
widely it may be necessary to qualify it, in
its application to life.
On the 2nd of May, 1559, Knox landed in
Scotland ; crossing over, by a curious coinci-
dence, in the same ship which brought in the
new great seal of the kingdom, with the arms
of England quartered upon it. The moment
was a critical one ; for the preachers were aU
assembled at Perth preparatory to appearing
at Stirling on the lOth of the same month,
where they wete to answer for their lives.
Lord Glencairn had reminded the regent of
her many promises of toleration ; and throw-
ing away the mask at last, she had haughtily
answered, that "it became not subjects to
burden their princes with promises further
than as it pleased them to keep the same."
The moment was come she believed when she
could crush them altogether, and crush them
she would. As soon as the arrival of Knox
was known, a price was set upon his head ;
but he determined to join hia brother minis-
ters on the spot and share their fortune. He
hurried to Perth, where Lord Glencairn and
a few other gentlemen had by that time col-
lected to protect them with some thousand
armed followers. The other noblemen were
distracted, hesitating, uncertain. Lord James
Stuart, and young Lord Argyle, were still with
the queen regent , so even was Lord Ruthven,
remaining loyal to the last possible moment,
and still hoping that the storm might blow
over. And the regent still trifled with their
credulity as long as they would allow her to
impose upon it. Pretending to be afraid of
a tumult, she used their influence to prevail
upon the preachers to remain where they
I were, and not to appear on the day fixed for
14
JOHN KNOX.
[Sept.,
their trial ; and the preachers, acting as they
were advised, found themselves outlawed for
contumacy. It was on a Sunday that the
news was brought them of this proceeding,
and the people of Perth, being many of
them Protestants, Knox, by the general voice,
was called upon to preach. Let us pause
for a few moments to look at him. He was
DOW fifty -four years old, undersized, but
strongly and nervomly formed, and with a
long beard falling down to his waist. His
features were of the pure Scotch cast ; the
high cheekbone, arched but massive eyebrow,
and broad under jaw ; with long full eyes,
the steadiness of which, if we can trust the
pictures of him, must have been painful for
a man of weak nerves to look at. The mouth
free, the lips slightly parted with the inces-
sant play upon thi^m of that deep power
which is properly the sum of all the moral
poweijs of man's nature — the power which
we call humor, when it is dealing with venial
weakness, and which is bitterest irony and
deepest scorn and hatred for wickedness and
lies. The general expression is one of repose,
but like the repose of the limbs of the Her-
cules, with a giant's strength traced upon
every line of it. Such was the man who
was called to fill the pulpit of the High
Church of Perth on the 11th of May, 1669.
Of the power of his preaching we have many
testimonies, that of Randolph, the English
ambassador, being the most terse and striking ;
that " it stirred his heart more than six hun-
dred trumpets braying in his ears.*' The
subject on this occasion was the one all -com-
prehensive ** mass,^* the idolatry of it ; and
the good people of Perth, never having
heard his voice before, we can understand
did not readily disperse when he had done.
They would naturally form into groups, com-
pare notes and impressions, and bang a long
time about the church before leaving it. In
the disotder of the town the same church
served, it seems, for sermon and for mass ;
when the first was over the other took its
turn : and as Knox had been longer than the
pHest expected, the latter came in and opened
the tabej;nacle before the congregation were
gone. An eager-hearted boy who had been
listening to Knox with all his ears, and was
possessed by what he had heard, cried out
when he saw' it, " This is intolerable, that
when God has plainly damned idolatry we
shall stand by and see it used in despite. "
The priest in a rage turned and struck him,
his temper naturally, being at the moment
none of the sweetest ; and the boy, as boys
sometimes do on such occasions, flung a
stone at him in return. Missing the priest
he hit the tabernacle, and " did break an
image." A small spark is enough when the
ground is strewed with gunpowder. In a
few moments the whole machinery of the
ritual, candles, tabernacle, vestments, cruci*
fixes, images were scattered to all the winds.
The fire burnt the faster for the fuel, and
from the church the mob poured away to the
monasteries in the town. No lives were lost,
but before evening they were gutted and in
ruins. The endurance of centuries had sud*
denly given way, and the anger which for all
these years had been accumulating, rushed
out like some great reservoir which has burst
its embankment and swept everything before
it. To the Protestant leaders this ebullition
of a mob, '' the rascal multitude," as even
Knox calls it, was as unwelcome as it was
welcome to the queen regent. She swore
that " she would cut oflf from Perth man,
woman, and child, that she would drive a
plough over it and sow it with salt ; and she
at once marched upon the town to put her
threat in execution. The lords met in haste
to . determine what they should do, but were
unable to determine anything; and only
Lord Glencairn was bold enough to risk the
obloquy of being charged with countenan-
cing sedition. When he found himself alone
in the assembly, he declared, that " albeit
never a man accompanied him, he would stay
with the brethren, for he had rather die with
that company than live after them." But
his example was not followed ; all the others
thought ft better to remain with the regent,
and endeavor, though once already so bitterly
deceived by her, to mediate and temporize.
The town people in the meantime had
determined to resist to the last extremity,
and the regent was rapidly* approaching.
With a most creditable anxiety to prevent
bloodshed. Lord James Stuart and Lord
Argyle prevailed on the burgesses to name
the conditions on which they would surren-
der, and when the latter bad consented to
do so, if the queen would grant an amnesty
for the riot, and would engage that Perth
should not be obliged to receive a French
garrison, they hurried to lay these terms be-
fore her. The regent had no objection to
purchase a bloodless victory with a promise
which she had no intention of observing.
Perth opened its gates ; and, marching in at
the head of her troops, she deliberately vio-
lated every article to which she had bound
herself. The French soldiers passing along
the High-street fired upon the house of an.
obnoxious citixen^ and killed one of his chil-
1859.]
JOHN KNOX
15
dren ; and witb/aA impolitic parade of per-
fidy the princess replied ' only to the com-
plaints of the people, that *' she was sorry
it was the child and not the father/' and she
left the offending soldiers as the garrison of
the town. Her falsehood was as imprudent
as it was abominable. The two noblemen
withdrew indignantly from the court, declar-
ing formally that they would not support
her in "such manifest tyranny;" and join-
ing themselves openly to Knoi, they hast-
ened with him to St. Andrews, where they
were presently joined by Lord Ochiltree and
Lord Glencaim, and from thence sent out a
hasty circular, inviting the gentlemen and
lords of Scotland to assemble for the defence
of the kingdom. It was still uncertain what
support they might eipect, and before any
support had actually arrived, when Knox
hastened to realize the conviction which
long ago he had expressed on bo<ird the
French galley, and to <' glorify God " in the
pulpit of the Church where " God had first
opened his voice." If he had superstitious
feelings on the matter we cannot quarrel
with him for them ; and although it was at
the risk of his life, (for a detachment of the
French were at Falkland, only twelve miles
distant, and the archbishop had sent a mes-
sage to the lords, " that in case the said
John presented himself to the preaching
place in his town, he should gar him be
saluted with a dozen culverins, whereof the
most part should light on his nose,") yet at
such a time the boldest policy is always the
soundest, and he refused to listen to the
remonstrances of his friends. "To delay to
preach to-morrow," he said the evening
before the day fixed, " unless the body be
violently withholden, I cannot of conscience.
For in this town and kirk began God first to
call me to the dignity of a preacher, and
this I cannot conceal, which more than one
heard me say when the body was far absent
from Scotland, that my assured hope was to
preach in St. Andrews before I departed this
life." He went straightforward, be preach-
ed as he had done at Perth, and with a still
more serious effect, for the town council
immediately after the sermon voted the
abolition of "all monuments of idolatry."
The circumstance of the prophecy, and still
more the circumstance of their previous
knowledge of him, his present position as an
outlaw with a price upon his head, the
threats of the archbbhop with the doubt
whether he would attempt to put them in
force ; all these, added to the powr^r of
Knox's own thunder, explain the precipitancy
of the resolutions in the excitement which
they must have produced ; and the resolu-
tions themselves were immediately carried
into effect. Some one to go first is half the
battle of a revolution, and with such a leader
as Knox it is easy to find followers. By the
time the regent's troops were under the walls
so many thousand knights, gentlemen, and
citizens, were in arms to receive them, that
they shrank back without venturing a blow,
and retired within their intrenchments ; and
thus within six short weeks, for it was no
more since Knox landed, the Reformers were
left roasters of the field, conquerors in an
armed revolt which had not cost a single life
of themselves or of their enemies, so over-
whelming was iht force which the appear-
ance of this one man had summoned into
action. We require no better witness of the
prostration of the Catholic faith in Scotland,
or of the paralysis into which it had sunk.
" And now," wrote Knox to a friend, " the
long thirst of my wretched heart is sntisfied in
abundance. Forty days and more hath my God
used my tongue in my native country to the
manifestation of His glory. Whalsoover now
Hhali follow as touching my own carcase, His
holy name be praised."
The rest of the summer the queen regent
was obliged to remain a passive spectator of
a burst of popular feeling with which, as
long as it was at its height, her power was
wholly inadequate to cope, and which she
was forced to leave to work its will, till it
cooled of itself. . . . That it would and
must cool sooner or later, a less shrewd per-
son than Mary of Guise could foresee : feel-
ing of all kinds is in nature transient and
exhausting, and the goodness of a cause will
not prevent enthusiasm from «fiagging, or
unpaid and unsupported armies from disin-
tegrating. Her turn, therefore, she might
safely calculate would come at last ; and, in
the meantime, there was nothing for it but
to sit still, while, by a simultaneous move-
ment over the entire Lowlands, the images
were destroyed in the churches, and the *
monasteries laid in ruins. Not a life was
lost, not a person was injured, no private
revenge was gratified iu the confusion, no
private greediness took opportunity to pilfer.
Only the entire material of the old faith was
washed clean awav. .
This passionate iconoclasm has been alter-
nately the glory and the reproach of John
Knox, who has been considered alike by
friends and enemies the author of it. For
the purification of the churches there is no
u
JOHN KNOX
[Sept*
doubt. thai he was responsible to the fall»
whatever the respoosibility may be which
attaches to it, — but the destruction of the
religious houses was the spontaneous work
of the people,^ which in the outset he looked
upon with mere sorrow and indignation.
Like Latimer in England, he had hoped to
preserve them for purposes of education and
chanty ; and it was only after a warning
which sounded in his ears as if it came from
heaven, that he stood aloof, and let the pop-
ular anger have its way ; they had been nests
of profligacy for ages ; the earth was weary
of their presence upon it ; and when the re-
tribution fell, it was not for him to arrest or
interfere with it. Scone Abbey, the resi-
dence of the Bishop of Murray, was infamous,
even in that infamous time, for the vices of
its occupants ; and the bishop himself having
been active in the burning of Walter Milne,
had thus provoked and deserved the general
hatred. After the French garrison was
driven out of Perth, he was invited to appear
at the conference of the lords, but, unwilling
or afraid to come forward, he blockaded him-
self in the abbey. A slight thing is enough
to fnve the first impulse to a stone which is
ready to fall ; the townpeople of Perth and
Dundee, having long scores to settle with
bim and with the brotherhood, caught at the
opportunity, and poured out and surrounded
him. John Knox, with the provost of Perth
and what force they could muster, hurried to
the scene to prevent violence, anc^ for a lime
succeeded; Knox himself we find keeping
guard all one night at the granary door : but
the mob did not disperse; and prowling
ominou&ly round the walls, in default of oth-
er weapons, made free use of their tongues.
From sharp words to sharp strokes is an
almost inevitable transition on such occasions.
In the gray of the morning, a son of the
bishop ran an artisan of Dundee through the
body, and in an instant the entire mass of
the people dashed upon the gates. The
hour of Scone was come. Knox was lifted
gently on one side, and in a few minutes the
$ abbey was in a blaze. As he stood watch-
ing the destruction, " a poor aged matron,"
he tells us, " who was near him, seeing the
flame of fire pass up so mightily, and per-
ceiving that many were thereat offended, in
plain and sober manner of speaking said,
' Now I perceive that God*s judgments are
lust, and that no jnaia is able to save when
he will punish. Since my remembrance,
this place has been nothing but a den of
whoremongers. It is incredible to believe
how many wives have been adulterated, and
virgins deflowered by the filthy beasts which
have been fostered in this den, but es«peoia]ly
by that wicked man who is called the bishop.
If all men knew as much as I, they would
praise God, and no man would be offend*
ed.' "
Such was the first burst of the Reforma*
tion in Scotland ; we need not follow the
course of it. It was the rising up of a
nation, as we have said, against the wicked-
ness which had taken possession of the
holiest things and holiest places, to declare
in the name of Qod that such a spectacle
should no longer be endured. Of the doo-
trines of Scotch Protestantism, meaning by
that the speculative scheme of Christianity
which was held and taught by Knox and
the other ministers, we say but little, regard-
ing it as by no means the thing of chiefest
importance. Formal theology at its best ia
no more than a language, — an expression in
words of mysteries which the mind of man
can UAver adequately . comprehend, and is*
therefore, like all other human creations,
liable to continual change. In Knox'^ own
words, " All worldly .strength, yen, even in
things spiritual, doth decay;" and all lan-
guages become in time dead languages, and
the meaning of them is only artificially pre*
served among us. Religion, as these Re-
formers understood it, (and as all religious
men understand it, whatever be their lan-
guage,) meant this, that the business of man
upon earth was^to scure Almighty Qod, not
with forms and words^but with an obedient
life, to hate all sin, impurity, hypocrisy, and
falsehood ; and whatever Protestantism maj
have become after three centuries of esta-
blishment, Protestantism at its outset meant
a return to this, from igrmaW&m^'i^ mother
of all wickedness. It were a jj^qgr. concep-
tion, indeed, that so great a quair^ was for
the truth or falsehood oLb speculative sys-
tem of tlieology. Then, indeed, the world
gained little by the change ; for, if Calvin-
ism was once a motive power to holiness, so,
too, was once the mass itself; and if the
mass became an idol and a cause of confu-
sion and sin, by a process exactly analogous
the theory of vicarious righteousness may
now be found in the Welsh valleys produ-
cing an identical resulL So it is, and so it
always will be, as long as any special virtue
is supposed to reside in formal outward act,
or formal inward theory, irrespective of
purity of heart and manliness of life.
The details of the war which followed need
not concern us here. The French were re-
inforced ; the Protestants, as had been fore-
1853.]
J0H17 EKOX
17
soen, broke in pieces at the begrinning of the
Winter; and, reverse following on reverse,
there was soon as much despondency as
there had been enthusiasm, and they were
driven in the end to throw themselves on the
protection of Elizabeth, which she was, only
with the utmost difficulty, prevailed upon to
consent to extend to them. Her English love
of order was outraged by their turbulence.
Her despotic Tudor blood could not endure
the rising of subjects against their sovereign ;
and, though she knev that the right was on
their side, it was less easy for her to /eel it.
Knox himself, by his unfortunate ** Blast
against the Regimen of Women," had made
himself personally odious to her ; and though
she could hardly have failed to see his merit,
yet bis character would under no circumstan-
ces have attracted her afifection. Nor had he
any skill to deal with such a temper as hers.
The diplomatic correspondence with England
fell to his conduct ; an4|be began it with a
justification of his book, which, riffht or
wron^, he had much better have passed over ;
he told her that she was to consider herself
an exception to a rule, that she reigned by
the choice of God, and not by right of inheri-
tance ; and he could not have touched a nerve
on which she was more sensitive, or chal-
lenged a right of which she was more jealous.
Nor did Cecil fare any better than his mis-
tress. To him he commenced with rebukes
for his '* horrible apostasy'* in having con-
formed, under Mary, to the Romish ritual.
He was unable to understand the difference
in the circumstances of the two kingdoms, or
in tne characters of the two nations. Cecil
was an Englishman — it is at once the expla-
nation of, and the apology for his conduct ;
but to Knox it was neither the one nor the
other. He could only conceive of the Mass
as the service of the devil ; and the '' adia-
phorism" of the English was to him no bet-
ter than atheism. Elizabeth took no notice
of the letter to herself ; Cecil answered him
for her as well as for himself, with quiet and
well-timed humor. ^' Non est masculus ne-
que foemina" he wrote, '•^omnes enim ui ait
Paulu9 unum 9umu9 in Ckristo Jesu, Bene-
dictum vir qui confidit in Domino; et erit
Dcminus fiducia ^ue.*^ He knew, and the
queen knew, however difficult she found it to
make the acknowledgment to herself, that
the French must not be allowed to triumph
in Scotland ; and as soon as it became clear
that the Protestants could not maintain them-
selves without assistance it was freely and
effectively given.
And now we pi^ss on to the meeting of the
YOIk XXX. NO. L
estates and the settlement of the new kirk
constitution. Mary of Guise was dead ; the
French were finally driven out, and-the queen
of Scotland had been so identiBed with them
that, on their defeat, she was left without au-
thority or influence in the country. The es-
tates met as an independent and irresponsible
body to act for themselves as they should
think good ; and the French commissioners
had engaged on behalf of the titular queen
that she would ratify whatever they should
resolve upon. The session opened with a na-
tional thanksgiving; and, considering how
vast a victory had been gained, and how
*' manifestly," as Knox conceived, God had
fought for the movement, it was natural that
he should be sanguine in his expectation of
what would now be done by a grateful peo-
ple. In the enormous revenue of the church
he saw a magnificent material, not to salarv
the new kirk ministers, but to found schools
and universities, to endow hospitals and alms-
houses ; in his own broad language, he called
it restoring the temple ; and perhaps for the
moment, he allowed himself to believe that
the noble lords of Scotland were as enthusi-
astic for the good of the people as he was
himself. But it was one thing; to win the victo-
ry, and another to divide the spoil. " Heh,
then," said young Maiiland of Lethington,
" we must forget ourselves now ; we mun a'
bear the barrow, and build the house of the
Lord." Not quite. The ministers should
have sufficient stipend, but for the' rest they
would consider. Nor was this the only dis-
appointment. We have seen that what Knox
had chiefly valued in the Genevan reforma-
tion was the discipline of morals, which was
established along with it. A serious atlempt
had been made by Calvin to treat sins as ci-
vil crimes, to gradunte all punishments inflict*
ed by the law, according to the scale of moral
culpability ; and he had succeeded apparently
so well, that the example was pressed upon
Scotland ; a body of laws was drawn up by
Knox, known commonly by the name of the
First Book of Discipline, and offered to the
private consideration of the lords. So many
of them at first subscribed their names to it,
that it was formally submitted to debate.
But, as Maitland a^ain observed, they had
subscribed most of them " in fide parentum,
as children were baptized ;^^ and "certain
persons;" Knox tolls us, " perceiving their
carnal liberty to be somewhat impaired
thereby, grudged ; insomuch that the name
of the Book of Discipline became odious to
them. Everything which repugned to their
corrupt affections was termed in their mock-
18
JOHK KNOX
[Sept.,
age, ' Devout ImaginatioDs/ ''* And yet if
there were partial failures, when we consider
the necessary imperfection inherent in all hu-
man things, and when we remember that the
work which actually was done by the estates
was the extemporizing in a few weeks a new
ecclesiastical, and, in many respects, civil
constitution for an entire kingdom, we shall
not be disposed to complain of them. It was
roughly done, but done sternly and strongly,
and the substantial evils were swept utterly
away. Of the " Devout Imaginations," so
much, was actually realized, that laws were
passed with punishments anneied to them,
against adultery, fornication, and drunken-
ness, while the mass was prohibited for ever,
under penalty, for the first offence, of con-
fiscation ; for the second, of banishment ; for
the third, of death*
Ob ! intolerance without excuse ! exclaim
the modern Liberals; themselves barely
emancipated from persecution, the first act
of these Protestants is to retaliate with the
same odious cruelty ; clamoring for the liberty
of conscience, they do but supersede one
tyranny by another, more narrow and exclu-
sive, &c. This, at bottom, we believe, is the
most grievous of all Knox's offences, the one
sin never to be forgiven by the enlightened
mind of the nineteenth century. Let us see
what can be said about it. We do not look
for the explanation, with some modern apo-
logists, in the want of reciprocity on the part
of the Catholics, in the impossibility of tol-
erating a creed which is in itself intolerant.
In England, the mass was forbidde;i because
it was identified with civil disafifedtion. In
Scotland, it was forbidden because it was
supposed to be idolatry, and so to be for-
bidden by God ; the Bible was positive and
peremptory ; and the Bible was accepted,
bona fide, as the guide of life. The fact is,
toleration, in the modem sense, is a pheno-
menon of modern growth, and the result of
a condition of things of very recent exist-
ence. We have no toleration for what we
believe to be evil, or for what plainly and
• Thia well-known ezpreanon has been placed
by Sir Walter Scott in the month of the Earl of
Marray. If the mistake were ever ao inaigoifioant
it would be worth correcting ; and it ia therefore
as well to aay that Knox himaelf ia the only antho-
rity for the worda^ and that the deacription which
he gives of the apeaker aa little agreea with the
opinion which he elaewhere ezpreaaes of Murray aa
the worda themaelvee with Murray a general cha-
racter. There ia no evidence, either |>ofiitive or
probable, in favor of Scott'a conjecture — ^if, indeed,
it waa a conjecture at idl, and was more than care-
leaaneH.
obviously leads to evil ; God forbid that we
should. But as we look round among the
sects into which we are divided, and see that
good and evil are very equally distributed
among us, we learn to speak of our specula-
tive differences, no longer as matters of con-
science, but merely as differences of opinion,
which do not touch the conscience at all.
We experience, as matter of fact, that the
holding of this or that opinion is no obstacle
to an adequate discharge of public and pri-
vate duty ; that a man may be a Catholic> a
Protestant, a Socinian, or a Jew, and yet be
an honest man and a good citizen ; and we
cannot permit the persecution of speculations
of which moral evil is not a visible result.
This is what we mean by toleration, and three
centuries ago it could not exist, because the
reason for it did not exist. In England, a
Catholic could notbesL good citizen : in Scot-
land, he WIS not an honest man. The pro-
ducts of Catholicism there, as the experience
of centuries proved, were nothing better than
hypocrisy and licentiousness ; and, finding in
the Bible that " the idolater should die the
death," and finding the mass producing the
exact fruits which the same Bible connected
with idolatry, the Scotch Reformers could
as little tolerate Catholics as they could toler-
ate thieves or murderers. We are, therefor^,
inclined to dismiss thb outcry of intolerance
as meaningless and foolish. In the absolute
prohibition of the mass lay, when rightly
understood, the heart of the entire movement;
and, in the surrender of this one point, as
they soon experienced to their sorrow, they
lost all which they had gained.
So then, in spite of the Maitlands and the
Erskines, and the other spoliators of church
property, Knox could find matter enough for
exultation. *' What adulterer/' he asks, tri-
umphantly, ''what fornicator, what known
mass-monger, or pestilent papist, durst have
been seen in public in any reformed town
within this realm before that the queen arri-
ved?*' Work greater than this was never
achieved by reformers on the earth. We
may well wonder that the arrival of a young
lady, hardly twenty years old, should have
been able to disintegrate it. We have seen
Knox in conflict with many forms of evil :
he had now to contend with it under one
more aspect^ the last, but most dangerous of
all.
But one year had passed since Mary Stuart
had been queen of France as well as of Scot-
land, and self-elected queen of England, with
the full power of a mighty nation preparing
to enforce her right ; and now she was com-
1858.]
JOHN KNOX.
10
log to her own poor inheritance a lonely
widow, at the moment when it was flushed
with a successful revolt, her influence in
France lying buried in her husband^s grHve,
and her claim to England disavowed in lier
name by her own commissoners : and yet,
feeble as she seemed, she was returning with
a determined purpose to undo all that had
been done ; to overthrow the Reformation,
to oyerthrow Elizabeth, and, on the ihrone of
the two kingdoms, lay them both as an offer-
ing before the Pope. Elsewhere, in this
'* Review,'* we have given our opinion of this
remarkable woman, and she will only appear
before us here in her relation with the refor-
mers ; but the more we examine her history,
the more cause we find to wonder at her ;
and deep as were her crimes, her skill, her
enterprise, her iron and dauntless resolution,
almost tempt us to forget them.
She never doubted her success ; she knew
the spell which would enchant the fierce
nobles of her country. There was but one
man whom, on the eve of her setting out, she
confessed that she feared, and that was Knox.
He alone, she knew, would be proof against
her Armida genius, and if she could once de-
stroy him, she could carry all before her. Nor
had she either misjudged her subjects or
overrated her own power. Before she had
been three years at home, she had organized
a powerful party, that were wholly devoted
to her, she had broken the Protestant league,
and scattered disaffection and distrust among
its members. Murray had quarrelled with
Elnoz for her. Argyle was entangled with
the Irish rebels. The mass was openly re-
established through town and country ; and,
while the Reformation was melting like snow
all over Scotland, the northern English coun-
ties were ready, at a signal, to rise in arms
against Elizabeth
The self-restraint which she practised upon
herself in order to effect aJ this is as remarka-
ble as the effect itself which she product'd.
She pretended, at her return, that all which
she desired was the love of her subjects.
She would govern as they wished, and do
what they wished. For her religion she
could not immediately answer : she had been
brought up a Catholic, and she could not
change her faith like a dress; but she had
no thought of interfering with them ; and,
in return, she modestly requested, what it
seemed as if she might have demanded as a
right, that for the present she should be al-
lowed the private exercise of the religion of
her fathers. How was it possible to refuse a
petition so humble ? urged, too, as it was, in
the name of conscience by lips so beautiful.
Honor, courtesy, loyalty, every knightly feel-
ing forbade it. What was there in a single
mass, that the sour ministers, with Knox at
tlie head of them, should make such a noise
about it? Even Murray was the warmest
advocate for yielding. Scotland, he said,
would be disgraced forever if she was driven
away from it on such a plea. It would only
be for a little while, and time and persuasion,
and above all, the power of the truth, would
not fail to do their work upon a mind so ten-
der and so gentle.
And yet, as Knox knew well,, a conviction
which courtesy could influence, was no longer
a sacred one ; and to concede a permission to
do what the law declared to be a crime, was
to condemn the law itself as unjust and
tyrannous. ** That one mass," he said, " was
more fearful to him than the landing of ten
thousand men ;" he knew, and Mary knew
too, that to grant her that one step was to
give up the game, and that on the mere
ground of political expediency to yield on
that point was suicide.
Here is a picture of the way in which
things went. At a distance from Holyrood
the truth had a better chance of being felt,
and the noblemen who were in the country
hurried up, " wondrous offended,'* when they
heard of this mass, to know what it meant :-^
" So that every man, as he came up, accused
them that were before him ; bat after they had re-
mained a space, they were as quiet as the former ;
which thing perceived, a zealous and godly man,
Robert Campbell, of Kingandeagh, said to Lord
Ochiltree, ' My lord, now ye are come, and almost
the last, and I perceive by your anger the fire
edge is not off you ; but I fear that, after the
holy ^ater of the court be sprinkled upon you ;
that ye shall become as temperate here as the
rest. I have been here now five days, and I
heard every man say at the first. Let us hang the
priest ; but after they had been twice or thrice in
the Abbey, all that fervency passed. I think
there is some enchantment whereby men are be-
witched.* *'
The queen lost no time in measuring her
strength gainst Knox, and looking her real
enemy in the face. A week after, her land-
ing, she sent for him ; and the first of those
interviews took place in which he is said to
have behaved so brutally. Violence was not
her policy ; she affected only a wish to see
the man of whom she had heard so much,
and her brother was present as a blind.
We confess ourselves unable to discover the
supposed brutality. Knux for many years
had been tl\e companion of great lords and
20
JOHN KNOX.
fSept.,
princes ; his manner, if that is important, had
all the calmness and self-possession which
we mean hy the word, high -hreeding; and
unless it be the duty of a subject lo pretend
to agree with his sovereign, whether he
really agrees or not, it is difficult to know
how he could have conducted himself other-
wise than he did. She accused him of dis-
affection towards her. He said that she
should find him dutiful and obedient where-
erer his conscience would allow him. She
complained of the eiception, and talked in
the Stuart style of the obligation of subjects.
He answered by instancing the Jews under
the Babylonian princes, and the early Chris-
tians under the emperors : —
** * But they resisted not with the sword,' she
said.
'*'6od, madam,' he replied, *had not given
them the means.'
" ' Then, you think subjects having power may
resist their princes,' she said.
*" If the princes exceed their bounds, madam,*
was his answer, * and do against that wherefore
they should be obeyed, there is uo doubt that
they may be resisted even by force. For there is
neither greater honor nor greater obedience to be
given to kings or princes than God has com-
manded to be given to fathers and mothers ; but
so it is that the father may be stricken with a
frenzy, in which he would slay his own children.
Now, madam, if the children arise, join themselves
together, apprehend the father, take the sword
and other weapons from him, and, finally, bind* his
hands, and keep him in prison till that his frenzy
be overpast-— ;thiok ve, madam, that the children
do any wrong ? It fs even so with princes that
would murder the children of God that are sub-
ject unto them. Their blind zeal is nothing but
a mad frenzy, and therefore to take the sword
from them, to bind their hands, and to cast them
into prison, till that they be brought to a more
sober mind, is no disobedience against princes, but
just obedience, because that it agreetfa with the
will of God.' "
He had touched the heart of the matter ;
the queen " stood as it were amazed," and
said nothing for a quarter of an hour. But
is there anything disrespectful in this?
Surely it was very good advice, which would
have saved her life if she had followed it ;
and, for the manner, it would have been
more disrespectful *if, because he was speak-
ing to a woman, he had diluted his solemn
convictions with soft and unmeaning phrases.
** He is not afraid," some of the courtiers
whispered as he passed out. 'fWhy," he
answered, "should the pleasing face of a
ffentlewoman fear me ? I have looked in the
faces of many angry men, and have not been
afraid above measure." Dr. M'Orie has
spoilt this by inventing *' a sarcastic scowl !"
for him on this occasion. Men like Enoz do
not " scowl sarcastically," except in novels,
and Dr. M'Crie was forgetting himself. We
can only conjecture what the queen thought
of Knox. Tears, as we know, were her re-
source, and we have heard enough and too
much of these ; but they answered their pur-
pose with her brother. **Mr. Knox hath
spoken with the queen," Randolph writes to
Cecil, " and he made her weep, as well yoa
know there be of that sex that will do that
for anger as for grief ; though in this the
Lord James will disagree with me." Of her»
Knox said on the day of the interview, " In
communication with her I espied such craft,
as I have not found in such age. If there be
not in her a proud mind, a crafty wit, and
an indurate heart against God, and against
his truth, my judgment faileth me." But,
for the time, he was alone in this judgment ;
he could neither prevent the first concession
of the mass, nor could he afterwards have it
recalled, even when the insults began to show
themselves. And let us acknowledge that
no set of gentlemen were ever placed in a
harder .position than this Council of Scotland ;
it is more easy to refuse a request which is
backed by sword and cannon, than when it is
in the lips of a young and beautiful princess ;
and their compliance cost them dear enough
without the hard opinion of posterity. But
it was from no insensibility of nature that
Knox was so loud in his opposition ; it was
because evil was evil, let the persuasive force
be what it would ; and the old story that
the soundest principle is the soundest policy,
was witnessed to once more by thirteen years
of crime and misery, due, all of it, to that
one mistake.
But there were forces deeper than human
will, and stronger than human error, on the
side of the Protestants. In their language
we should sny God fought for them ; in our
own, that the laws by which he governs the
world would have their way ; and that the
inherent connection of Catholicism, in those
the last days of its power, with evil, was
forced again to manifest itself. Even at the
outset, in its claim for toleration, unconsci-
ously it confessed its nature. When the
municipal law was read according to custom
at the Market Cross at Edinburgh, that " no
adulterer, fornicator, or obstinate papist that
corrupted the people, be found after forty-
eight hours' notice within the precincts of the
town," the council who h^d ordered it were
deposed by command of the court, and a
counter-proclamation issued, "That the town
1853.]
JOHN KNOX
21
should be patent to all the queen's lieges."
And so, says Knox, " the devil got freedom
again, whereas before he durst not have been
seen in daylight upon the common street.*'
How it came to pass that the Roman Catho-
lic religion had come to be attended with
such companions, why it was then so fruitful
in iniquity, when once it had been the faith
of saints, and when in our own day the pro-
fessors of it (ii) this country) are at least as
respectable as those of any other communion,
are questions curious enough, but which
would lead us far from our present subject ;
the fact itself is matter of pure experience.
The cause perhaps was, briefly, that it was
not a religion at all ; with the ignorant it
was a superstition ; with the queen and the
ecclesiastics it was the deadliest of misbe-
liefs; they had been brought to conceive
that in itself it was a cause so excellent, that
the advocacy and defence of it would be
accepted of Heaven in lieu of every other
virtue.
The court set the example of profligacy.
Mary's own conduct was at first only ambigu*
ous; but her French relations profited by
the recovered freedom of what Knox calls the
devil. The good people of Edinburgh were
scandalized with shameful brothel riots, and
not Catherine de Medicis herself presided
over a circle of young ladies and gentlemen
more questionable than those which filled
the galleries of Holyrood. From the court-
iers the scandal extended to herself, and in
two years two of her lovers had already died
upon the scaffold under very doubtful circum-
stances. E^en more offensive and impolitic
was the gala with which she celebrated the
massacre of Vassy, the first of that infernal
catalogue of crimes by which the French an-
nals of those years are made infamous, and
at last she joined the league which was to
execute the Tridenthie decrees, and extirpate
Protestantism. Knox, from his pulpit, in St.
Giles's, week after week, denounced these
things ; but the knights of the holy war were
all wandering enchanted in the Armida forest,
and refused to listen to him ; and the people,
though they lay beyond the circle of the
charm, were, as yet, unable to interfere.
Yet, in Knox, the fire which Mary dreaded
was still kept alive, and she left no means
untried to extinguish it. She threatened him,
she cajoled him, sending for him again and
agun. Once she thought she had caught
him, and he was summoned before the coun-
cil to answer for one of his addresses, but
it was all in vain. No weapon formed against
him prospered. " What are you," she said
another time, '*in this commonwealth ?" "A
subject bom within the same, madam," he
answered ; " and albeit neither earl nor baron,
yet Qod has made me, how abject soever
in your eyes, a profitable member within
the same." If no one else would speak the
truth, the truth was not to remain unspoken,
and should be spoken by him. After one
of these interviews we find him falling into
very unusual society. He had been told to
wait in the anteroom, and being out of favor
at court, " he stood in the chamber, although
it was crowded with people who knew him,
as one whom men had never seen." So,
perceiving some of the young palace ladies
sitting there, in their gorgeous apparel, like
a gentleman as he was, he began to "for^e
talking" with them. Perhaps it will again
be thought brutal in him to have frightened
these delicate beauties, by suggesting un-
pleasant recollections. All depends on the
way he did it ; and if he did it like himself,
there was no reason why, once in their lives,
they should not listen to a few words of
reason : —
^ Oh, fair ladies," he said to them, " how
pleasing were this life of yoars if it should ever
abide, and then in the end that we might pass to
heaven with all this g^y gear. But fie upon that
knave Death, that will come whether we will or
not, and when be has laid on his arrest, the foal
worms will be busy with this flesh, be it never so
fair and tender ; and the silly soul, I fear, shall be
so feeble that it can neither carry with it gold,
garnishing, targeting, pearls, nor precious
stones."
This was no homily or admonition escaped
out of a sermon, but a pure piece of genuine
feeling right out from Knox's hearL The
sight of the poor pretty creatures sffected
him. Very likely he could not help it.
So, however, matters went on growing
worse and worse, till the Darnley marriage,
the culminating point of Mary's career. Hith-
erto, as if by enchantment, she had succeeded
in everything which she had attempted. The
north of England was all at her devotion ;
with her own subjects her will had become
all but omnipotent. The kirk party among
the commons were firm among themselves ;
but the statesmen and the noblemen had de-
serted their cause, and they were now pre-
paring to endure a persecution which they
would be unable to resist. The Earl of Mur-
ray, whose eyes at last were opened, know-
ing that Darnley had been chosen by his sis*
ter as a prelude to an invasion of England,
had opposed the marrisge with all his power ;
I and well it would have been for her if she
2d
JOHK KNOX.
[Sept.,
bad listened to him. But Murray utterly
failed. He called on his old party to sup-
port hm, but it was all gone — broken in
pieees by his own weakness, and by others'
faults ; and he had to fly for his life over the
borders.
The Damley marriage, however, which ap-
peared so full of promise, was the one irre-
trievable step which ruined everything, and
we can easily understand how it came to be
Bo. Mary married for a political object, but
she had over-calculated her powers of endu-
rance, and though she must have known
Darnley to be a fool, she had not counted on
his being an unmanageable one. If he would
have been passive in her hands — if he could
have bad the discretion not to see her vices,
and would have been contented with so much
favor as she was pleased to show him — all
would have gone well ; but he was foolish
enough to resent and revenge his disgrace,
and then to implore her to forgive him for
having revenged it ; and although her anger
might have spared him, her contempt could
not. There is no occasion for us to enter
again upon that story. It is enough that,
having brought her cause to the very crisis
of success by a skill and perseverance with-
out parallel in history, she flung it away
with as unexampled a recklessness, and, in-
stead of being the successful champion of
her faith, she became its dishonor and its
shame.
At the time of the murder, and during
the months which followed it, Knox was in
England ; he returned, however, immediate-
ly on the flight of Both well, and was one of
the council which sat to determine what
should be done with the queen. It has
been repeatedly stated that, in the course
which was ultimately taken, the lords vio-
lated promif^es which they made to her be-
fore her surrender ; but there is no reason
for thinking so. The condition of a more
lenient treatment was a definite engagement
to abandon her husband ; and, so far from
consenting to abandon him, she declared to
the last that ** she would follow him in a
hnen kirtle round the world." But if the
imprisonment at Lochleven appears to some
amiable persons so inhuman and so barbar-
ous, there was a party who regarded that
measure as culpable leniency. Knox, with
the ministers of the kirk, demanded that she
should be brought to an open trial, and that,
if she were found guilty of her husband's
murder, she should be punished as any pri-
vate person would be who committed the
same crime. We have found hitherto that
when there was a difference of opinion be'
tween him and the other statesmen, th6
event appeared to show that he, and not
they, had been right ; — right in the plain,
common-sense, human view; — and the same
continues to hold on the present occasion.
We are most of us agreed that the enor-
mity of crimes increases in the ratio of the
rank of the offender ; that when persons
whom the commonwealth has intrusted with
station and power, commit murder and adul-
tery, their guilt is as much greater in itself,
as the injury to society is greater from the
effects of their example. But to acknow-
ledge this in words, and yet to say that when
sovereigns are the offenders sovereigns must
be left to God, and may not be punished by
man, is equivalent to claiming for them ex-
emption from punishment altogether, and, in
fact, to denying the divine government of the
world. God does not work miracles to pun-
ish sinners; he punishes the sins of men
by the hands of men. It is the law of the
earth, as the whole human history from the
beginning of time witnesses. Not the sov-
ereign prince or princess, but the law of Al-
mighty God is supreme in this world ; and
wherever God gives the power to execute it,
we may be sure that it is His will that those
who hold the power are to use it. If there
is to be mercy anywhere for offenders, if any
human beings at all are to be exempted from
penalties, the exceptions are to be looked for
at the other extreme of the scale, among the
poor and the ignorant, who have never had
means of knowing better.
If, therefore, Mary Stuart was guilty, we
cannot but think that Knox knew best how
to deal with her ; and if the evidence, which
really convinced all Scotland and England at
the time that guilty she was, had been pub-
licly, formally, and judicially brought for-
ward, it would have been to the large advan-
tage both of herself and the world that then
was, and of all after generations. She, if
then she had ascended the scaffold, would
liave been spared seventeen more years of
crime. Scotland would have been spared a
miserable civil war, of which the mercy that
was shown her was the cause ; and the world
that came after would have been spared the
waste of much unprofitable sympathy, and
a controversy already three centuries long,
which shows no sign of ending. It is one
thing, we' are well aware, to state in this hard,
naked way, what ought to have been done ;
and quite another to have done it. Perhaps
no action was ever demanded of any body of
men which required more moral courage.
1868.]
JOHN KNOZ.
28
Bat for all tbat Enox was right In the
Bible, which was the canon of his life, he
foond no occasion for believing that kings
and queens were, ez officio, either exempted
from committing sins, or exempted from be-
ing punished for them. He saw in Mary a
conspirator against the cause which he knew
(a be the cause of truth and justice, and he
saw her visited, as it were, with penal bliod-
ness, staggering headlong into crime as the
necessary and retribulive consequence. For
centuries these poor Scotch bad endured
these adulteries, and murders, and fornica-
tions, and they had risen up, at the risk of
their lives, and purged them away ; and
here was a woman, who had availed herself
of her position as their queen, " to set the
devil free again,*' and become herself high
priestess in his temple. With what justice
could any offender be punished more, if she
were allowed to escape ? Escape, indeed,
she did not. Vengeance fell, at last, on all
who were concerned in that accursed busi-
ness. Both well died mad in a foreign prison;
the Archbishop of St. Andrews was hanged ;
Maitland escaped the executioner by poison ;
and Mary herself was still more sternly pun-
ished, by being allowed to go on, heaping
crime on crime, till she, too, ended on the
scaffold. But instead of accusing Knox of
ferY)city and hardness of heart, we will
rather say that he only, and those who felt
with him and followed him, understood what
was required alike by the majesty of justice
and the real interests of the world.
The worst, however, was now over : the
cause of the Catholics was disgraced beyond
recovery: the queen was dethroned and
powerless; and the reformers were once
more able to go forward with their work.
Even so, they were obliged to content them-
selves with less than they desired ; possibly
they had been over sanguine from the first,
and had persuaded themselves that more
fruit might be gathered out of man's nature,
than man's nature has been found capable
of yielding ; but it seemed as if the queen
had flung a spell over the country from
which, even after she was gone, it could not
recover. Her name, as long as she was
alive, was a rallying cry for disaffection, and
those who were proof against temptation
from her, took little pains to resist temptation
from their own selfishness. The Earl of
Morton, one of the most conspicuous pro-
fessors of Protestantism, disgraced it with
his profligacy ; and many more disgraced it
by their avarice. The abbey lands were too
little for thdr large digestions. The office
of bishops had been abolished in the church,
but the maintenance of them, as an institu-
tion, was convenient for personal purposes ;
the noble lords nominating some friend or
kinsman to the sees as they fell vacant, who,
without duties and without ordination, re-
ceived the revenues and paid them over to
their patrons, accepting such salary in return
as was considered sufficient for their discre-
ditable service.
Yet if there was shadow there was more
sunshine, and quite enough to make Knox's
heart glad at last. The Earl of Murray was
invited by the estates to undertake the
regency ; and this itself is a proof that they
were sound at heart, for without doubt he
was the best and the ablest man among
them. The illegitimate son of James the
Fifth, whatever virtue was left in the Stuart
blood, had been given to him to compensate
for his share in it, and while he was very
young he had drawn the attention of the
French and English courts, as a person of
note and promise.
After remaining loyal as long as loyalty
was possible to the queen- mother, he attach-
ed himself as we saw to John Knox, and
became the most powerful leader of the
Reformation. Bribes and threats were made
use of to detach him from it, but equally
without effect ; even a cardinal's red hat was
offered him by Catherine if he would sell his
soul for it. But for such a distinction he
had as little ambition as Knox himself could
have had, and his only mistake arose from a
cause for which we can scarcely blame hi»
understanding, while it showed the noble-
ness of his heart ; he believed too well, and
he hoped too much of his father's daughter,,
and his affection for her made him blind.
For her he ouarrelled with his best friends ;
he defendeaher mass, and was for years her
truest and most faithful servant; and she
rewarded his affection with hatred, and hia
fidelity with plots for his murder. What-
ever uprightness was seen in the first yeais
of her administration was his work,, for
which she little thanked him ; and the Scotch
people, even while they deplored the posi-
tion in which he had placed himself^ yet
could not refuse him their love for it. When
he saw at last the course to which she had
surrendered herself, he withdrew in shame
from the court ; he had no share in hen de-
position ; he left Scotland after the murder,
only returning to it when he was invited to
take upon himself the regency and the guar^
dianship of his nephew ; and he came back
saddened into a truer knowledge of mankind*
24
JOHN KKOX.
[Sept,
and a determiaatioQ to do his duty, cost him
what it would. He could be no stranger to
what the world would say of him. He
knew that those who had tried already to
murder him, would make their plots surer,
and their daggers sharper now — but he
dared it all, and the happiest three years
which Scotland had known were those of his
government. The thieves of the Border
were held down ; the barons were awed or
coerced into respect for property and life,
and the memory of those golden years lived
long in the admiring regret of less favored
times. Even the Book of Discipline, though
it could not be passed in its fulness, yet be-
came law in many of its most important pro-
visions. Among others let us look at the
punishment which was decreed against for-
nicators : —
^* On the first offence they are to pay eighty
pounds (Scots), or be committed to prison for
eight days, and there fed only apon bread and
the smallest beer. They are a(\erwardj», on the
next market-day, to be placed in some consplcuoos
situation, whence they may easily be seen by
every one, there to remain from ten o'clock till
twelve, with their heads uncovered and bound
with rings of iron. For the second offence, the
penalty is one hundred and thirty pounds, or six-
teen days' imprisonment, on bread and water;
their heads to be shaved, and theinselves to be
exposed as before. For the third offence, two
hundred pounds, or forty-eight days' imprison-
ment; and then, after having been three times
dipped in deep water, to be banished the town or
parish."
We talk of the progress of the species,
and we are vain of our supposed advance in
the virtues of civilized humanity, but no such
wholesome horror of sensuality is displayed
among ourselves. We shall perhaps insist
that this law was a dead letter, ihat it could
not have been enforced, and that to enact
laws which are above the working level of
morality, is to bring law itself into disrespect.
But there is reason to think, that it was not
altogether a dead letter, and there was a
special provision that '' gryt men offending
in syk crimes should receive the same as the
pure;" under whieh one noble lady at least
actually suffered, though for a different
.offence.
.Biit nations, it will be said, cannot be
jgoverned An this way, and for the present,
jBueh is the " hardness of our hearts,'' it is
finfortunately true that they cannot. Here'
aft^, perhaps, if progress is anything but a
na«M^« more may admit of being done with
Jiumfla nature; but while we remain at Dur
present level, any such high demands upon
it are likely to turn out failures. In the
meantime, however, if by the grace of the
upper powers, sufficient virtue has been
found in a body of people to endure such a
law for however brief periods, we suppose
that such periods are the light points in the
history of mankind : and achievements like
this of Murray's among the best and noblest
which man has been permitted to accom-
plish.
It is not a little touching to find that
Knox, when the country was at last in the
right hands, thought now of leaving it, and
of going back to end his days in peace at
Geneva. He had fought the fight, he had
finished the work which was given to him to
do; it was imperfect, but with the given
materials, more could not be done ; and as
it had been by no choosing of his own
that so great a part had fallen to him, so
now when it seemed played out, and his
presence no longer necessary, he would
gladly surrender a position in itself so little
welcome to him.
*- God comfort that little flock," he wrote about
this time, *' among whom I lived with quietness of
conscience, ana contentment of heart; and
amongst whom I would be content to end my
daya, if so it might stand with God's good plea-
sure. For seeinif it hath pleased His Majesty
above all men's expectation to prosper the work,
for the performing whereof I left that company, J
would even as gladly return to them, as ever I
was glad to be delivered from the rage of mine
enemies."
Surely wa should put away our notion of
the ferocious fanatic with the utmost speed.
The heart of Knox was full of loving and
tender affections. He could not, as he said
himself, " bear to see his own bairns greet
when his hand chastised them.*'
If he had then gone back to Geneva, and
heard no more of Scotland ; or if he had died
at the time at which he thought of going, he
might have passed away, like Simeon, with
a Nunc dimittis Domine, believing that the
salvation of his country was really come. So,
however, it was not to be. Four more years
were still before him : years of fresh sorrows,
crimes, and calamities. His place, to the
last, was in the battle, and he was to die upon
the field ; and if rest was in store for him, he
was to find it elsewhere, and not in the thing
which we call life —
Ti^ oTSsv si TO ^^v itJv i(fn xardavsiv
To xardavsiv Se ^^v.
The why and the how is all mystery. Our
1858.]
JOHH KNOX
28
basineBa is with the fact as we find it, which
wise men accept nobly, and do not quarrel
with it.
The flight of Mary from Lochleven was the
signal for the re opening the civil war. If
she had been taken at Langside she would
have been immediately executed ; but by her
escape into England, and by the uncertainty
of Elizabeth's policy respecting her, she was
able to recall the act by which she had ab-
dicated her crown, and reassert her right as
sovereign, with the countenance, as it ap-
peared in Scotland, of the English queen.
ller being allowed an ambassador in London,
and Elizabeth's refusal to confirm her depo*
sition, led all parties to believe that before
long, there would be an active interference
in her favor : and the hope, if it was no more,
was sufficient to keep the elements of discord
from being eiUnguished. As long as Mur-
ray was alive it was unable to break out
into flame, but more dangerously, and at last
fatally for him, it took the form of private
conspiracy to take him off by assassination.
John Knox, in the bitterness of bis heart,
blamed Elizabeth for Murray's death. He
had never understood or liked her, and when
her own ministers were unable to realize the
difficulty of dealing with Mary, when even
they, after the share of the latter in the ris-
ing of the north was discovered, were ready
to crush the " bosom serpent" as they called
her, without further scruple, it was not likely
that he would forgive the protection which
had cost bis country its truest servant. Per-
haps when we think of the bitterness with
which Elizabeth's memory has been assailed
on account of this wretched woman, even af-
ter the provocation of seventeen more years
of wickedness, we can better appreciate her
heutation. Knox demanded that she should
be delivered up to justice; and for the peace
of Scotland, and of England, too, it would
have been well had his demand been acced-
ed to. Many a crime would have been
spared, and many a head would have laid
down on an unbloody pillow, which was
sliced away by the executioner's axe in that
bad cause; and yet there are few of our
readers who will not smile at, the novel para-
dox, that Elizabeth treated Mary Stuart with
too much leniency. Elizabeth, perhaps, felt
for herself, that *' in respect of justice, few
of us could 'scape damnation,"
** And earthly power doth then ehow likest God's,
When mercy seasons justice."
Whea the rule of right is absolute, at all haz-
ards—even at the hazard of our good name
— we must obey it. But beyond all ex-
pressed rules or codes lies that large debate-
able land of equity which the imperfection
of human understandings can never map into
formulae, and where the heart nlone can feel
its way. That other formula, *^ the idolater
shall die the deaths" if it could have been
universally applied, as Knox believed it to be
of universal application, would at the mo-
ment at which he uttered it have destroyed
Francis Xavier.
Yet, again, let us not condemn Knox. It
was that fixed intensity of purpose which
alone sustained him in those stormy waters ;
and he may rightly have demanded what
Elizabeth might not rightly concede. His
prayer on the murder of the Regent is finely
characteristic of htm. It was probably ex-
tempore, and taken down -in note by some
one who heard it : —
** Oh Lord, what shall we add to the former pe-
titions we know not ; yet alas, oh Lord, oar con-
science bears as record that we are unworthy
that thou shouldst contlnae thy gncea to us by
reason of our horrible ingratitude. In oar ex-
treme miseries we called, and thoa in the multi-
tude of thy mercies heard us. And first thou
delivered us from the tyranny of merciless stran-
irers, next from the bondage of idolatry, and last
from the yoke of tliat wretched woman, the moth-
er of all mischief. And in her place thoa didst
erect her son, and to supply his infancy thou didst
appoint a regent endued with such graces as the
devil himselfcannot accuse or justly convict him,
this only excepted, that foolish pity did so far pre-
vail in him concerning execution and punishment
which thou eommandedst to have been executed
upon her and her complices, the murderers of her
husband. Oh Lord, in what misery and confusion
found he this realm. To what rest and quietness
suddenly by his labors he brought the same all
estates, but specially the poor commons, can wit-
ness. Thy image, Lord, did so clearly shine in
that personage, that the devil, and the wicked to
whom he is prince, could not abide it ; and so to
punish our sins and ingratitude, who did not
riffhtlv esteem so precious a gift, thou hast per-
mitted him to fall, to our great grief, into the
hands of cruel and traitorous murderers. He is
at rest, oh Lord, and we are left in extreme
misery.
*♦ If thy mercy prevent us not, we cannot es-
cape just condemnation, for that Scotland has
spared and England has maintained the life of
that most wicked woman. Oppose thy power,
oh Lord, to the pride of that cruel murderer of her
awin husband; confound her faction and their
subtle enterprises, and let them and the world
know that thou art a God that can deprehend the
wise in their own wisdom, and the proad in the
imagination of their wicked hearts. Lord, retain
us Uiat call upon thee in thy Uue fear. Give
26
JOHK KKOX
[Sept,
thoQ streoffth to us to fif ht our battle ; yea, Lordi
to fight it lawfully, and to end our lives in the
aanctification of thy holy name."
In 1570 he was struck with paralysis ; he
recovered partially, and lived for two more
years, but they were years so deplorable
that even bis heart grew weary and sick
within bim» and he longed to be gone out of
the world. As before, he was the one cen-
tre of life round which the ever-flagging en-
ergies of the Protestants rallied ; but by the
necessity of the time, which could not be re-
sisted, the lead of the party fell to one or
other of the great noblemen who were small
credit to it, and who were following worldly
objects under a mask of sanctity. The
first regent who succeeded Murray was Darn-
ley V father, the Earl of Lennox ; then he too
was murdered, and the Earl of Mar came,
and the Earl of Morton, with their tulchan
bishops; the country tearing itself in pieces,
and they unwilling to commit themselves to
peremptory action, lest Elizabeth (as they ex-
pected that she would) should restore Mary,
and if they had gone too far in opposition to
her they might find it impossible to obtain
their pardon. Once more in this distracted
time Knox stood out alone, broken with age
and sickness, and deserted even bj the as-
sembly of the kirk, to brave the storm, and
again to conquer in it. He had been re-
quired to pray for the queen.
* I pray not for her as queen,'* he said, <* for
queen to me she is not ; and I am not a man of
law that has my tongue to sell for silver or the
favor of the world. And for what I have spoke
against the adultery and the murder, when I am
taught by God's word that the reproof of sin is an
evil thing I shall do aa God's word commands me.
But unto that time, which will not be till the
morn after doomsday, and not then, I hold the
sentence given by Uod to bis prophets Jeremy
and Ezekiel, to stand for a perpetual law, which,
with God's assistance, I follow to my life's end."
Not the least painful feature of the present
state of things was the disruption of friend-
ships which had stood through all the years
of previous trial. The most important lead-
ers of the Marian party were now Mait-
land of Lethiogton, and Sir William Kircal-
dy, both of whom belonged to the first re-
formers of the revolution, and one of whom
ve saw long ago among the exiles of St. An-
drews; but times were changed, or they
were changed, and they were now the bit-
terest enemies of all for which then they
risked life and good name. It was probably
Maitland who, feeling the same anxiety to
silence Eaox as Mary had felt, took the op-
portunity of his disagreement with the as-
sembly to prefer a series of anonymous
charges against him. He was accused,
among other things, of having been a traitor
to his country, and of having betrayed Scot-
land to the English ; and we can almost par-
don the accusation, for the answer which it
drew from him : —
^ What I have been to my country," he said,
" albeit this unthankful age will not know, yet
the age to come will be compelled to bear witness
to the truth. And thus I cease, requiring all
men that has anything to oppose against me, that
he will do it so plainly as I make myself and all
my doings manifest to the world ; for to me it
seems a thing most unreasonable, that in this my
decrepit age, I shall be compelled to fight against
shadows and Ebwleltes, that dare not abide the
light."
It it to the lasting disgrace of Sir William
Eircaldy, otherwise a not ignoble man, that,
commanding the Castle of Edinburgh as he
did, he permitted an attempt which was now
made to murder Knox to pass by without in-
quiry or punishment ; and that when the
citizens applied for permission to form a
bodyguard about his house, be refused to
grant it. To save his country the shame of
a second attempt which might be successful,
the old man was obliged, the year before he
died, feeble and broken as he was, to leave
his house and take shelter in St. Andrews.
For himself it was in every way trying ; but
sunny lights are thrown upon his retirement
there by the affectionate reminiscences of a
student, young Melville, who was then at
the college, and who used to see him and
hear him talk and preach continually.
*<He ludgit," we are told, << down in the Abbey
beside our college; he wad sometimes come in
and repose him in our college-yard, and call as
scholars unto him, and bless us, and exhort us to
know God and his work in our country, and
stand by the eude cause, to use our time well, and
learn the gude instruction."
But the sermons, of course, were the great
thing. We remember Randolph's expres-
sion of the six hundred trumpets, and we
can readily fancy the eager crowding of
these boys to listen to him.
*'I heard him teach the prophecies of Daniel
that summer and winter,' says Melville. *\i
haid my pen and my little bulk, and tuk away sic
things as I could comprehend. In the opening up
of his text he was moderate, the space of half
an hour ; but when he entered into application
he made me so to grewe and tremble, that I could
1853.]
JOHN KNOX
2Y
not hold a pon to write. He was very weak.
I saw him ev^ry day of his doctrine go hulie and
fear, with a farrtng of masticks about hie neck, a
staff in one hand, and godly Richard Ballenden
(Bannatyne), his servant, holding up tlie other
oxter, from the Abbey to the parish kirk, and he
the said Richard, and another servant, lifted him
up to the pulptt, where he behoved to lean at his
first entry; but ere he had done with his sermon
be was sae active and vigorous that he was lyke
to ding the pulpit in bladS, and fly out of it."
If this description should lead any person
to suppose that his sermons contained what
b called rant, we can only desire him to read
the one specimen which is left us, and for
which he was summoned as heing unusually
violent. Of that sermon, we should say, that
words more full of deep clear insight into hu-
man life, were never uttered in a pulpit. It
is all which pulpit eloquence, properly so
called, is not, full of powerful understanding
and broad masculine sense ; and the emotion
of it, the real emotion of a real heart. Doc-
trine, in the modem sense, we suspect was
very little heard in Enoi's sermons; any
more than vague denunciations of abstract
wickedness. He aimed his arrows right
down upon wicked acts, and the wicked doers
of them, present or not present, sovereign or
subject ; and our Exeter Hall friends would
have had to complain of a lamentable defi-
ciency of "gospel truth."
After thirteen months' absence, a truce
between the contending parties enabled Knox
to return to Edinburgh. The summer of
1572 was drawing to its close, and his life
was ebbing away from him with the falling
year. He attempted once to preach in his
old church, but the effort was too great for
him ; he desired bis people to choose some
one to fill his place, and had taken bis last
leave of them, when at the beginning of Sep-
tember the news came of the Bartholomew
massacre. If even now, with three centuries
rolling between us and that horrible night,
our blood still chills in us at the name of it,
it is easy to feel what it must have been
when it was the latest birth of time ; and
nowhere, except in France itself, was the
shock of it felt as it was in Scotland . The
associations of centuries had bound the two
countries together in ties of more than com-
mon alliance ; and between the Scotch Pro-
testants and the Huguenots, there were fur-
ther connections of the closest and warmest
attachment. They had fought for the same
cause and against the same persecutors ; they
had stood by each other m their common
trials ; and in 1559, Cond^ and Coligni had
saved Scotland by distracting the attention
of the Ouises at home. Community of in-
terest had led to personal intimacies and
friendships, and in time of danger such links
are stronger than those of blood — so that
thousands of the Paris victims were dearer
than brothers to the Lowland Protestants.
One cry of horror rose all over Scotland.
The contending parties forgot their animosi-
ties ; even the Catholics let fall their arms
in shame, and the flagging energies of Knox
rallied back once more, to hurl across the
Channel the execrations of a nation whom a
crime so monstrous had for a moment re-
united. The Tolbooth was fitted up for the
occasion, and the voice of the dymg hero
was heard for the last time in its thunder,
denouncing the vengeance of Heaven on the
contrivers of that accursed deed.
But this was the last blow to him. " He
was weary of the world, as the world was
weary of him.'' There was nothing now
for him to do ; and the world at its best,
even without massacres of St. Bartholomew,
is not so sweet a place, that men like him
care to linger in it longer than necessary.
A few days before he died, feeling what was
coming, m a quiet simple way he set his
house in order and made his few prepara-
tions. We find him paying bis servants'
wages, telling them these were the last
which they would ever receive from him,
and so giving them each twenty shillings
over. Two mends come in to dine with
him, not knowing of his illness, and ''for
their cause he came to the table, and caused
pierce an bogged of wine which was in the
cellar, and willed them send for the same as
long as it lasted, for that he would not tarry
till It was drunken."
As the news got abroad, the world, in the
world's way, came crowding with their anxie-
ties and inquiries. Among the rest came the
Earl of Morton, then just declared regent ;
and from his bed the old man spoke words
to him which, years after, on the scafibld,
Lord Morton remembered with bitter tears.
One by one they oame and went. As the last
went out, he turned to Campbell of Braid,
who would not leave him —
** Ilk ane," he said, <* bids me gude night, but
when will ye do it ? I have been greatly be-
haudin and indebted to you, whilk I can never
be able to recompense yon. But I commit yon
to One who is able to do it, that is to the eternal
God."
The curtain is drawing down; it is
time that we drop it altogether. He had
taken leave of the world, and only the few
98
JOHN KNOX
[Sepl.,
dear ones of his own family now remained
with him for a last sacred parting on the
8h«re of the great ocean of eternity. The
evening before he died, he was asked how he
felt. He said he had been sorely tempted
by Satan, " and when he saw he could not
prevail, he tempted me to have trusted in
myself, or to have boasted of myself ; but I
repulsed him with this sentence — Quid
habes quod non accepistV^ It was the last
stroke of his ** long struggle,*' the one busi-
ness of life for him and aU of us — the strug-
gle with self. The language may have
withered into formal theology, but the truth
is green for ever.
On Monday, the twenty-fourth of Novem-
ber, he got up in the morning, and partially
dressed himself, but feeling weak, he lay
dqwn again. They asked him if he was in
pain ; " It is na painful pain,'' he answered,
** but such a one as, I trust, shall put an end
to the battle."
His wife sate by him with the Bible open
on her knees. He desired her to read the
fifteenth of the first of Corinthians. He
thought he was dying as she finished it. " Is
not that a beautiful chapter ?" he said ; and
then added, " Now, for the last time, I com-
mend my spirit, soul, and body, into thy
hands, 0 Lord." But the crisis passed off
for the moment. Towards evening he lay
still for several hours, and at ten o'clock
" they went to their ordinary prayer, whilk
was the loDger, because they thought he was
sleeping." When it was over, the physician
asked him if be had heard anything. *' Aye,"
he said, " I wad to God that ye and all men
heard as I have heard, and I praise God for
that heavenly sound."
" Suddenly thereafter he gave a long sigh and
sob, and cried out, '^Now it is come!' Then
Richard Bannatyne, sitting down before him, said,
* Now, sir, the time that ye have long called for,
to wit, an end of your battle, is come ; and seeing
all natural power now fails, remember the com-
fortable promise which ofttime ye have shown to
us, of our Saviour Christ ; and that we may un-
derstand and knoW that ye hear us, make us some
sign,* and so he lifted up his hand ; and inconti-
nent thereafter, rendered up the spirit, and sleepit
away without ony pain."
In such sacred stillness, the strong spirit
which had so long battled with the storm,
passed away to God. What he had been to
those who were gathered about his death-bed,
they did not require to be taught by losing
him. What he had been to his country,
"Albeit," in his own words, "that unthank-
ful age would not know," the after ages have
experienced, if they have not confessed.
His work is nojb to be measured by the sur-
face changes of ecclesiastical establishments,
or the substitution for the idolatry of the
mass of a more subtle idolatry of formulae.
Religion with him was a thing not of forms
and words, but of obedience and righteous
life ; and his one prayer was, that God would
grant to him and all mankind *' the whole
and perfect hatred of sin." His power was
rather over the innermost heart of his coun-
try, and we should look for the traces of it
among the keystones of our own national
greatness. Little as Elizabeth knew it, that
one man was among the pillars on which her
throne was held standing in the hour of its
danger, when the tempest of rebellion and
invasion which had gathered over her pass-
ed away without breaking. We complain of
the hard destructiveness of these old reform-
ers, and contrast complacently our modern
'^ progressive improvement" with their intole-
rant iconoclasm, and we are like the agri-
culturalists of a long settled country who
should feed their vanity by measuring the
crops which they can raise against those
raised by their ancestors, forgetting that it
was these last who rooted the forests off the
ground, and laid the soil open to the seed.
The real work of the world is done by
men of the Knox and Cromwell stamp. It
is they who, when the old forms are worn
away and will serve no longer, fuse again the
rusted metal of humanity, and mould it afresh ;
and, by and by, when they are past away,
and the metal is now cold, and can be ap-
proached without danger to limb or skin, ap-
pear the enlightened liberals with file and
sand-paper, and scour off the outer rough-
ness of the casting, and say — See what a
beautiful statue we have made. Such a
thing it was when we found it, and now its
surface is like a mirror, we can see our own
faces in every part of it.
But it b time to have done. We had in-
tended to have said something of Knox's
writings, but for the present our limits are
run out. We will leave him now with the
brief epitaph which Morton spoke as he
stood beside his grave: "There lies one
who never feared the face of mortal man."
1858.]
BALZAC AND HIS WSITIKGS.
29
FVom th« W«itiniBi^«r Keritw.
BALZAC AND HIS WRITINGS.*
Ik the last act of Sonli^'s *' Clos^rie des
Oendts," (an amputation from which, with
comic excresences, was played at the Adel-
phi, under the title of tne "Willow Copse/*)
the following dialogue takes place between
two of the principal characters : —
** MtmtSdain, Have you read M. de Blazac 7
** lAtma, I should not be a woman if I did not
know all his delightful works by heart.
'* MontSelain, In that case you must remember
his * Histoire des Treize ?*
" LSona, Indeed I do remember it. It interest-
ed me exceedingly."
The " Histoire des Treize" is a most ex-
citing narrative, founded upon a compact be-
tween thirteen " great-hearted gentlemen/*
who have sworn to avenge society of certain
injuries, the authors of which it is impossi-
ble to reach by the ordinary legal means.
We never admired it so much as L^ona ap-
pears to have done, and we have no preten-
sions to knowing more than half a dozen of
" Balzac's delightful works by heart /* but
after allowing tor the exaggeration peculiar
to the theatre, and further, for the exaggera-
tion generally found in the expressions of
Isdies in real life, we have no hesitation in
saying that L6ona*s admiration for the au-
thor of the " Com6die Humaine,'* was and
is equalled by that of the most educated
women in France. A few years ago, the
most popular thing in Paris after M. de
Balzac himself, was M. de Balzac's cane;
portraits and caricaturee of the former were
m all the print-shops, and Madame de Gira-
din's clever novel suggested by the latter,
was in all the libraries. Now that Balzac's
features are beginning to be forgotten, and
that his diamond- headed cane has become a
relic, his popularity is attested by the numer-
ous forms in which his works are produced,
and the variety of other works of which his
1. Monori dt BaUae: Suai twr VHcnwu ei $ur
VCBmre, Var Armand Baaohst Avec Notes His-
toriques par Champfleury.
2. Vie de ff, de Balxae. Par Desnoiresterrse,
own form the basis. Since 1850, the year
in which literature was deprived of the
author who has depicted with the greatest
success the morals and manners of the first
half of the nineteenth century, the works
composing his "Com^die Humaine" have
been given to the public in two different il-
lustrated editions ; his plays have been pub-
lished in a complete form ; his " Mercadet "
has been produced amidst universal applause ;
two or three biographical and critical sketches
of him have appeared ; a book devoted to
his female characters, and another containing
his maxims and reflections have been brought
out, and numerous pieces, founded upon nar-
ratives by him, have been represented at
various theatres.
*' In the provinces," wrote Sainte Beuve,
a few years since, *' M. de Balzac has met
with the most lively enthusiasm. There are
numbers of women living there whose secret
he has divined, who make a profession of
loving him, who discourse continually on his
genius, and who endeavdr, pen in hand, to
vary and embroider, in their turn, the inex-
haustible theme of these charming sketches,
' La Femme de trente ans,' ' La Femme mal-
heureuse,* < La Femme abandonn^e."* In
St. Petersburgh, where he is said to have
been invited by the Court, he was scarcely
less popular than in Paris. It was there that
a lady, hearing Balzac was in the room,
is said to have dropped a glass of water
through emotion. In Venice, it was once
the fashion to represent Balzac's characters
in drawing-rooms, and, " during an entire
season,'* says the critic above mentioned,
« nothing but Rastignacs, Duchesses de Lan-
geats, and Duchesses de Maufrigneuse could
he seen." Germany sent letters entreating
the author to continue his " illusions per-
dues" without delay ; and one notary wrote
from a distant and uncivilized part of France
to request that M. de Balzac would make the
members of his profession appear in a more
engaging light than that in which they had
hitherto been represented.
30
BALZAC AND HIS WRITINGa
[Sept.
In spite of Balzac's long and continued
popularity on the continent, only two of his
productions have been translated into Eng-
lish. One of these, '* La Grande Bret^che,*'
is an episode in one of his novels where it is
introduced as a tale of horror, in order to
dismay a lady whose conduct has been sup-
posed to offer some analogy to that of the her-
oine of the said episode. Powerfully written
and terrible as it undoubtedly is, this epi-
sode, when viewed by itself, is like a diamond
taken out of its setting. It appeared in one
of the annuals, and the author's name was
not attached to it. The comedy of " Mer-
cadet" also, cut down from five acts to three
by M. Dennery, has had an English physi-
ognomy given to it, and has been acted, with
great success, at the Lyceum. How it hap-
pens that not one of Balzac's novels — not
even " Eugenie Grandet,*' nor the ** Recher-
che de I'absolu," both of which are not only
irreproachable as to the morality of the de-
tails, but have the additional advantage of
being master-pieses — how it happens that
neither of these has been translated into Eng-
lish, we can only explain by the supposition
that the publishers of translations imagine
the public cares for nothing more elevated
than Eugene Sue, or more decent than Paul
de Kock. Without possessing the slightest
affection for paradoxes, we think we can
prove that the popularity of French novel-
ists in England, is in inverse proportion to
their literary merits. If we judge by the
number of his works (!) translated, we find
that high-minded and conscientious artist,
Paul de Eock, occupying the first place in
popularity, although there are forcible rea-
sons— the extended sale which the " Myste-
ries" and the " Wandering Jew " met with
— for assigning the post of honor to the pure
and gentle Eugene Sue. Next comes Du-
ma<), proving, by his own case alone, the
truth of our theory, inasmuch as only one
volume of hb " Impressions de yoyage,"'and
scarcely any of his carefully- written novels
have been translated, whereas most of his
violently unnatural romances, without ever
having been written in French, have never-
theless been "done mto English." Very
few of George Sand's works have been trans-
lated, and only two of Merim6e's. Lastly,
not one of Balzac's novels has ever been pre-
sented in an English dress, — which, accord-
ing to our theory, would prove M. de Bal-
zac to have been the greatest of French nov-
elists, a conclusion to which a careful peru-
sal of his works had already led us.
In Balzac's *'M6moires de deux jeunes
Marines," one of the heroines mentions what
was undoubtedly true at the time, viz., that
out of all the novels and romances in circu-
lation, the only ones worth reading are *' Co-
rinne," and Benjamin Constant's "Adolphe."
In " Corinne," however, the characters ore
mere shadows, and, moreover, unnatural
shadows ; and in Benjamin Constant's admir-
able tale, Adolphe and E16onore, are quite
without individuality. The only pictures of
manners existing in France, when Balzac was
preparing to make his d^but, were " Gil
Bias " (if we can apply the term picture to
a panorama) and " Manon Lescaut." In
" Gil Bias," the fact of all the characters
being knaves, with the exception of a select
few who are fools, and the entire absence of
sentiment and passion, render it, on the whole,
an untrue picture of human life, in spite
of the knowledge of mankind exhibited in al-
most every page ; while the frequent interrup-
tion of the story by the introduction of epi-
sodes more or less interesting, renders it te-
dious, in spite of the variety of ihe incidents
and the wit of the narrative. Absence of
passion is certainly not the fault of *' Manon
Lescaut," and although the constant recur-
rence of the same situation makes it resem-
ble a beautiful duet, in which the same mo-
tive is too frequently repeated, it was, per-
haps, the truest picture of human Fife exist-
ing in France anno Domini 1830. The coun-
try which, in less than twenty years, has pro-
duced Balzac and George Sand, Nodier, M6r-
im^e, Jules Sandeau, and Alphonse Karr,
Victor Hugo, Th^ophile Gauthier, and Al-
fred de Vigny, can afford to admit this un-
deniable truth, — that it possessed no more
than the germ of a literature of fiction until
nearly the middle of the present century.
The influence of the French Academy,
which, while endeavoring to preserve the
language of France, has nearly stifled its lite-
rature by sacrificing all other principles
of art to the heroic and the classical (other-
wise the conventional), can alone explain the
existence of Scudery and the celebrity of
Florian ; and the attack on conventionality in
the drama, which was commenced by Victor
Hugo during the Restoration, had for its in-
direct effect a reform in the novel, as it notori-
ously aided that which has since taken place
in painting. In England, where Providence
has spared us the infliction of an Academy,
and where the standard of taste has always
been so low that thinkers have been able,
ever since the dark ages, to express their
thoughts in any form which they have
chosen to select — in England the literary
1858.]
BALZAO AlO) HIB VBTTINGa
81
warfare of the romanticists against the class-
idsts, or, in other words, of those who would
be flogged at no school against a school of
pedants, can scarcely be comprehended.
The petition of certain French dramatists
to the Academy, praying that means might
be taken for preventing the representation of
plays written by Hngo, Dumas, and all such
innovators, is as inexplicable to us as the op-
position to G^ricanlt, who had the audacity
to paint modem subjects as they occurred
in modem times, and who could not be per-
suaded to represent a French hussar in the
costume of a Roman gladiator. When the
directors of the Louvre purchased G^ricault's
'* Wreck of the Medusa,'' they intended to
oat out the heads, in order to use them as
studies for the pupils I {vide " Memoirs of A.
Dumas ;") and the obstacles which were con-
stantly thrown in the path of Victor Hugo,
show that more than one person connected
with the production of his plays, would glad-
ly have marred their general effect in an an-
alogous manner. Yet this painter, who is
so great a poet, and this poet who is so great
a painter, have been the salvation of French
art and French literature, by driving away
the more or less successful imitators of those
who have themselves, with more or less suc-
cess, imitated the classics.
The reform in art, to which the name of
romanticism has been given — a name which
has never been accepted by its chiefs — by
abolishing the cpuventional models, led natu-
rally enough to the adoption of real and
natural models, and to the exact imitation of
nature. '* Art," says one of Balzac's literary
heroes, "is nature concentrated." Those
who copy from nature, and, above all, from
modern nature, and the nature which sur-
rounds them at every instant, were destined
to receive from the champions of convention-
ality the appellation of " realists," — this
" realism" being in fact only a continuation
or branch of what had before been absurdly
styled "romanticism." The head of this
realist school was Honor6 de Balaac ; and we
shall see, from the history of his life and from
an examination of some of his principal
works, in the order in which they appeared,
that it was many years even before he under-
stood the trae bent of his genius and the
destinies of the modem French novel.
Honor6 de Balzac was bora on the 16th
March, 1709, at Tours, the birth-place of
Rabelais, Descartes, and Paul Louis Courier;
and it is at this town that the scene of some
of his most admirable productions is laid.
Madame de Mortaaaf lived in a valley of
Touraine ; the " Grenadi&re," to which Mad-
ame de Willemsens retired broken-hearted, is
at Tours, in a spot which those who have
read the exquisite tale fancy they must have
seen; the carefully-finished picture of the
jealousies and maooeuvrings of small people
in a small town, with the effect of the same
upon an amiable but weak-minded curate,
represents the society of Tours; and it was
at Tours that Gaudissart, the illustrious bag-
man, failed in his daring attempt to make the
lunatic take a year's subscription to the
** Globe" newspaper. Balzac always pos-
sessed the same affection for the " Turkey of
France" which many of his favorite charac-
ters are made to exhibit: in the prefatory
letter to the " Lys dans la Valine" Felix de
Vandenesse, writing to Natalie de Manner-
ville, says, '' I do not love Touraine as muchr
as I love you, but if Touraine did not exist I
should die."
At seven years of age. Honors was sent
to the college of Yenddme, where he is said,
by M. Desnoiresterres, to have been remark-
able for his inattention to ordinary studies,
and his affection for '^ Louis Lambert," whose
story M. Desnoiresterres appears to regard
as a piece of actual biography. Similar
mistakes have been made several times since
the days of Defoe, and must be looked upon
as complimentary to the realizing power of
an author, although they say little for the dis-
crimination of the reader who falls into such
an error. M. Armand Baschet, from whose
excellent memoir we shall borrow the few
important facts connected with a life which
was purely literary, mentions that Balzac,
when at school, wrote a ** Traits de la Vo-
lenti," which one of the masters discovered,
and, as a matter of course, burned. The
'' human will," as the readers of Balzac will
remember, was the subject to which Raphael,
in the ^* Peau de Chagrin," devoted his two
years' study, which ended in an essay intend*
ed to form the " necessary complement to
the works of Mesmer, Gall, and Lavater."
Having taken his degree of bachelor of
arts, Honor6 studied law, and at the same
time attended the lectures at the Sorbonne
and the College of France with the greatest
punctuality. At the age of nineteen he en-
tered the office of a solicitor, and of course
discovered that the profession was an intoler-
able one. A year afterwards he attempted
to reduce himself to the proportions of a
notary's clerk, without any sort of success.
The crisis, as the newspapers say, was now
at hand.
The scene is laid in the Rue da Temple.
82
BALZAC AKB HIS WRTTINOS.
[Sept.,
M. de Balzac pere, his wife, his daughter,
and his son Honors, are discovered seated in
their drawing-room. The father is walking
up and down the room in an agitated man-
ner, the ladies are executing some fancy work
of the period, and the son is turning over
the leaves of a book, and wishing he was
not clerk to a notary. M. de. Balzac pere
pauses in his promenade, and asks his son
abruptly, what profession he intends defi-
nitively to adopt. M. de Balzac fils replies,
that he wishes to become an author (a laugh).
The scene ends with the exit of M. de Balzac
fiU^ who hires the traditional garret of au-
thorship at No. 7, Rue de Lesdisui^res,
close to the library of the Arsenal, and writes
a tragedy. This tragedy — the inevitable
prelude to almost all literary labors — is read
to the Balzac family, and submitted by its
chief to M. Andrieux. M. Andrieuz declares
that the author is incapable even of attain-
ing mediocrity, and Honor^ de Balzac is
looked upon as a sublieutenant named Napo-
leon was looked upon at Valence, when a
lady refused her consent to his marriage with
her daughter, because the young artillery
officer appeared to have no chance of getting
on in the world !
The Rue des Lesdiguieres appears to have
been to Balzac what the Rue de Cluny was
to the aforesaid Raphael, when he lived
on a franc a day, and concealed his five-
franc pieces for the opposite reason to that
which makes the miser hide his treasures,
and lest he should be tempted to change
one of them before its time. '* This,*' says
M. Baschet, " was the solitary period of his
existence. He saw no one, made long walks,
studied the quarter, worked much, and ate
little.'' In 1822, M. de Balzac commenced
his practical studies as a novelist, and pro-
duced in the course of four years some thirty
or forty volumes, signed Horace Saint Au-
bin, Viellergl6, and Lord R'hoone (an ana-
gram of Honor6). These productions, which
were looked upon by Balzac as mere exer-
cises, were written in collaboration with two
or more writers, who have preserved their
original obscurity. The first work was^sold
for 200 francs, the second for 400, the third
for 800, and the fourth for 1200, the pay-
ments being made in bills. About this period,
Balzac must have been attacked by the severe
illness, the recovery from which he ascribes,
in the dedication of the " Lys dans la Val-
ine," to the care and skill of Dr. Nacquart.
** I studied seven years," said M. de Balzac
to M. Champfleury, " before learning what
the French language really was. When
quite young I had an illness, of which nine-
teen persons out of twenty die. I Vras cured,
and commenced writing the whole of the
day. I wrote seven novels, simply as exer-
cises. One to learn dialogue, one for de-
scription, one for the grouping of the cha-
racters, one for the composition, dec. I
wrote them in collaboration ; some of them,
however, are entirely my own, I do not know
which. 1 do not recognize them." M. de
Balzac said, that after these studies and
these bad novels, he began to disbelieve ia
the French language "so little known in
France."
In 1826, M. de Balzac went into partner-
ship with a M. Barbier, as a printer. A one-
volume edition of La Fontaine, and another
of Moliere, had been previously brought out
by him, and it was in hopes of regaining the
fifteen thousand francs which he borrowed
and lost in the speculation, that he started
the printing-office. The printing-office turn-
ing out a failure, Balzac resolved to get back
from the publishers and printers the money
which he had lost by pnnting and publish-
ing ; and in 1827, produced the " Dernier
Chouan," the first book to which he affixed
his real name; and the only contributioa
towards the twenty-two works which were
to have composed the '**Sc^nes de la Vie
Militaire." The ** Dernier Chouan" is written
in imitation of Walter Scott, and many of
the remarks which D'Arthez makes to Lu-
cicn de Rubempr6, a propas of his " Archer
de Charles IX.," upon which his reputation
at Paris- is to depend {vide *' Un Grand
Homme de Province a Paris"), may. be ap-
plied to it.
In 1829, M. de Girardin, who was then
editor of the *' Mode," inserted in that pe-
riodical a tale by M. de Balzac, entitled ** £1
Verdugo." This is a story of a Spanish
noble family, which is concerned in a treach-
erous plot to massacre a French garrison.
The whole family is sentenced to death, but
the life of the heir to the title is at length
spared, upon condition that he will do the
office of executioner upon the remaining
members, which he is ultimately forced to
do by the peremptory command of his fa-
ther. Although the tale exhibits great nar-
rative power, the general effect of it is one
of unmitigated horror, and it certainly be-
longs to Horace Saint Aubin rather than to
Honor^ de Balzac.
In 18S0, Balzac published the " Physiol-
ogy of Marriage," (Physiohgie du Mariage^
ou Meditations de philosophie iclectique sur
le bonheur ei U malkeur conjugal, publOe par
1853.]
BALZAC AND HIS WBITIN6S.
88
tm jeune cilihiiaire,) This work met with
the greatest success, and the authorship (for
it was published anonymously) was variously
attributed to an old man of fashion grown
cynical, an old rotU of a physician, and other
sexagenarians. No one could believe that
it hs^ been written by a man of thirty, until
the man of thirty, in consequence of repeated
misrepresentations as to the authorship and
the habits and character of the author, felt
it necessary to come forward and avow him-
self. The only work we can compare the
"Philosophy of Marriage" with is the
" Marriage Bed," by Defoe, to which, as re-
gards the division of the subject, and in some
other particulars, it bears a considerable re-
semblance. Defoe has treated his subject
much too coarsely for his book to be con-
sidered readable in the present day ; but the
objection to Balzac's work relates not so
much to impropriety in the details, as to the
grave, scientiOc manner in which he affects
to regard the most trivial matters connected
with husbands and wives, and to the lone of
irony which pervades his entire work, and
which, for those who understand him, con-
stitutes its greatest charm. M. Jules Janin,
the author of the ^^ Ane Mort," and other
unpopular atrocities which seem to have
been written by a bewildered butcher, with
a skewer dipped in blood, declared that the
•' Physiology was " infernal." Numerous
journalists of virtue misquotd Balzac, in or-
der to prove that he disbelieved in the exist-
ence of a single virtuous woman ; and our
own " Quarterly Review" denounced him as
a writer, who, amongst other things, "re-
ferred us to Rousseau as the standard and
text-book of public moraU." The passage
in which Balzac refers to Rousseau is as fol-
lows : ^^ Ouvrez Bousseau, ear il ne s'agira
€Paucune-que8twn de morale publique dont il
n'ait d*avance indigue la portbe." To ren-
der the word portSe by either ^* standard" or
" text-book," is certainly a '* free" transla-
tion. The fact is, Balzac had a far more
elevated notion of virtue than those who
have attacked him. He knew hovr to distin-
grtush between virtue and ** the homage
which vice pays to virtue," and, admiring
it profoundly, found it, like all things
worthy of profound admiration, exceedingly
rare. *' A virtuous woman," says the author
of the " Physiology," *' has in her heart a
fibre more or less than other women ; she is
stupid or sublime." Indeed^ it is not the
wives, but the husbands, against whom the
book in question is directed. '' The faults of
the wives are so many acts of accusation
VOL. XXX NO. L
against the egotism, heedlessness, and worth-
lessness of the husbands," says the " Jeune
G61ibitaire." And again, " conjugal happi-
ness proceeds from a perfect concord be-
tween the souls of the husband and wife.
Hence it results that, in order to be happy,
the husband must conform to certain rules
of honor and delicacy. If bis happiness is
to consist in being loved, he must himself
love sincerely, and nothing can resist a genu-
ine passion It is as absurd to pre-
tend that it is impossible to love the same
woman always, as it would be to say that a
celebrated musician requires several violins
to execute a piece of music, and to create an
enchanting melody."
In the preface to the first edition of the
'' Peau de Chagrin," Balzac states, that in
the " Physiology" he had made an attempt to
revive the literature of the eighteenth cen-
tury. This preface has been suppressed in
the subsequent editions, but the author de-
clares in it (as far as we can remember his
words), that " unless we return to the litera-
ture of our ancestors, a deluge of barba-
rians, and the burning of our libraries, are
the only things which can save us, and ena-
ble us to recommence the eternal circle in
which the human mind appears to go round."
He then explains that the public had de-
clared itself unable to sympathize any longer
with the heroes and heroines of consump-
tion, and that it was beginning to feel the
bad effects of the literature of blood, fire and
rapine, so flourishing immediately before the
appearance of the " Peau de Chagrin/'
which was written with the avowed purpose
of anatomizing and exposing French society
as it existed immediately after the Revolution
of 1830. " Your mean costumes, your un-
successful revolutions, your shop-keeping
politicians, your religion dead, your powers
paralyzed, your kings on half-pay — are these
so fine," he asks, "that you would have
them transfigured ? No," he contioues, " I
can only laugh at you (t7 n^y a qu'^d se ma-
quer) ; that is the only literature possible in
an expiring state of society." The " Peau
de Chagrin," contained the most brilliant
descriptions which its author had yet pro-
duced, as the " Physiology" exhibited some
of his best analytical writing. The conver-
sation at the banquet, where artists, writers,
muMcians, bankers, doctors, are all talking
together about the most opposite subjects,
is represented with consummate art, and in
a manner perfectly novel.
Balzac did not exhibit the profound know-
ledge of human life which has * since diatin-
8
34
BALZAC AKD HIS WBmHOP.
[SepU
guisbed him, until 18Sd, between wbicb
year and 1835 be published the " M^deoin
de Campagne/' " Eugenie Grandet/' and
the " P^re Goriot." The "P^u de Chagrin,"
powerfully and brilliantly as it is written,
must be looked upon as belonging to Balzac's
'^second manner/' and as decidedly wanting
in character when compared with the three
master-pieces which we hare just mentioned.
The author was thirty-five when " Euge-
nie Grandet/' and the '' Scenes de la vie de
Province," first appeared — the age of Gold-
smith when he published the "Vicar of
Wakefield," and of Fielding when he pub-
lished " Joseph Andrews." He was twenty-
five years younger than Richardson when he
wrote " Clarissa ;" twelve years yonger than
Rousseau when he brought out the " Nou-
velle Heloise :" and nearly the age of Thack-
eray when he produced ** Vanity Fair." It
was fashionable for some time with critics
to speak of '^ Eugenie Grandet," as Balzac^s
ehef d'fjguvre, as if he had only written one;
and many years afterwards the author com-
plained in a preface that an attempt had
been made to disparage his other works by
bestowing an inordinate amount of praise
upon the one in question, which, nevertheless,
he said (and with evident delight), the critics
had been unable to force upon the public (!)
whereas, the '* M6decin de Campagne" had
reached a fourth edition. The well-known
comparison of Balzac to the Dutch painters
is only just so far as regards the truthfulness
with which he has depicted interiors, and the
habits of some homely characters ; it is un-
just 80 far as regards his exquisite female
characters, (how very Dutch the Femme de
trente ana, Lady Brandon, Esther, Pauline,
Fcedora, and Honorine !) and is stupidly un-
true with respect to his landscapes of Ton-
raine, and the sad poetry of the final scene
in the '^Lys dans la Vallee."
If we except the three heads of criticism,
Gustavo Planche, Philar^te C basics, and
Sainte Beuve, Balzac may be said to have
had all the reviewers of France against him.
He retaliated with Lousteau the feuilleionUte,
the " Muse du Department," and the " Grand
Homme de Province k Paris." We remem-
ber in London, the frenzy with which the
inferior weekly newspapers received the
ohapt«r8 of " Pendennis," in which ctsrtain
gtriking features and very probable charac-
ters connected with the English press were
portrayed ; but the effect of the terribly ex-
act picture of literary life in Paris which the
" Grand Homme de Province a Paris" con-
tained, was such as to make every journalist
turn his pen into a sfilette^ jn order to con-
vince Balzac of the truly Dutch nature of
his brilliant and poetical genius.
The principal characteristic of Balzac's
novels is, nevertheless, their reality. They
differ from the French novels which preceded
them, not only in the truthfulness of the
characters, but also in the simple and natural
motives of the intrigue which, of course,
has its origin in the hearts of the characters.
In Balzac s novels, love — a comparatively
unimportant affair in modern society — was
no longer recognized as the one sole dramatic
agent, and a sweeping reform was effected
in the terrible last chapter, when the good
used to be gathered together and respectably
married, while the bad were cast out into
single-lived perdition. Balzac's object was
to do for the nineteenth century that which
R6tif de la Bretonne had announced his in-
tention of doing for the eighteenth, under
the title of " Monuments du Costume phy-
sique et moral de la fin du 18me siecle."
This R^tif — who wrote one novel on. the sub-
ject of hb separation from his wife, and
another on the occasion of his daughter's
marryinof without his consent (he called this
'' sacrificing himself to the good of his fellow-
citizens") — never carried out his promise
with respect to the 18th century in general,
and we are not aware that he even had the
honor of suggesting the "Com^die Humaine"
to Balzac.
The '* Comedie Humaine" contains pictures
of every kind of society existing in France
during the first half of the nineteenth cen-
tury, whether literary, political, commercial,
military, ecclesiastical, or rural. Of the dif-
ferent seines into which the work is divided,
the " Scdnes de la vie de Province*' exhibit
most sentiment; the '* Scones de la vie Pari-
sienne" most brilliancy ; and *' Les Paysans"
in the " Scenes de la'vie de Campagne," a
rugged truthfulness which had never before
been shown in France in connection with the
peasant, who, according to Boucher, Florian,
and others, drove with a ciseok of barley-
sugar his milk-white lambs, decorated with
ribbons of azure.
Balzac, in spite of the animosity of the
press, was always admired by the greatest
men of the day; and in the dedications of
various volumes of the " Com6die Humaine,"
he has recorded his friendship for No-
dier, Laraartine, Th^phile Gauthier, Heine,
George Sand, Delacroix, Rossini, and Victor
Hugo.
With regard to works not included in the
« Commie Humaine," we will only call at-
1858.]
BALZAC AND HIS WBHINGB
36
tentioD to the '' Enfant Maadit»" an exqui-
site tale of the 16th century, the details of
which are a sufficient reply to those ignorant
personB who fancy that Balzac could only
draw the society and scenes by which he was
surrounded. As for the inferiority of his
plays to his novels, we attribute their want
of success to his having cultivated descrip-
tion at the expense of dialogue, which he
never employs for the sake of telling a story :
and the actual scenery, costumes, and prop-
erties of the theatre must, of course, have
been common- place, compared to what they
would have been in a novel by Balzac.
It is Balzac's forU to illustrate his charac-
ters by the accumulation of a number of
little incidents, each of which adds some-
thing to the inviduality of the personages:
so that, although in the first instance we re-
cognize them ^om the author's description
of their personal appearance, their habits,
the scenes by which they are surrounded,
even their parentage, and the manner in
which they have been educated, we are at
last rendered perfectly familiar and even in-
timate with them, by hearing the words
placed in their mouths, and witnessing their
every- day actions. He never proceeds in
any other manner with those characters
which he has most carefully drawn : Felix
and Monsieur and Madame, de Mortsauf, in
the " Lys dans la Valine ;" the Chevalier de
Yalois in the " Vieille Fille ;" Ursule Mirouet,
the charming young girl who has been adopt-
ed by an old doctor, and educated by an old
priest ; Despleins, whom anatomy and analy-
•b have rendered skeptical, but who founds
a mass for the soul of the pious Auvergnat
who assisted him when he was a penniless
student; Mademoiselle Rogron, the vulgar
and jealous old maid, who persecutes little
Pierrette to death under pretence of be-
having like an aunt ; all the Grandet family
and all the Claes family are produced, en-
tirely or in part, by the method in question.
In consequence of the number of petty inci-
dents introduced with great effect by Balzac
throughout most of his novels, it has been
said of him, as it has been said of Richard-
son, Defoe, and other writers who delighted
in details, that " he knew how to invest the
most ordinary occurrences with interest" —
the fact being that the occurrences in ques-
tion have neither more nor less interest than
they can derive from the characters of the
persona to whom they are represented as
happening. Pierrette, striking her head
against the side of the door after she has
been sent prematurely to bed by Mademoi-
selle Rogron, calls forth more sympathy than
the report of an accident on the Eastern
Counties' Railway ; and the first indication
of Madame de Mortsaufs illness affects us
more than the list of '^ the number of deaths
during the week ending,"<Scc., for an almost
indefinite period. Balzac himself says that,
for suggestiveness, the two fatal lines, " Yes-
terday evening a young woman threw her-
self from the Pont Neuf into the Seine," can
never be equalled, but at the same time there
can be no doubt but that Madame du Bruel
would have been more seriously affected by
bearing that La Palferine had gone without
his dinner, and that Honorine's husband
would have been more hurt by hearing that
his wife had passed a sleepless night*.
On the other hand, Balzac has been accus-
ed of giving an unnatural degree of impor-
tance to details, of recording trivialities, of
describing interiors with the precision of an
appraiser, of tiring th« reader by histories of
the ancestors (and even of the heraldic bear-
ings and quarterings of the ancestors) of some
of his characters, of indulging in disquisitions
on the manners of the inhabitants, natural and
mineral productions, morality, state of trade,
<fec., of the places in which he lays his scenes.
To which it may be replied, that the arrange-
ment or disarrangement of the furniture of a
room sometimes expresses the character of
the owner more clearly thai? his or her own
physiognomy would do; and that a child
brought up in an old castle would differ from
another child who had always lived in a
modern fashionable mansion, while neither of
them would entirely resemble a third child
who had been continuiilly shut up in a puri-
tanical parlor of the Richardsonian pattern,
although all three might originally have pos-
sessed almost identical dispositions ; that an
inventory may in itself be both comic and
poe.tical (as Balzac's annotated catalogue of
the objects in the celebrated curiosity-shop
of the " Feau de Chagrin" sufficiently proves),
and that, in certain cases (as in the last scene
of the first part of '* Ursule Mirouet," in which
a young man enters the room where his fa-
ther died, for the first time since his death);
the said '' inventory" is as unavoidable as the
presence of scenery on the stage in a modem
drama. With regard to the long family his-
tories which are occasionally introduced, they
are frequently necessary, in order to prepare
the reader for one of those events of which
the explanation might appear unnatural if of-
fered after the occurrence, although it may
be simple enough as contained in the introduc-
tion to the story. Sometimes, too, these in-
36
BALZAC AND HIS WRITINGS.
[Sept.,
troductions serve to give probability to a cha-
racter which, although true in natrue, i3 not
of a kind met with every day. " The charac-
ters of a novel," says Balzac, " must be more
logical than those of history. The latter want
to have life given them — the former have liv-
ed. The existence of these requires no proof,
however unnatural their actions may appear ;
while the existence of the others must be sup-
ported by unanimous consent." The strange
character of the husband of the prdvincial
blue-stocking, in the " Muse du Department,"
has been accounted for in an introduction of
such length, that those who are not aware of
the utility of all Balzac's details, might be
teooptefl to skip it.
The system of details, moreover, gives
great reality to the characters. " I was born
in the year 1632," says an old^riend, " in the
city of York, of a good family, though not of
that country, my father being a foreigner of
Bremen, who settled iirst at Hull. He got a
good estate by merchandise, and leaving off
his trade, lived afterwards at York, from
whence he married my mother, whose rela-
tions were named Robinson, a very good fami-
ly in that country, and from whom I was call-
ed Robinson Ereuznaer, but, by the usual
corruption of words in England, we are now
called — ^nay, we call ourselves, and write our
name, Crusoe, and so my companions always
called me." *It is of course impossible to
disbelieve in the existence of a man who tells
you where his father and mother lived, and
that his real name was. Ereuznaer, although
" by the usual corruption of words in Eng-
land he is called Crusoe 1"
^any French critics have affected to look
upon the detailing and realizing system of
Balzac as significant of the decay of art in
France, (the decay of an art which, before
Balzac wrote, did not exist there !) They
will tell you, that the great harvest hfiving
been made, the detail school is composed
only of gleaners, and that the statue is disap-
pearing before the daguerreotype. Realism
IS confounded with materialism by writers
who have never been able to distinguish be-
tween classicism and conventionalism, and is
represented as being the art of copying ex-
ternal nature with correctness, when analysis
•f human character and motives, and the ob-
servation of mental phenomena, form the very
foundation of the system.
It is not even true, however, that the novel
descends to details of character and incident
in proportion as it gets older, or Thackeray,
the representative of the English novel in
the present day, would be more oircumstan-
tial than Defoe, and more minute than Rich-
ardson. In fact, critics can no more lay down
general rules which are not liable to be up-
set at any moment by the appearance of a
man of genius, than politicians can establish
a constitution which does not in itself contain
the elements of a revolution. To complain
of Balzac's details, which formed part of his
8} stem, is to object to his existence as a novel-
ist. It has often been asked why " Clarissa
Harlowe" was written in letters, and Richard-
son has replied that he wrote it in letters,
perhaps because he had previously written a
novel in letters, which had proved a success ;
perhaps because he was not able to write
narrative ; and probably, because the mode
which he had chosen suited him better than
any other. Those who are not satisHed with
Richardson's explanation resemble the critic
in Balzac's " Grand Homme de Province a
Paris." Lucien is astonished at the rapidity
with which the critic has disposed of a book
of travels in Egypt. " I have discovered
eleven faults of French in it," says the feuil-
letoniste, " and I shall tell the author, that,
although he can read hieroglyphics, he can't
write his own language. After that, I shall say,
that instead of troubling himself about Egypt-
ian art, he should have devoted his attention to
the question of trade, and shall end with a flour-
ish about theLevant, and the commerce of
France." "And if he had devoted himself to
the commercial question?" inquires Lucien.
" Then," replies the feuilletoniste, " I should
have told him that he had better have occu-
pied himself with art."
Balzac's description in detail of Madame
de Mortsauf's voice has been often quoted as
an instance of the abuse of the system ; " Sa
fagon de dire les terminaisons en % faisait
croire a quelque chant d'oiseau, le eh pro-
nonc6 par elle 6tait comme une caresse, et
la mani^re dont elle attaquait les / accusait
le despotisme du cceur. Elle ^tendaii ainsi
sans le savoir le sens des mots, et vous en-
trainait Tlime dans un monde immense." It
appears to us that this description of certain
sounds of the voice has the singular merit
of suggesting the voice itself. An " idea-
list," or " classicist," could only have quali-
fied Madame de Mortsauf s voice as "silvery,'*
*' liquid," or by some other adjective which
may be applied to a thousand different voices;
but Balzac, mentioning the sounds which
were especially beautiful in her utterance,
gives as clear a notion of her mode of speak-
ing, as a description of the airs she was in
the habit of executing, aiid of the notes
which she possessed in greatest perfection.
1853.]
THE OHILDREy OF GREAT POETP.
Z1
r
TTOuld give of her singing. Many persons
will doabtless be unable to understand this
description of sound, as others, who are en-
tirely without pictorial faculties, may fail to
appreciate the descriptions of scenery in the
exquisite novel from which we have extract-
ed the above. M. Henry Mlirger, who fol-
lows in the same school as Balzac, and who
is a faithful observer of the society around
him, has understood this description of Ma-
dame de Mortsaufs voice, as he proves by
a passage in one of his " Scenes de la vie de
Jeunesse/'* In another tale in the same
collection, (Madame Olympe,) he has imita-
ted the forms of Balzac with more fidelity
than was necessary, the consequence being
a stiffness, which is entirely absent from the
volume generally.
M. Champfleury, to whom we are indebt-
ed for the interesting conversations with M,
de Balzac appended to M. Baschet's memoir,
is the author of several volumes of tales,
and is an acknowledged disciple of Balzac's.
" That which I see," says M. Champfleury,
•
* " Ab ta remai;^!!^ ayeo quelle douceur elle dit
oertains mots — mon ami ^ exemple, et vi>i$tu,-*
Ac — ' * Zes Amour9 d* OHvter, "
" enters into my head, descends into my pen,
and becomes that which I have seen." This,
however, only describes a portion of the
method of Balzac, who, after observing one
fact and one character, arrived at the truth
with regard to a thousand others by means
of an analogical process, which will always
remain a mystery to those who are unable to
exercise it. Balzac must frequently have
perceived a whole character from a few words
or a single incident, as a c^atn^oyan^e possess-
ing a letter, or a lock of hair, is supposed
to be instantly acquainted with everything
relating to the person to whom they belong ;
or as STiakspeare, with only the Italian novdli
and Plutarch's Lives, imagined the manners
and customs of Italy and Greece. M. Champ-
fleury's last work, " Les Aventures de Mdlle.
Mariette," is advertised as belonging to " Yd-
cole r^aliste la plus avancSe ;" and a classi-
cal critic has threatened the author of that
interesting book with the vengeance of the
government, in case he should realiize any
further projects of realism. Let us hope
that the re- establishment of the guillotine,
which was talked of some time ago, had no
connection with the terrible threat of the
classical critic.
i«4-
•♦♦•
Thb Children of Great Poets. — It is
impossible to contemplate the early death of
Byron's only child without reflecting sadly
on the fates of other families of our greatest
poets. Shakspere and Milton each died with-
out a son, but both left daughters, and both
names are now extinct. Shakspere's was
soon so. Addison had an only child, a daugh-
let, a girl of some five or six years at her
father's death. She died unmarried, at the
age of eighty or more. Farquhar left two
girls dependent on the friendship of his friend
Wilkes, the actor, who stood nobly by them
while he lived. They bad a small pension
from the Government ; and having long out-
lived their father, and seen his reputation un-
alterably established, both died unmarried.
The son and daughter of Coleridge both died
childless. The two sons of Sir Walter Scott
died without children, one of two daughters
died unmarried, and the Scotts of Abbotsford
and Waverley are now represented by the
children of a daughter. How little could
Scott foresee the sudden failure of male issue !
The poet of the " Faerie Queene'' lost a child
when very yorung, by fire, when the rebels
burned his house in Ireland. Some of the
poets had eons and no daughters. Thus we
read of Chaucer's son, of Dryden's sons, of
the sons of Burns, of Allan RAmsay's son, of
Dr. Young's son, of Campbell's son, of Moore's
son, and of Shelley's son. Ben Jonson surviv-
ed all his children. Some — and those among
the greatest-— died unmarried^ Butler, Cowley,
Congreve, Otway, Prior, Pope, Gay , Thomson,
Cowper, Akenside, Shenstone, Collins, Gray,
Goldsmith. Mr. Rogers still lives — single.
Some were unfortunate in their sons in a sad-
der way than death could make them. Lady
Lovelace has laft three children — two sons
and a daughter. Her mother is still alive,
to see perhaps with a softened spirit the shade
of the father beside the early grave of his on-
ly child. Ada's looks in her later years—*
years of suflering, borne with gentle and
womanly fortitude — have been happily caught
by Mr. Henry Phillips — whose father's pencil
has preserved to us the best likeness of Ada's
father. — Atkenamm,
88
THE BOCARME TBAGEDT
[Sept.,
From Sharpe Magazine.
THE BOCARME TRAGEDY.
BY MRS. WARD.
The awful interest created, between two
and three years ago, in England, France, and
Belgium, by Ibe trial of the Comte and Com-
tesse Bocarm6 for the murder of the Com-
teese's ill-starred brother Gustave Fougnies,
— cannot be forgotten.
Within the last few weeks, Madame Bocar-
m6 has again been brought before the public,
by an appeal 'of Monsieur Baugnies to the
Civil Tribune of Tournay, on behalf of this
woman's children, who, from the reckless ex-
travagance of their mother, must, in default
of such legal help, eventually be left penni-
less. " Ill-gotten, ill -spent," says the old
proverb, and, according to Monsieur Bau*-
gnies' showing, and some experience which I
have to offer of my own, touching Madame
Bocarm6, the reader may judge bow aptly
she has illustrated the maxim.
Monsieur Baugnies declared that the
**Comte8se had, by her habits of extraya-
gance and luxury, ruined the estate of her
husband ; and that since she had inherited
the property of her murdered brother, she
had frequented the most fashionable places,
putting herself prominently forward, having
carriages and valuable horses, extensive
apartments, <&c., and dissipating the prpperty
she bad inherited so rapidly that she had
raised by mortgage and otherwise, between
October, 1851 and 1852, 84,000 francs on
the property which came to her by her
brother's death. With a view to preserve
her children from ruin. Monsieur Baugnies
had determined to apply for a civil interdic-
tion," &c,, <fec., &c.
This suit was now instituted on account
of the rumored marriage of the Comtesse
with some one bold enough to mate with such
a coxnpanion. It will be remembered, that
by her evidence her husband was guillotined
for the murder of his brother-m-law, of
which murder she had been the aider and
abettor, and, by her own showing, stimulator.
It was during the month of October, 1851,
that I happened to be an inhabitant of the
same house at Brussels with Madame Bocar-
m6, and, although such propinquity was not
of my own choosing, I could not help taking
a certain interest in observing, as opportu-
nities offered, the various points in tne cha-
racter of such a person. As notoriety, no
matter how glaring, was evidently her pas-
sion, I felt no compunction in " taking
notes,'* and sidce it is not improbable that
she may again appear as the heroine of a
dark romance, I do not hesitate to *' prent
them."
One morning, then, my lai^ady professed
herself to be somewhat mystified by the
visit of a femme de ckambre, who came to
hire the spare apartments of her house for a
widow, whose name she hesitated to impart.
Next day, a hired carriage drove to the door,
and there descended from it the " widow "
and her female attendant. The "widow's"
bonnet was of transparent material, placed
far back on the head ; bands of brown hair
were widely parted off a bold forehead, and
a pair of wild eyes flashed from under heavy
lids; the nose was nondescript, the wide
nostrils indicated scorn, the lairge mouth was
sensual, the chin elevated with an air of vul-
gar pride, and there was a sneer upon the
lips; the throat was bare, — and the arms
were scarcely covered by the loose ruffled
sleeves; in a word, the chief characteristic
of this. woman's abord was audacity. She
swept into the passage^ scanned its lofty alti-
tude with affected disdain, and mounted the
stairs in silence. The door of the sitting-
room at her disposal was thrown open ; the
apartments were more luxuriously, and even
more comfortably, furnished than those in
Brussels lodging- bouses generally are — but
the " draperies did not fnease her :" " the
sofa was not so soft as she desired ;" " the
street, though comme U faut, was irUte;*'
in short, '*all was very inferior to what she
had been accustomed to in her eh&tbau, — "
and *' Who were the other inhabitants of the
house ?"
'f
1853.]
THE BOOAttME TRAGEDY.
89
«<
An English officer and his wife/' was
the landlady's reply.
Madame Boearm6 turned down her lip.
She descended below : observed that she
must send to her ch&teau for her batterie de
cuisine; owned to a fancy for taking her
lunch and breakfast in her kitchen — but as
this is a Belgian fashion, it went for nothing,
— and proposed adding sundry elegancies to
the apartments. She perambulated the
whole house, and would have taken her
choice of rooms, without reference to our
convenience, had she been permitted ; and I
confess that when, subsequently, we learned
who had stalked through our dwelling, I
felt very much as if a dark angel had
swooped down and over-shadowed the place
with its awful presence.
In a week her bargain concluded, and her
trunks arrived with no name on the address.
'* Liege " and '* Cologne " indicated their
route.
Soon after came an avocat, inquiring for
Madame Yisart :
"Madame Bocarm6 you mean, I sup-
pose," said the Belgian landlady, with a mis-
chievous smile, for she had discovered the
name of her new lodger.
The trial of the Comtesse and her hus-
band, filling a thick volume, is one of the
most extraordinary in the annals of the
Causes Celebres, It took place at Mons, in
Belgium, in 1851, and thousands assembled
to judge of the '^judicial drama.'*
For a drama, a tragic one it was. There
was a dead silence in the court on the open-
ing of the first scene, as the President
desired that "Lydie Fougnies"* should come
forward.
*' Lydie '' appeared alone and unsupport-
ed in the doorway : her step was assured,
her toilette carefully arranged — black satin
(Maria Manning's favorite material), forming
her robe — and on her head rested a small
crape bonnet, adorned with a wreath of
white roses ; her face was veiled.
Then was summoned Hippolite Yisart de
Bocarm6. Husband and wife were desired
to seat themselves ; a gendarme placed him*
self between them.
Nothing but the lowered voice and fidgetty
movement of the well-gloved hands with the
folds of her embroidered handkerchief be-
trayed emotion on the part of the Comtesse ;
the Comte seemed stupe6ed.
The charge against them was re^d; the
*
* It Ib customary in Belgiam for the wife to re-
tain her maiden nsme.
names of the hundred and one witneases!
were next proclaimed. The examination of
Lydie opened the trial.
One or two interrogatories between the
president and the prisoner will aflford a spe-
cimen of the manner in which she was per-
mitted to prejudice the court against her
unfortunate husband :—
Question, — "What have been Visart de
Bocarm^'s occupations since his marriage ?"
Answer, — "He has spent eighteen or
twenty thousand francs .in experiments in
agriculture, in bees, and ," the end
of the sentence is better omitted.
Question. — "He was then 9,rouiP
Answer, — " Yes, he has squandered much
money, ^c."
Then came questions about poisonous
plants ; and the wife told how she had been
" made^ by dint of blows and threats," to
open a correspondence with a chemist at
Ghent, under a false name. Next, she drop-
ped insinuations of quarrels between the old
Conote Bocarm^ and his son, of sorrowful
interpositions by the mother, and finally ad-
mitted the share she herself had had — ^invol-
untarily she protested — in preparing the
nicotine to "settle Gustavo," her lame
brother.
For months before the murder, were the
wretched pair engaged in concocting the
fatal draught, taking it in turns to rise at
night and visit the cauldron in which the
potion was transmuting from tobacco to
nicotine. The woman . had to pass her
sleeping children on her fiendish errand,
which she accomplished with inconceivable
coolness and deliberation, watching the tem-
perature of the contents of the brazen ves-
sel by means of a thermometer.
Now and then a laugh disturbed the evi-
dence— ^laughter elicited by allusions to poi-
soned cats and ducks on which Comte Bo-
cann6 had experimentalized for the edifica-
tion of his wire, before " settling Gustavo."
The unfortunate Gustave's heritage of a
few thousand francs had long excited the
greedy cupidity of the Bocarm6s. The com-
tesse had received her fortune under the will
of her father, a retired grocer, but, like all
unprincipled and selfish people, the false
pride of her husband and herself had led
them to expenses beyond their means.
The patrimony of this poor cripple being
the thing they coveted, husband and wife
went hand-in- hand in bringing their dark de-
sign to an issue. As the details were un-
folded at the trial, it must have become clear
to the audience, that Madame Bocarm6 was
40
THE BOOAfiBIE TRAGEDY.
[Sept
not a person to be swayed by any will but
her own ; Lady Macbeth might as well at-
tempt to make her audience believe that she
was the victim of her husband's ambition, as
this Comtesse persuade common sense to ac-
cept her excuses on this plea. It was shown
that she had entered with zest into the ex-
periments on poisoned animals ; had listened
with horrid interest to the report made by
the medical man, whom the comte had ques-
tioned respecting Gustavo's health ; and that,
ere she received her brother at the table,
where he was invited to be poisoned, she
had made the necessary arrangements for
getting her governess and servants out of the
bouse ; then the coachman was sent one way,
the children and their nurses another, and the
train being laid, madame made her toilette
for dinner !
Business had been made the excuse for
the invitation. The brother and sister had
been at issue for months on the subject of
Gustavo's intended marriage with a Made-
moiselle Dudzdle, for his chance of an early
death would avail the Bocarm6s nothing if
once married ; and, although Madame Bo-
carm6 had esHayed to defame Mademoiselle
Dudzele, Gustavo was resolved to espouse
her, and by his declaration sealed his doom.
On the 20th of November, the victim came
to breakfast and pass the day at the Ch&teau
Betrimont. He sat part of the morning with
his sister, wandered into the garden, and
watched the children at play, and " seemed
gay and happy." One of his little nieces
wove him a garland of autumnal flowers ! —
it was found after the murder " crushed and
faded !*' And thus the day wore on till din-
ner time.
" Infirm of purpose," the wretched Comte
had been up before dawn, wandering about
the old chateau, while madame was sleeping.
She rose at her usual hour, nine o'clock.
After dinner, the three relatives drew
round the stoves, and ** sat chatting amica-
bly together!" When the gloom of an
autumn twilight settled on the room, Emer-
ance, the maid, proposed to bring in the
lamp, as usual, but was forbidden. It seems
the exact moment for the deed had never been
fixed on, but the Comtesse had set every
wheel in motion, and now the sword of fate
hung by a slender hair over the victim's
head.
Gustavo rose to go ; the Comte went out
to order the young man's cabriolet; the
coachman was absent, but, contrary to cal-
culation, soon returned. While the Comte
was in the stables, Madame Bocarme gave
her brother a document to read, and he hob-
bled across the room to the stove, having in
vain asked for lights. At this moment the
Comte entered.
In this part of the evidence, the comtesse
committed herself by a series of contradic-
tions ; the facts at length elicited were, that
" as the Comte returned from the stables, she
went to order lights, and that, as she was
leaving the room, she heard a fall, and the
soappmg of a stick — a crutch breaking —
and heard Gustavo say " Alas !
almost the last word that passed the wretch-
ed victim's lip was an oath 1 She heard the
cry for mercy, too, " Pardon, Hip^olite, par-
don !" But she hurried out of the room as
soon as she saw her brother down, with her
husband's grasp upon him ! There was one
more cry of ** Oh, save me !"
It rang through the house in its death
agony ; the servants rushed from the kitchen
and upper rooms, and saw their mistress
stealing along the passage, like an evil spirit.
Madame Bocarm^ tried to evade them, but
one of them swore to recognizing '* the rustle
of the satin robe," and exclaimed, '*Ah,
there is madame f"
By this time the cries in the dining-room
had become but stifled moans, and, ere long,
all was nearly over with Gustavo.
Justine, one of the servants, rushed up to
the nursery, and told her fears to Emerance :
''You are young and fearful," said Eme-
rance, and left the room to fetch the chil-
dren's^supper, which Justine had fogotten in
her alarm.
A frightful vision waylaid Emerance.- At
the door of his chamber stood the Conite,
pale as death, with great drops of perspira-
tion and gouts of blood pouring down his
face, and a wound upon his brow ; his trem-
bling hands refused to do their office, he could
not open the door, and his knees trembled
under him.
Emerance passed on, and met her mistress
with a bowl of water in her hand ; Madame
Bocarm^ ordered the maid back to the nur-
sery, and began speaking to her husband in
a low voice. In five minutes, Madame Bo-
carm^ followed her servant to the nursery,
and sitting calmly down, took one of her in-
nocent children in her lap ; her presence of
mind never deserted her for a moment. On
hearing her husband's agitated voice, she put
the child down, and hurried to him.
Howxiiflerent was it with the miserable
Comte ! He had given Gilles, the coachman,
the most incoherent orders about the cabrio-
let, had sluiced the face of the corpse with
1858.]
THE BOCARM^: TRAOEDT.
41
vinegar, and was now wandering about tlfe
house asking wildly for " Help for Gustave,
who was ill!"
Emerance accompanied her master into the
dining-room ; Madame Bocarm^ followed.
The latter had the grace to shrink, or pre-
tend to shrink back, on the threshold of the
fatal scene ; " Heaven I" exclaimed this blas-
phemer, "what is the matter with my
brother ?"
The Comte was wiping away the vinegar
from the dead man s face. The idea of
Qustave being in a fit was kept up by the
Comte; the humane waiting-woman chafed
the cold palms ; a muscular movement led
her to fancy life was returning :
" Yes ! yes ! " cried Comte Bocarm^, " go
on, Emerance: see, he comes to himself;" so
saying, he, as well as the Comtesse, quitted
the room.
Emerance must have had good courage:
\ett alone with the body, she held the candle
over it, and saw the stamp of d^th at once
upon the distorted features. Comte Bo-
carm6, restless and wavering, returned just
as she had finished her exammation.
" He is quite dead,'* said Emerance.
" What shall we do with his body ? "
cried the Comte. They sent for Gilles, the
coachman, who testified to having found his
master pale, and wan, and trembling. He
could only stammer out, "• Ta — a — -ke this
corpse to Emerance's room."
The guilty pair, leaving the murdered man
to the care of the servants, retired to their
apartment, and Madame Bpcarm^, who had
never been on happy te'fins with her bus-
band, now addressed him. by the most en-
dearing epithets.
"The Comte," said the witness, "was dead-
ly sick during the night, and Madame had a
cup of cocoa made, which she took at mid-
night 1"
The bold, bad woman's presence of mind
remained unshaken ; between her husband's
fits of retching she sipped her cocoa, and
issued her orders " to have the corpse washed
with vinegar," and " to put on it a coarse
^hirt. Be sure," said she to Emerance, " not
to take a fine one !"
She burned some of the victim's clothes,
too, and his crutches, saying she could not
bear to see them ; and, so soon as Monsieur
Bocarm6 revived, took him into the library,
and burned such letters as she thought might
commit them. The books of chemistrv, too,'
she destroyed ; hid the crucible and rem-
nants of tobacco, and, in the course of the
morning, "desired her maid to go and tell
those coquines (rogues), Madame and Ma-
demoiselle Dudzele, thatGustave was dead !"
She next tried to school the servants as to
the testimony they would be called upon to
give : then the doctor was sent for, who at
once pronounced the case to be one of poi-
son ; and no sooner were the wretched pair
accused of the murder, than the Comtesse
turned upon her miserable partner. Her
brother despatched, she resolved on acquiring
his property by offering her evidence, ana
thus condemning her weak-minded husband
to death.
The evidence on the trial proved the guilt
of both, and the spectators breathlessly
awaited the decision of the jury.
The scene will never be forgotten by those
who witnessed it. The day had closed in,
the court blazed with gas, and ranged along
the white and lofty walls were the officers of
the court, the gendarmes, and the judge in
his scarlet robe, the most conspicuous figure
of all ; but the eyes of the crowd were fixed
on the two beings, who were to inscribe, in
bloody characters, on the list of criminals, an
ancient name.
A bell rang; silence fell upon the court.
**• Visart Bocarm6," said the president.
Hope shone on the Comte's face ; many
women burst into tears.
"Lydie Fougnies," was next called.
Not the least emotion was visible on her
face. "This stoicism," says the record,
" surprised and afflicted the audience."
The fatal " yes," of the jury failed to shake
the calm of the Comte's features ; but at the
" no," which decided the safety of his wife,
an expression of happiness gleamed across
them, and he cast a glance of unutterable
tenderness towards the author of his ruin."
Meanwhile she had sat motionless, not a
gesture betrayed anxiety.
"I declare," said the president, " that the
accused, Lydie Fougnies, is acquitted of the
charge brought against her. Lydie Fou-
gnies," a dead pause, " you may descend."
And Madame Bocarme did descend, and
left the court, attended by the director of
the prison.
As she passed out, her husband cast an-
other look of tenderness upon her, " his eyes
sought hers,'*' but there was no responsive
glance ; she never even turned towards him.
He had been humanely placed so that she
should not pass him by !
Then he was condemned to die I
Comte Bocarme appealed, but King Leo-
pold refused to listen ; the unhappy man's
position was aggravated by suspense, caused
44
THE BOCARME TRAOEDT.
[Sept.,
ed with working and writing materials,* the
bed remained as its tenant had left it ; the
pillow-case was richly embroidered with the
cipher, L. B., and the coronet above ; and at
the side of the bed hung a little shrine with
its tiny fountain of holy water, and the image
of the Yirgia I It was doubtless before this
shrine that the Comtesse repeated her aves
and litanies, which sounded so distinctly
through the house at midnight. Her rosary
lay near her looking-glass.
Reports were circulated of property left
her by an Englishman who had died at Paris,
and a crowd of lawyers one day filled Mad-
ame Bocarm^'s drawing-room. These must
have been the men sent for to arrange the
mortage affair, of which Hons. Baugnies
complains, and it is natural to suppose that
the tale of the Englishman's will was an in-
vention of the intnguing woman. She had
even then a lover in her toils ; and her con-
duct soon became so insolent and reckless,
that had she not resolved on quitting the
house, we must have done so.
She hired the apartments formerly occu-
pied by the Spanish Ambassador. On the
morning of her departure, as. the carriage
drove up, the throng gathered to see her
issue from the doorway. As she came out,
she cast her usual look of defiance around,
and, having seated herself with her two little
girls, sent her maid back for something which
Bad probably been left in the house on pur-
pose. On the re-appearance of the servant,
some words were whispered to her by Mad-
ame Bocarm6, upon which the maid, address-
ins Gilles in French, and in a tone that all
might hear, desired him "not to hurry, as
Madame would be happy to remain as long
as the crowd desired to stare at her."
« Drive on, Gilles," exclaimed the land-
lady, a demi-Italian, with a flashing eye ; "if
your mistress chooses to be stoned, I don't
wish my windows to be broken."
The landlady shut the door in haste, and
when evening fell, made the following ar-
rangements in the sitting-room vacated by
the Comtesse.
In the centre of the apartment she placed
a table; on this she laid a fair linen napkin,
and on the napkin put a small bronze cruci-
fix, with a lighted taper on either side of it;
* Madame Booarme had essayed authonhip, and
I am in possession of some extraotsfrom her novel,
the scene whereof is laid in England. The work
was entitled The History of Mist Adeline Helney ;
but the specimens that fell by accident into my
huids are not worthy of transcription ; albiet the
secretary of the Boeiiti des Seieneesptonoxma^ "a
benevolent Judgment upon the MS.*^
after these preparations, she threw open the
doors and windows, ^' in order," as she told
me, " that the house might be exorcised of
the evil spirit"
A strong moral may be drawn from the
story of the life of the Comtesse Bocarme,
the leading feature of whose character, from
her childhood, was ambition; her play-fel-
lows, in ridicule of the airs she assumed,
nicknamed her '' the little duchess ;" and on
her return from the convent of St. Andre, at
Tournay, where she had been educated, she
passed her time in reading the novels of
George Sand, and other aut^iors whose
productions suited her sensual tastes and in-
dolent habits.
Lydie was superstitious ; she dreamed one
night that she was a comtesse, and it has
been said, that she consulted a fortune-teller,
who showed her a tall fair young man, of
ancient and noble family, on the sea, and
homeward bound.
This was Comtc Hippolite Tisart de Bo-
carme, on his way from Java, where his
father bad long lived as " Inspecteur- Gene-
ral,"— agent — on the Marquis de Chateler'a
estate.
The unfortunate Hippolite was born at sea
in a hurricane ; from his birth he was feeble,
and the privations incidental to the voyage
produced convulsions, the effects of which,
by the showing of his mother, '* hunff upon
him through life." The sketch given by the
old Comtesse Bocarme of her son is too long
to quote, but forms a melancholy episode in
this romance of real life ; it tells of life in
exile — for, through pecuniary difficulties, his
father had been compelled to retire to South
America ; of days passed in great solitary
forests on sporting exhibitions ; of fever and
ague accrumg from these expeditions; of
nights spent in study, and of his r^ection of
the principles of religion ; of great suffering
and almost death, from successive fits of ill-
ness.
The poor lady had tried in vain to unite
her son to some virtuous woman ; but in an
ill-fated moment he met with Lydie, fixed his
affections on her, and they were married.
They took up their abode at the ancient
family Chateau de Bitremont.
Bitremont was a princely residence in the
days of Louis XIV., and had been the scene
of many a fray during the Brabantian civil
wars. It is a lonely place, moated, and with
a draw-bridge, which, it is said, the Bocar^
mei were wont to raise when creditore were
trcubleeome !
Anne Radcliffe would have made much of
r
1868.]
BKMARKABLE TRIAL IK GREECE.
46
finch a locality. A few modern rooms were
occupied by the family ; the more ancient
part lis cumbered with defaced sculptures,
faded hangings, rickety cabinets, and crazy
tables. The great billiard-room is void, but
the chapel has not been utterly despoiled ;
emblazoned arms adorn the walls, and the
image of the Virgin, richly dight in lace and
silver, stands on the altar. No one, how-
ever, can tell when the chapel was last used.
All without is still and dreary ; swans sail
upon the green bosom of the stagnant moat,
but plunge below the waters at tue sound of
human voices ; at night the nightingale pours
her wail through the deep woods, and all the
day long, a nock of black pigeons wheel
round and round the towers that mark the
oldest portion of the building. Its distance
from any public thoroughfare makes the
Chateau Bitremont a truly desolate and
silent place. To complete^ the romance at-
tached to the history of the old chateau, it
has its ghostly legend, which tells of " one
of the lords of Bitremont, who came back
from the Holy Land with his head under his
arm, like St. Denis, and appeared yearly on
All Saints* Eve> in an insulated pavilion in
the grounds.''
I had frequent opportunities of seeing
Madame Bocarm6, but I own " the rustle of
her dress," made me shudder : I never could
shake off the idea of the fratricide stealing
through the long corridors of the chateau at
m!&night, to watch the foaming decoction in
the brazen cauldron !
It is remarkable that the family motto of
the Bocarm^s is, " I protect the weak !"
On the 8th of December, 1851, the sale
of effects took place at the chateau, and
great was the surprise of the persons assem-
bled there, to see Madame Bocarro^ enter
undismayed, to *' assbt at the aaction," by
bidding for all the best articles of furniture ;
and at the close of the day she retired to rest
in her old apartments.
And now, what may we expect to hear
of her next : will it be matrimony, or murder,
or both ?
H ^ I I
Remarkable Trial in Greece. — The trial
of an ecclesiastic has just tak^n place, which
has created a great sensation. A monk of
Andros, a certain Theophilus Cairis, was a
man of great erudition, and at one time c^ene-
rally respected ; and after having figured, like
many other priests, in the Greek revolution,
recoived the Preddent Capodistria with a ser-
mon on his duties as chief of the state, which
won him great admiration both for his cour-
age and eloquence. He then set off to travel
all over Europe, collecting money to establish
a college in his native island of Andros ; and
on his return the order of the Saviour was con-
ferred upon him, for his zeal, by King Otho,
which he subsequently declined, dedicating
himself entirely to the establishment of his
school, the fame of which, augmenting every
day, soon drew an immense concourse of all
classes and ages. Soon, however, it begun to
be rumored that the religious principles
taught by Cairis were far from orthodox ; and
the holy synod, at length, taking the alarm,
sent for the monk, to submit him to an ex-
amination, and finding that his answers were
evasive, he was reqmred to sign the Nicene
creed, which he refused to do. This man
who thus imposed on unsuspecting persons
by his ecclesiastical dress was, m fact, a deist,
and made the school the propaganda of his
doctrines. His school was shut up, but as
he still continued to propagate his opinions,
he was confined, according to the ecclesiasti-
cal rule, to his monastery. Some years after-
wards he was liberated, on condition of leav-
ing the country for a time. He then went
to England, and published a philosophical
work, a catechism, and a book of prayer, in
which the Christian religion is quite set aside,
and which, by an unaccountable caprice, are
written in the Doric dialect of ancient Greece.
After this he returned to Greece, where he
proceeded to disseminate these works, either
personally or through some few disciples
whom he had succeeded in making. But as
this came under the penal act, he was 6um-
moned before the assize court at Syria, where,
among other things, he declared that he had
seen in the heavens a star of singular bright-
ness, on which was written " Worship God,
and God alone." The accusation that he
taught and spread a religion not recognized
by the state having been proved, he was con-
demned to two years* imprisonment, and nine
years under the inspection of the police ; and
two of his adherents were at the same time
condemned to half this sentence.
40
HBRMAK MSLYILLEL
[Sept,
fromColkirn's NewHonthly.
HEKMAN MELYILLE
3
The Muses, it was once alleged hj Christo-
pher North, have but scantly patronized sea-
laring verse : they have neglected ship-
building, and deserted the dockyard, — though
in Homer's days they kept a private yacht,
of which he* was captain. ** But their at-
tempts to re-establish anything like a club,
these two thousand years or so, nave misera-
bly failed; and they have never quite re-
covered their nerves since the loss of poor
Falconer, and their disappointment at the in-
gratitude shown to Diodin." And Sir Kit
adds.that though they do indeed now and then
talk of the " deep blue sea,'* and occasional-
ly, perhaps, skim over it like sea- plovers, yet
they avoid the quarter-deck and all its dis-
cipline, and decline the dedication of the cat-
o'-nine-tails, in spite of their number.
By them, nevertheless, must have been
inspired — in fitful and irregular afflatus —
some of the prose-poetry of Herman Melville's
sea- romances. Ocean breezes blow from
his tales of Atlantic and Pacific cruises. In-
stead of landsman's gray goose quill, he seems
to have plucked a quill from skimming cur-
lew, or to have snatched it, a fearful joy,
from hovering albatross, if not from the wings
of the wind itself. The superstition of life
on the waves has no abler interpreter, un-
equal and undisciplined as he is — that super-
stition almost inevitably engendered among
men who live, as it has been said, " under a
solemn sense of eternal danger, one inch only
of plank (often worm-eaten) between them-
selves and the grave ; and who see for ever
one wilderness of waters."^ His intimacy
with the sights and sounds of that wilder-
ness, almost entitles him to the reversion of
the mystic " blue cloak" of Keats's subma-
rine gray beard, in which
-every ocean form
Was woven with a black distinctness; storm,
And calm, and whispering, and hideous roar
Were emblem'd in the woof ; with every shape
That skims, or dives, or sleeps 'twixt cape and
cape.f
* Thomas de Qninoev.
f ** Endymion,'' Book HI.
A landsman, somewhere observes Mr.
Tuckerman, can have no conception of the
fondness a ship may inspire, before he lis-
tens, on a moonlight night, amid the lonely
sea, to the details of her build and workings,
unfolded by a complacent tar. Moonlight
and midseas are much, and a complacent tar
is something ; but we " calculate" a lands-
man can get some conception of the true-blue
enthusiasm in question, and even become
slightly inoculated with it in his own terra
firma person, under the tuition of a Herman
Melville. This graphic narrator assures us,
and there needs no additional witness to make
the assurance doubly sure, that his sea adven-
tures have often served, when spun as a yarn,
not only to relieve the weariness of many a
night-watch, but to excite the warmest sym-
pathies of his shipmates. Not that we vouch
for the fact of his having experienced the
adventures in literal truth, or even of being
the pet of the fo'castle as yarn-spinner .extra-
ordinary. But we do recognize in him and
in his narratives (the earlier ones, at least)
a " capital" fund of even untold " interest,"
and so richly veined a nugget of the bim
trovato as to " take the shine out of" many
a golden ^ero. Readers there are, who,
having been enchanted by a perusal of
** Typee" and " Omoo," have turned again
and rent the author, when they heard a sur-
mise, or an assertion, that his tales were more
or less imagination. Others there are, and
we are of them, whose enjoyment of the his-
tory was little affected by a suspicion of the
kind during perusal (which few can evade),
or an affirmtion of it afterwards. " And if
a little more romantic than truth may war-
rant, it will be no harm," is Miles Coverdale's
morality, when projecting a chronicle of life
at Blithedale. Miles a raison.
Life in the Marquesas Islands ! — how at-
tractive the theme in capable hands I And
here it was treated by a man ** out of the
ordinary," who had contrived, as Tennyson
sings.
To burst alt links of habit— there to wander far
away,
1868.]
HERHAK MBLVniA
^ 47
On from island uDto island at the gateways of the
day.
Larger constellations baming, mellow moons and
happy skies^
Breadths of tropic shade and palms in cluster,
knots of Paradise, —
Droops the heavy-blossom'd bower, hangs the
neayy-fruitedtree —
hammer isles of Eden lying in dark-purple
spheres of sea.
"The Marquesas ! what strange visions of
ontlandish things/' exclaims Tommo himself,
''does the very name spirit op! Lovely
houris — cannibal banquets — ^groves of cocoa-
outs — coral reefs— tattooed chiefs, and bam-
boo temples ; sunny valleys planted with
bread-fruit trees — carved canoes dancing on
the flashing blue waters — savage woodlands
guarded by horrible idols — heathenish rites
and human sacrifices." And then the zest
with which Tommo and Toby, having desert-
ed the ship, plunge into the midst of these
oddly-assorted charms — cutting themselves
a path through cane-brakes — living day hy
day on a stinted table -spoonful of ' a hash of
soaked bread and bits of tobacco' — shivering
the livelong night under drenching rain —
traverein^ a fearful series of dark chasms,
separated by sharp-crested perpendicular
ridges — leaping from precipice above to
palm-tree below — and then their entrance
into the Typee valley, and introduction to
King Mehevi, and initiation into Typee man-
ners, and willy-nilly experience of Typee
hospitality. Memorable is the portrait-gal-
lery of the natives : Mehevi, towering with
royal dignity above his faithful commons ;
Mamoo, that all influential Polynesian Apollo,
whose tattooing was the best specimen of the
Fine Arts, in that region, and whose elo-
quence wielded at will that fierce anthropo-
phagic demos ; Marheyo, paternal and warm-
hearted old savage, a time-stricken giant —
and his wife, Tinor, genuine busybody, most
notable and exacting of housewives, but no
termagant or shrew for all that ; and their
admirable son, Kory-Kory^— his face tattooed
with such a host of pictured birds and fishes,
that he resembled a pictorial museum of
natural history, or an illuminated copy of
Goldsmith's "Animated Nature" — and whose
devotion to the stranger no time could wither
nor custom stale. And poor Fayaway,
olive-cheeked nymph, with sweet blue eyes
of placid yet unfathomable depth, a child of
nature with easy unstudied graces, breathing
from infancy an atmosphere of perpetual
summer — whom, deserted by the roving Tom-
mo, we are led to compare (to his prejudice)
with, Frederika forsaken by Goethe — an epi-
sode in the many-sided Baron's life which we
have not yet come to regard so tolerantly as
Mr. Carlyle.
" Omoo/' the Bover, keeps up the spirit of
"Typee" in a new form. Nothing can be
livelier than the sketches of ship and ship's
company. " Brave Little JuU^ plump Little
Jule^^ A very witch at sailing, despite her
crazy rigging and rotten bulwarks — blow
high, blow low, always ready for the breeze,
and making you forget her patched sails and
blistered hull when she was dashing the
waves from her prow, and prancing, and
pawing the sea — flying before the wind —
rolling now and then, to be sure, but in very
playfulness — with spars erect, looking right
up into the wind's eye, the pride of her
crew ; albeit they had their misgivings that
this playful craft, like some vivacious old
mortal all at once sinking into a decline,
might, some dark night, spring a leak, and
carry them all to the bottom. The Captain,
or *'Miss Guy,"— essentially a cockney, and
no more meant for the sea than a hair-
dresser. The bluff mate, John Jermin, with
his squinting eye, and rakishly-twisted nose,
and gray ringleted bullet head, and generally
pugnacious looks, but with a heart as big as
a bullock— obstreperous in his cups, and al-
ways for having a fight, but loved as a
brother by the very men he flogged, for
his irresistibly good-natured way of knocking
them down. The ship's carpenter, "Chips, *
ironically styled " Beauty" on strict Incus a
non lucendo principles — as ugly in temper as
in visage. Bungs, the cooper, a man after a
bar-keeper's own heart; who, when he felt,
as he said, "just about right," was charac-
terized by a free lurch in his gait, a queer
way of hitching up his waistbands, and looking
unnecessarily steady at you when ^pe^king.
Bembo, the harpooner, a dark, moody savage
— none of your effeminate barbarians, but a
shaggy-browed, glaring-eyed, crisp-haired
fellow, under whose swart, tattooed skin the
muscles worked like steel rods. Rope Yam,
or Ropey, the poor distraught land-lubber —
a forlorn, stunted, hook-visaged creature,
erst a journeyman baker in Holborn, with a
soft and underdone heart, whom a kind word
made a fool of. And, best of all, Doctor
Long Ghost, a six-feet tpwer of bones, who
quotes Virgil, talks of Hobbes of Malmes-
bury, and repeats poetry by the canto, espe-
cially "Hudibras;" and who sings mellow
old songs, in a voice so round and racy, the
real juice of sound ; and who has seen the
world from so many angles, the acute of
48
HERMAV MKLYILLE.
[Sept.,
civilization and the obtuse of Bavagedom;
and who is as inventive as he is incurable in
the matter of practical jokes — ^all effervescent
with animal spirits and tricksy good-humor.
Of the Tahiti folks, Captain Bob is an amus-
ing personage, a corpulent giant, of three-
alderman-power in gormandizing feats, and
80 are Po-po and his family, and the irreve-
rently-ridiculed court of Queen Pomare. It
is uncomfortable to be assured in the preface,
that "in every statement connected with
missionary operations, a strict adherence to
facts has, ot course, been scrupulously ob-
served"— ^and the satirist's rather flippant
air in treating this subject makes his protes-
tation not unnecessary, that "nothing but an
earnest desire for truth and good has led him
to touch upon it* at all." Nevertheless, there
is mournful emphasis in these revelations of
mickonaree progress — and too much reason
to accept the tenor of h\» remarks as correct,
and to bewail the inapplicability to modern
missionaries in general, of Wordsworth's
lines.
Rich conqaeat waits them : — ^the tempestuous sea
Of Ignorance, that ran so rouffh and high,
These ffood men humble by a ^w bare words,
And calm with awe of God*8 divinity.
For does not even so unexceptionable a pil-
lar of orthodoxy as Sir Archibald Alison,
express doubt as to the promise of Missions,
in relation to any but European ethnology ?
affirming, indeed,* that had Christianity been
adapted to man in his rude and primeval
state, it would have been revealed at an
earlier period, and would have appeared in
the age of Moses, not in that of Csesar : — a
dogmatic assertion, by the way, highly cha-
racteristic of the somewhat peremptory baro-
net, and not very harmonious, either in let-
ter or spirit, with the broad text on which
world-wide missionary enterprise is founded,
and for which Sir Archibald must surely
have an ethnic gloss of his own private inter-
pretation : Ilop6\>66vr6g iuxAv\rs\j<faTS ^ravra ra
But to Mr. Melville. And in a new, and
not improved aspect. JExit Omoo ; enter
Mardi. And the cry is, Heu! quantum
mutatus ah illo —
Alasfhow changed from him,
This vein of Ercles, and this soul of whim —
changed enough to threaten an exeunt onmee
of his quondam admirers. The first part of
* See " AIIbods's Hifltory of Europe " (Xew Se-
rieeX vol i., p. 74,
" Mardi " is worthy of its antecedents ; but
too soon we are hurried whither we would
not, and subjected to the caprices, velut
CBffri somnia, of one who, of malice afore-
thought,
Delphinnm silvis appingit, fluctibus aprnm —
the last clause signifying that he horee us
with his *<sea of troubles," and provokes
us to take arms against, and (if possible) by
opposing, end them. Yet do some prefer
his new shade of marine blue, and exult in
this his "sea-change into something rich
and strange." And the author of "Nile
Notes" defines "Mardi," as a whole, to be
unrhymed poetry, rhythmical and measured
— the swell of its sentences having a low,
lapping cadence, like the dip of the sun-
stilled. Pacific waves, and sometimes the
grave music of Bacon's Essays ! Thou wert
right, 0 Howadji, to add, "Who but an
American could have written them." Alas,
Cis-Atlantic criticism compared them to
Footers " What, no soap ? So he died, and
she very imprudently married the barber/'
— with the wedding concomitants of the
Picninnies and Great Panjandrum and gun-
powderheeled terpsichorics — Foote being,
moreover, preferred to Melville, on the score
of superiority in sense, diversion, and brevity.
Nevertheless, subsequent productions have
proved the author of "Mardi'' to plume
himself on his craze, and love to have it so.
And what will he do in the end thereof ?
^ In tone and taste "Redburn" was an
improvement upon " Mardi," but was as de-
ficient a§ the latter was overfraughft- with
romance and adventure. Whether fiction or
fact, this narrative of the first voyage of
Wellingborough Redburn,* a New York mer-
chant's son, as sailor-boy in a merchant-ves-
sel, is even prosy, bald, and eventless ; and
would be dull beyond redemption, as a story,
were not the author gifted with a scrutinizing
gaze, and a habit of taking notes as well as
" prenting " them, which ensures his readers
against absolute common-place. It is true,
he more than once plunges into episodic ex-
travaganzas—such as the gambling-house
frenzy of Harry Bolton — but these are, in
effect, the dullest of all his moods ; and tend
to produce, what surely they are inspired
by, blue devils. Nor is he over chary of in-
troducing the repulsive, — notwithstanding
his disclaimer, "Such is the fastidiousness
* The hero himself is a eort of amalgam of Per-
ceval Eeene and Peter Simple— the keenneee
Btnogely antedaUng the simplioity.
1658.]
HERBUN MELYTt.T.K
40
of Bome readers, that, many times, they |
must lose the most striking incidents in a
narrative like mifie :*** for not only some, but
most readers, are too fastidious to enjoy such
scenes as that of the starving, dying mother
and children in a Liverpool cellar,, and that
of the dead mariner, from whose lips darted
out, when the light touched them, " threads
of greenish fire, like a forked tongue," till
the cadaverous face was '' crawled over by
a swarm of worm-like flames '* — a hideous
picture, as deserving of a letter of remon-
strance on aesthetic grounds, as Mr. Dickens'
spontaneous combustion case (Krook) on
physical.f Apart from these exceptions,
the experiences of Redburn during his '* first
voyage " are singularly free from excite-
ment, and even incident. We have one or
two '* marine views '* happily done, though
not in the artist's very happiest style. The
picture of a wreck may be referred to — that
of a dismantled, water-logged schooner, that
had been drifting about &r weeks ; her bul-
warks all but gone — the bare stanchions, or
posts, left standing here and there, splitting
in two the waves which broke clear over the
deck — her open main-hatchway yawning in-
to view every time she rolled in the trough
of the sea, and submerged again, with a
rushing, gurgling sound of many waters;
the relic of a jacket nailed atop of the bro-
ken mainmast, for a signal ; and, sad, stern
sight — most strange and most unnatural —
*' three dark, green, grassy objects," lashed,
and leaning over sideways against the taffrail
— slowly swaying with every roll, but other-
wise motionless ! There is a spirited sketch,
too, of the sailor-boy's first ascent* to " loose
the main-skysail " — not daring to look down,
but keeping his eyes glued to the shrouds —
panting and breathing hard before he is half-
way up — reaching the "Jacob's ladder,"
and at last, to his own amazement, finding
himself hanging on the skysail yard, holding
on might and main to the mast, and curling
his feet round the rigging, as if they were
another pair of hands; thence gazing at
length, mute and awe-stricken, on the dark
midnight sea beneath, which looks like a
great, black ^ulf, hemmed in all round by
beetling black cliffs — the ship below, seem-
ing like a long, narrow plank in the water —
the boy above, seeming in utter loneliness to
tread the swart night clouds, and every
second expecting to find himself falling —
— falling — ^falling, as he used to feel when
♦ "Redbnm," vol. iL, cL 27.
f See a. H. Lewee'fl Two Letters
VOIk XXX NO. L
the nightmare was on him. Redburn roan-
aged his first ascent deftly, and describes it
admirably. Sir Nathaniel, indeed, never has
been sedentary 8ia wxtos on a main skysail ;
but he is pretty sure, from these presents,
that Mr. Melville has. Equally sure, in his
own case, is Sir N., that had he attained
that giddy eminence, not only should he
have expected to find himself falling — falling
— falling, but would have found himself, or
been found, fallen ; which Redburn was noL
Gallant boy — clear-headed, light-hearted,
fast-handed, nimble-footed ! — he deserved to
reach the top of the tree, and, having i^ach-
ed, to enjoy the sweet peril, like blossom
that hangs on the bough : and that in time
he did come to enjoy it we find from bis
record of the wild delirium there is about it
— the fine rushing of the blood about the
heart — the glad thrilling and throbbing of
the whole system, to find yourself tossed
up at every pitch into the clouds of a
stormy sky, and hovering like a judgment
angel between heaven and earth ; both
hands free, with one foot in the rigging, and
one somewhere behind ^ou in the air.
The crew, again, are sketched by a true
draughtsman — though one misses the breadth
and finish of his corresponding descriptions
in " Omoo." There is Captain Riga, all soft-
sawed ashore, all vinegar and mustard nt
sea — a gay Lothario of all inexperienced^
sea-going youths, from the capital or the
country — who condoles and sympathizes with
them in dock, but whom they will not know
again when he gets out of sight of land, and
mounts his cast-ofT clothes, and adjusts his
character to the shabbiness of his coat, and
holds the perplexed lads a little better tl^an
his boots, and will no more think of address-
ing them than of invoking wooden Donald,
thd figure-head at the ship's bows. There
is Jackson — a meagre, consumptive, over-
bearing bully — squinting, broken-nosed, rheu-
matic— the weakest body and strongest will
on board — " one glance of whose squinting
eye was as good as a knock-down, for it was
the most subtle, deep, infernal-looking eye
ever lodged in a human head," and must
have once belonged to a wolf, or starved
tiger, — no oculist could ever "turn out a
glass eye half so cold, and snaky, and
deadly" — fit symbol of a man who, '* though
he could not read a word, was spontaneous-
ly an atheist," and who, during the long
night-watches, would enter into arguments
to prove that there was nothing to be be*
lieved, or loved, or worth, living for, but
everything to be hated, in the wide world :
4
50
HERMAN MELVILLK
[Sept.,
in short, " a Cain afloat; branded on his yel-
low brow with some inscrutable curse ; and
going about corrupting and searing eveir
heart that beat near him." There is Jack
Blunt, the *' Irish Cockney/' with his round
face like a walrus, and his stumpy flgure like
a porpoise standing on end — full of dreams
and marine romance — singing songs about
susceptible mermaids — and holding fast a
comfortable creed that all sailors are saved,
having plenty of squalls here below, but fair
weather aloft. There is Larry, the w haleman,
or " blubber-boiler," ever extolling the de-
lighis* of the free and easy Indian Ocean,
and deprecating civilized life, or, as he styles
it, "snivelization," which has "spiled him
complete, when he might have been a great
man in Madagasky." There is Dutch Max,
stolid and seemingly respectable, but a sys-
tematic bi-(if not po1y-)gamist. And there
is the black cook, serious, metaphysical,
" and given to talk about original sin" — sit-
ting all Sunday morning over boiling his pots,
and reading grease-spotted good books ; yet
tempted to use some bad language occasional-
ly, when the sea dashes into his stove, of cold,
wet, stormy mornings. And, to conclude,
there is the steward, a dandy mulatto,
yclept Lavender; formerly a barber in West-
Broadway, and still redolent of Cologne water
and relics of his stock-in-trade there — a sen-
timental darky, fond of reading ** Charlotte
Temple," and carrying a lock of frizzled
hair in his waistcoat pocket, which he vol-
unteers to show you, with his handkerchief to
his eyes. Mr. Melville is perfectly au fail in
nautical characterization of this kind, and as
thoroughly vapid when essaying revelations of
Enelish aristocratic life, and rhapsodies about
Itaaan organ- boys, whose broken English re-
sembles a mixture of " the potent wine of
Oporto with some delicious syrup," and wlio
discourse transcendently and ravishingly about
their mission, and impel the author to affirm
that a Jew's-harp hath power to awaken all
the fairies in our soul, and make them dance
there, " as on a moonlit sward of violets ;"
and that there is no humblest thing with
music in it, not a fife, not a negro-fiddle, that
is not to be reverenced* as much as the
grandest organ that ever rolled its flood- tide
of harmony down a cathedral nave ! What
will Mr. Melviire think of our taste, when
we own to a delight in the cathedral organ,
but also to an incurable irreverence towards
street organ, vagrant fiddle, and perambula-
* No parallel passagre is that fine saying of Sir
Thomas Browne in *' Religio Medici," ii., 9.
tory fife ? — against which we have a habit of
shutting the window, and retiring to a back
room. Tliat we are moved by their concord
of sweet sounds, we allow ; but it is to a wish
that they would ** move on," and sometimes
to a mental invocation of the police. Whence,
possibly, Mr. Melville will infer, on Shaks-
pearian authority, that we are met only for
Treason, stratagemF, and spoils ;
and will demand, quoad our critical taste.
Let no such man be trasted.
•
Next came " White Jacket ; 6r, the World
in a Man-of-War." The hefro's soubriquet is
derived from his — shirt, or " white duck
frock," his only wrap-rascal — ^a garment
patched with old socks and old trouser-legs,
bedarned and bequilted till stiff as King
James's cotton-stufiTed and dagger-proof
doublet — provided, moreover, with a great
variety of pockets, pantries, clothes-presses,
and cupboards, and *' several unseen recesses
behind the arras,'' — insomuch, exclaims the
proud, glad owner, " that my jacket, like an
old castle, was full of winding stairs, and
mysterious closets, crypts, and cabinets;
and like a confidential writing desk, abound-
ed in snug little out-of-the-way lairs and
hiding-places, for the storeage of valuables."
The adventures of the adventurous proprietor
of this encyclopaedic togo, this cheap maga-
zine of a coat, are detailed with that eager
vivacity, and sometimes that unlicensed ex-
travagance, which are characteristic of the
scribe. Some of the sea- pictures are worthy
of his highest mood — when a fine imagina-
tion over-rides and represses the chaos of a
wanton fancy. Give him to describe a storm
on the wide waters — the gallant ship labor-
ing for life and against hope — the gigantic
masts snapping almost under the strain of
the top-sails — the ship's bell dismally tolling,
and this at murk midnight — the rampant bil-
lows curling their crests in triumph — the gale
flattening the mariners against the rigging as
they toil upwards, while a hurricane of slant-
ing bleetand hail pelts them in savage wrath :
and he will thrill us quiet landsmen who
dwell at home at ease.
For so successful a trader in " marine
stores" as Mr. Melville, ** The Whale" seemed^
a speculation every way big with promise.
From such a master of his harpoon might
have been expected a prodigious hit. There
was about blubber and spermaceti something
unctuously suggestive, with him for whale-
man. And his three volumes entitled " The
r
1863.]
Whale" andoabtedly contain inuch vigorous
description, much wild power, many striking
details. But the effect is distressingly mar-
red throughout by an extravagant treatment
of the subject. The style is maniacal — mad
as a March hare — mowing, gibbeting,
screaming, like an incurable Bedlamite,
reckless of keeper or straight-waistcoat.
Now it vaults on stilts, and performs Bom-
hastes Furioso with contortions of figure, and
straining strides, and swashbuckler fustian,
far beyond Pistol in that Ancient's happiest
mood. Now it is seized with spasms, Acute
and convulsive enough to excite bewilder-
ment in all beholders. When he pleases,
Mr. Melville can be so lucid, straightforward,
hearty, and unaffected, and displays so unmis-
takable a shrewdness, and satirical sense of
the ridiculous, that it is hard to suppose that
he can have indited the rhodomontade to
which we allude. Surely the man is a Dop-
pelganger — a dual number incarnate (singu-
lar though he be, in and out of all con-
science) : — surely he is two single gentlemen
rolled into one, but retaining their respective
idiosyncrasies — the one sensible, sagacious,
observant, graphic* and producing admirable
matter — the other maundering, drivelling,
suject to paroxysms, cramps, and total col-
lapse, and penning exceeding many pages of
unaccountable " bosh." So that in tackling
every new chapter, one is disposed to ques-
tion it beforehand, " Under which king, Be^
zonian ?" — the sane or the insane ; the con-
stitutional and legitimate, or the absolute and
usurping? Writing of Leviathan, he ex-
claims, " Unconsciously my chirography ex-
pands into placard capitals. Qive me a con-
dor's quill 1" Give me Vesuvius' crater for
an inkstand ! Friends, hold my arms'!"
Oh that his friends had obeyed that summons !
They might have saved society from a huge
dose of hyperbolicul slang, maudlin sen-
timentalism, and tragi-comic bubble and
squeak.
His Yankeeisms are plentiful as blackber-
ries. " I am tormented," quoth he, " with
an everlasting itch for things remote." Re-
mote, too frequently, from good taste, good
manners, and good sense. We need not
pause at such expressions as " looking a sort
of diabolically funny ;"—'* beefsteaks done
rare ;" — " a speechlessly quick chaotic bund-
ling of a man into eternity ;" — " bidding adieu
to circumspect life, to exist only in a deliri-
ous throb.' But why wax fast and furious
in a thousand such paragraphs as these : —
*'In landlessness alone resides the highest
truth, indefinite as the Almighty. . . . Take
HERMAN MELVILLE
51
heart, take heart, 0 Bulkington ! Bear thee
grimly, demi-god ! Up from the spray of
thy ocean-penshing — straight up, leaps thy
apotheosis 1" — " Thou [««7, Spirit of Equali-
ty] great God ! who didst not refuse to the
swart convict, Bunyan, the pale, poetic
pearl; Thou who didst clothe with doubly
hammered leaves of finest gold the stumped
and paupered arm of old Cervantes ; Thou
who didst pick up Andrew Jackson from the
pebbles; who didst hurl him upon a war-
horse ; who didst thunder him higher than a
throne !" — " If such a furic^s trope may
stand, his [Capt. Ahab's] special lunacy
stormed his genial sanity, and carried it, and
turned all its concentrated cannon upon its
own mad mark .... then it was, that his
torn body and gashed soul bled into one
another ; and so interfusing made him mad."
— •* And the miser-merman, Wisdon, revealed
[to a diving negro] his hoarded heaps ; and
among the joyous, heartless, ever-juvenile
eternities, Pip saw the multitudinous, God-
omnipresent, coral jnsects, that out of the
firmament of waters heaved the colossal orbs.
He fc-aw God's foot upon the treadle of the
loom, and spoke it ; and therefore his ship-
mates called him mad."
The story itself is a strange, wild, furi-
bund thing — about Captain Ahab's vow of
revenge against one Moby Dick. And who
is Moby Dick ? A fellow of a whale, who
has made free with the captain's leg ; so
that the captain now stumps on ivory, and
goes circumnavigating the globe in quest of
the old offender, and raves by the hour in a
lingo borrowed frona Rabelais, Carlyle, Em-
erson, newspapers transcendental and trans-
atlantic, and the magnificent poems of our
Christmas pantomimes. Captain Ahab is in-
troduced with prodigious efforts at prepara-
tion; and there is really no lack of rude
power and character about his presentment
— spoiled, however, by the Cambyses' vein
in which he dissipates his vigor. His por-
trait is striking — looking *'like a man cut
away from the stake, when the fire has over-
runningly wasted all the limbs without con-
suming «them, or taking away one particle
from their compacted aged robustness" — a
man with a brow gaunt and ribbed, like the
black sand beach after some stormy tide has
been gnawing it, without being able to drag
the firm thing from its place. Ever since
his fell encounter with Moby Dick, thb im-
passioned veteran has cherished a wild vm-
dictiveness against the whale, frantically
identifying with him not only all his bodily
woes, but all his feelings of exasperatbn —
52
AMPERE IN PHILADELPHIA.
[Sept,
80 that the White Whale swims before him
'* as the monomaniac incarnation of all those
malicious agencies which some deep men feel
eating in them, till they are left living on
with half a heart and half a lung." The
amiable cannibal Queequeg occasions some
stirring and some humorous scenes, and is
probably the most reasonable and cultivated
creature of the ship's company. Starbuck
and otubb are both tiresome, in different
ways. The book is rich with facts connected
with the natural history of the whale, and
the whole art and process of whaling; and
with spirited descriptions of that process,
which betray an intense straining at effect.
The climax of tha three days' chase after
Moby Dick is highly wrought and sternly
exciting — bat the catastrophe, in its whirl of
waters and fancies, resembles one of Tur-
ner's later nebulous transgressions in gam-
boge.
Speaking of the passengers on board Red-
burn's ship Highlander^ Mr. Melville signifi-
cantly and curtl^^ observes, " As for the la-
dies, I have nothiog to say eoncerning them ;
for ladies are like creeds ; if you cannot speak
well of them, say nothing." He will pardon
us for including in this somewhat arbitrary
classification of forms of beauty and forms
of faith, his own, last, and worst production,
" Pierre ; or, the Ambiguities."
O author of " Typee" and " Omoo," we
admire so cordially the proven capacity of
your pen, that we entreat you to doff the
*' non-natural sense" of your late lucubra-
tions— to put off your worser self — and to
do your better, real self, that justice which
its " potentiality" deserves.
-*«-
■♦♦'
Tranilated from the Rerne deidcuia Hondas.
AMPERE IN PHILADELPHIA.
The journey from New York to Philadel-
phia is made in half a day, partly by railroad
and partly by steamboat. Throughout the
whole extent of the United States, there is
no other mode of travel. The extent of rail-
roads in the Union is almost equal to that of
all others in the world. It is estimated that
at the present time nearly 27,000 miles of
railway have been constructed upon the
globe, which laid in a straight line would ex-
tend around the earth. Of this whole extent
of railway, the United States has about
12,000 miles, twice that of Great Britain, and
five times that of France. This extent has
doubled in four years. The traveller. Sir
Basil Hall, affirmed in 1825, that it would be
impossible to construct railroads in the Uni-
ted States, because of the great distances. In
France, about the same time, some doubted
the applicability of steam to those ways of
communication which were at first made for
the transportation of coal, and upon which
vehicles durawn by horses have been replaced
by cars running at the rate of 90 miles an
hour. It may be that similar triumphs
are reserved to electro-magnetism, which
some are now attempting to substitute for
steam. Meanwhile, the electric telegraph is
making a wonderful use of this newly dis-
covered power. There are now in the United
States 15,000 miles of telegraphic wires.
I found ray travelling companions very
social and agreeable. As I have been accus-
ed of partiality in this respect, I quote the
words of an £nglish traveller desirous of
demonstrating the advantages which Canada
possesses in consequence of its union with
the mother country, and complacently con-
trasts its prosperity with that of the United
States. This traveller certainly cannot be
suspected of partiality in their favor. " A
well-bred American," says Mr. Tremenheere,
*' ever manifests the greatest kindness and
cordiality to a stranger, upon the least recom-
mendation and even without recommendation,
in the chance meetings of hotel life or in travel-
ling. I have always found every one disposed
to answer all inquiries, and eagerly embra-
cing every opportunity of performing acts of
courtesy and politeness." How shall we re-
concile this testimony with the accusations
of so many other travellers against the gopd
manners of the Americans ? This difference,
think, may be attributed to two causes :
r
1853.J
AMPERE m PHILADELPHIA.
53
Mr. Tremenbeere has fewer prejudices against
this country than many of his countrymen,
and has travelled there more recently.
I expected to find Philadelphia entirely
different from New York. I had anticipated
a quiet city, with a Quaker air ; but the uni-
form activity of the Americans gives a simi-
larity of appearance to all the great centres
of population. Philadelphia is no longer the
city of Penn. The Quakers ceased to be
dominant at the time of the Revolution. Cer-
tain portions of the city, however, have a
more quiet and more ancient aspect than
New York. There is no street so command-
ing as Broadway ; in no part is there an ap-
pearance of so great activity, still it prevails
to a very great extent in the principal streets.
Philadelphia is a manufacturing city, and
New York a commeii^iAl city ; they are Bir-
mingham and Liverpool.
For a long time Philadelphia had the as-
cendency of New York ; but the day that
Jackson vetoed the United States Bank was
fatal to its prosperity. The commercial su-
periority of New York is cstAblished by the
Erie Canal, which pours into its markets the
rich products of the West, in addition to the
various railroads which arc in operation.
Philadelphia is projecting and preparing
greater facilities of communication with the
valley of the Ohio, and establishing a line of
trans- atl an tic steamers, which will turn the
tide of European emigration to its advantage.
This emulation is ardent. The superiority of
New York is the night-mare of the Pennsyl-
vanians, who are reluctant to concede that it
is the first city in the Union, and doubt the
results of the last census, which gives to the
rival city a greater population than that of
Philadelphia.
The weather was cold and stormy on my
arrival. In the public gardens I saw gray
squirrels sporting upon the dark branches of
the naked trees. I perceived that there had
been built for them little houses among the
branches. There is in this benevolence to ani-
mals something which recalls Penn. These
poor squirrels have not always been so well
treated ; as they were destructive to the grain,
a price was set upon their heads during the
last century. The government expended
8,000 pounds for their extermination.
I like to go to the theatre the first day of
my arrival in a city, and while listening to
the actors, I observe the people ; besides, it is
a rest. After the fatigue of travelling, I do
not feel disposed to endure that other fatigue
which conversation in a foreign language with
strangers produces. They were playing at
the Philadelphia theatre the translation of
the Tyrant of Padua, by Victor Hugo. A
remnant of Quaker prudery, not allowing
them to give the heroine the name of cour-
tezan, she was styled upon the placard as an
actress, which destroys the whole meaning
of the play, and shows at the same time that
the condition of the theatre here is consider-
ed as something profane. The actress repre-
senting Tisb^ was neither Mile. Rachel nor
Mme. Dorval; her acting appeared to me
violent and immodest. All the modesty was
expended upon the placard. The theatre
closed with a scene in which I thought I
perceived some traits of American character,
especially in the part enacted by a servant,
who performed only with his head, saying to
his master : " Why will you write upon this
table rather than upon that ?'* I only fear
lest this little comedy, which seems to me so
American, should be a translation of some
French ballad.
If Boston was witness to the first contests
for independence, it was at Philadelphia that
the first Congress assembled, one year before
the armed struggle comnyenced, that Con-
gress of which Lord Chatham said : ** With
whatever admiration the free States of antiqui-
ty in spire me, I am forced to acknowledge, that
for solidity of reasoning, penetration of mind,
wisdom of conduct, the American assembly
yields to none within the memory of man ;"
that Congress, in which Christopher Gads-
den answered, Roman-like, those who express-
ed the fear that the English could easily
destroy all the maritime cities of North
America : " Mr. President, our maritime
cities are made of wood and bricks. If they
are destroyed, we have clay and forests to
rebuild them ; but if the liberties of our coun-
try are destroyed, where shall we find mate-
rials to repair them?" The second Con-
gress which chose Washington as Comman-
der-in-Chief, and proclaimed independence,
also convened at Philadelphia. There may
still be found the hall in which this declara-
tion was made, and the original manuscript
of this glorious proclamation, signed by the
founders of American liberty. It was here
that John Adams, a northern man, chivalrous-
ly proposed Washington, of Virginia, for the
Supreme command.
In the place which recalls so great an event,
we cannot forbear to glance at the causes
which led to it. The enfranchisement of the
English colonies of America was not, strictly
speaking, a revolution. It was a separation.
Each colony, in becoming independent, was
a republic in almost every thing but in nam^.
54
AMPERE IN PHILADELPHIA.
[Sept.,
It had a governor and two assemblies ; it still
had a governor and two assemblies, and con>
tinned to govern itself as formerly. There
was scarci^ly a change of name, still less of
things. The State of Rhode Island had, until
1826, for a constitution the charter granted to
it by the crown of England. America, in sep-
arating herself from the Metropolis, was like
one vessel parting from another, and continu-
ing to pursue the same course, and to per-
form the same movements. The independent
colonies even experienced some difficulty in
submitting to the power of Congress, which
in some respects was mcnre burdensome than
the distant and contested authority of the
English government.
S'ot only did the colonies under the mon-
archy possess republican institutions, but,
what was still more desirable, they had had
the opportunity to develop among them the
republican spirit. With the exception of
some wars with the Indians, and some expe-
ditions against the French, who maintained
in their commercial and agricultural existence
an energy which might become advantage-
ous in the struggle for independence, the
history of the English colonies was composed
almost wholly of disputes with the ministers
and parliament, or with the governors sent
from England. It was a gradual contest ;
like that of the commons of the middle age
against the feudal lords, or of the Italian re-
publics against the emperors. There were
insurvections — that of Virginia under Bacon,
who burned t\fe new capita], Jamestown, as
the Russians burned Moscow ; the conspira-
cy of Birkenhead, attempted in the same pro-
vince by some of the veterans of Cromwell ;
there were demagogues, who zealously sup-
ported the cause of the people and after-
wards perished abandoned by them, as Say-
ser at New York, under William 3d. But
what was always dominant was legal resist-
ance, the obstinate support of a written law,
of a charter, the art of eluding or of weary-
ing tyranny, and, although submitting to it,
the determination to oppose it. These con-
troversies, these reclamations, this persever-
ing opposition, which was continually chang-
ing its form, and, when one place failed, ap-
peared in another, which contended without
passion yet without weakness, protesting ever,
yielding sometimes, never renouncing, were
like a patient war, a siege slow but sure,
and terminated by the Declaration of Inde-
pendence, prepared for more than a century.
This memorable struggle for freedom was
gradually evolved by the natural develop- .
ment of the principles of liberty, brought to I
America by the colonists of New England.
They contained nothing theoretical or ab-
stract : it was always practice, and never
philosophy. I am mistaken, one attempt
was made by a philosopher to create a con-
stitution : T refer to the constitution pre-
pared by Locke for Virginia, in which, pro-
ceeding after the manner of the 18th century
by combinations drawn from his own mind
and not from the actual condition of the
people, he had conceived the idea of giving
to Virginia a feudal organization. This con-
stitution, the Utopia of a wise mind, but at
that time chimerical, after having for seve-
ral years been the occasion of despair to
those upon whom it had been imposed, dis-
appeared at length, with its margraves and
princes.
The city of Penn, which possesses the
glory of proclaiming the independence of the
United States, has moreover exerted a par-
ticular influence over the new republic. The
Quakers, with Penn as their leader, are the
true founders of religious toleration in a
country of which it must ever be one of the
sources of its strength and glory, and whence
it can never depart, either from episcopal
Virginia or puritan New England. Tolera-
tion was established almost simultaneously
in three different places, in this county where
the law was equally intolerant to the church-
men of the South and the dissenters of the
North. Religious liberty was proclaimed in
the colony of Rhode Island, to the great of-
fence of the puritans, by Roger Williams, a
generous, though extravagant sectarian, who
declared that the state had no right to per-
secute for religious opinion, and at the same
time refused to attend divine service with his
own family, because he judged them unre-
generate ; thus combining the greatest tole-
ration with the strictest separatism. In Ma-
ryland, a Catholic Irishman, Lord Baltimore,
also establislied liberty of belief. Catholic-
ism, instructed by persecution and enlight-
ened by the spirit of modern times, gave a
noble example, which Protestantism ought
to have followed, instead of banishing the
Catholics from Maryland, where the tolera-
tion of Catholics had offered them a place of
refuge. From these two examples may be
seen how difficult it is to free religious liber-
ty, even among its warmest advocates, and
those who have enjoyed its bene6ts, from
habits of intolerance and persecution.
A sect which originated in the excesses of
a mad fanaticism, but which, in the progress
of events, became modified in its character,
the Quakers, had the glory of giving preva-
1853.]
AMPERE IN PHILADELPHIA.
55
lence in a great colony to the principle of
toleration which they had but seldom en-
joyed. At first they insulted ministers in
their pulpits, and the Quakeresses appeared
naked in the asserrbly of the faithful in order
to^express the humility of the church ; but the
time of these excesses was past. Recovered
from these extravagances, into whi.^h an im-
moderate zeal had precipitated their first
apostles, the Quakers, directed by Penn,
earnestly professed toleratfon and a horror
of blood. They persecuted no one, and, sur-
rounded by savage nations, they alone of the
American colonists never took up arms, and
indeed never found it necessary to do so.
There may still be seen in one of the sub-
urbs of Philadelphia the spot where stood
the elm, under which Penn had that famous
interview with the Indians, during which he
seated himself on the ground in accordance
with their custom, shared their repast, and
ended by running, leaping like them, and
even surpassing them in these exercises.
This peaceful sect has had, however, its in-
ternal dissensions. It is divided between
those who have faithfully adhered to the in-
dependence of their church, recognizing no
other authority than that of individaal inspi-
ration, and those whose doctrines approach
nearer to the English Church, of which their
ancestors were the bitter opponents. At
present the Quakers have no peculiarities ex-
cept their use of the expressions thee and
thou, and the fashion of their hats.
The sect of the Mormons is at the present
time attracting much attention on account of
it« eccentricities and its progress. Accus'^d
of opinions the most subversive of family in-
terests, it has rapidly developed itself during
the past few years, and enjoyed a constantly
increasing prosperity. It is known that the
sect of Mormons has been founded within a few
years by an impostor named J. Smith, who pre-
tended to have discovered tablets of gold, on
which was written the new law, but who
found, it is asserted, his religion ready made
in a manuscript romance, which came by
chance into his possession. This Smith was
assassinated in one of the insurrections which
the Mormons provoke against them wherever
they establish themselves. These insurrec-
tions were doubtless wrons ; but it is surely
a bad sign for a new religion to excite such
hostility in a country where every shade of
belief may be indulged without obstacle.
All the while pursued, and ever withdrawing
from the persecutions of the people incensed
against them, the Mormons established them-
selves upon the upper Mississippi. There
they constructed a temple of considerable
dimensions, and of peculiar architecture.
Besieged, they defended themselves until the
completion of their temple, and then with-
drew from their enemies. Driving their herds
across the plains, they stopped. at length
upon the banks of the Salt Lake, where they
have formed an organized community, which
prospers by their industry and agriculture.
These strange people have their railroads and
improved machinery; their population is
rapidly increasing through the success of
their proselyting agents in London, Liverpool,
and even in Paris ; they will have in a few
years a sufficient population to form a state
of their territory, and they will then be repre-
sented in the Senate and Congress of the
United States,
Here a difficulty will present itself. It
appears that the Mormons entertain views
relative to marriage quite at variance with
those of Christian people. The chiefs seem
to enjoy, in this respect, privileges not unlike
the ancient patriarchal customs of the East.
It would hardly seem possible, that in a
new country, peopled by immigration, there
should be a sufficient number of females for
the general prevalence of polygamy ; still it
is an indisputable fact, that, under one name
or another, it exists to a . certain extent
among the Mormons. If I may rely upon
the statement of a journal, which I was
reading not long since, one of their principal
functionaries had appeared, accompanied by
his sixteen wives. The privilege of polyga-
my, it is said, is reserved for the saints, by
whom are meant those who are believed to
be inspired, and control the other Mor-
mons.
Utah, the country which the Mormons in-
habit, being still only a territory, their magis-
trates are appointed by the federal govern-
ment. It seems they have recently mani-
fested some dissatisfaction in this respect, by
sending back the judges appointed by Con-
gress. The Saints, on this occasion, uttered
very severe language against the Gentiles, as
they designate the other inhabitants of the
United States, and in general all who are not
Mormons. They seem to resemble, in many
respects, the Jews, of whom they are the
pretended descendants. ' They have the same
antipathy for all the rest of the human race
— the same desire of gain — the same unity
among themselves. Mr. Kane, who accom-
panied them some time during their flight,
was much affected by the tenderness which
they manifested towards each other, and the
care they took of the aged and feeble. He
^
AMPERE IN P^ILABELPHIA
[Sept,
relates the history of a young Mormon, who
was sick, and almost dying, who desired to
be conveyed in a wagon across the desert,
in order to join his brethren before his death.
After his sight failed, the woman who at-
tended him desired him to stop. " No,'' he
answered, " I can no longer see my brethren,
but I wish to hear them once more."
I have read the sacred book of the Mor-
mons, and I must confess that I haye not
found there the strange morality which
has been imputed to them. It is an imi-
tation, or rather a parody, of the Old Testa-
ment, a recital in verse, and in weak biblical
style, of the migration of their ancestors,
under different chiefs, one of whom was
Mormon, from Palestine to America, where
the new law was to be fully revealed by J.
Smith. I am inclined to believe, that the
idea that America ought to possess a religion
and revelation of her own, in order to be in-
dependent of the old world, and in no way
indebted to it, has especially contributed to
the progress of Mormonisqi in the Cnited
States.
The Mormon bible was written for the
Americans. The theory of the right of the
majority to rule, is there expressed by
one of the chiefs of the chosen tribe : — " It
is not often that the voice of the people
desires anything opposed to the general
good ; but it not unfrequently happens
that the minority desires what is not good ;
therefore, you will enact a law to conduct
your affairs in accordance with the will of
the people." Hence it is evident, that how-
ever different may be their views upon other
points, the Mormons are indoctrinated with
the idea of the infallibility of the majority,
and the presumptive error of the minority —
a doctrine less objectionable, where the mul-
titude are educated, as in the United States,
— ^but which always may result in using
might instead of right. Pascal said, in
speaking of a vote upon ecclesiastic matters,
" it is easier to find monks than reasons."
There are evidently polemic sentiments in
this book, which do no honor to the toleration
of the Mormons. A certain person advocated
the opinion of the Univei^alists, respecting
the final salvation of all men, and was hung
for preaching this doctrine. It is evident that
the Mormons would not, like the Quakers,
have established religious toleration in Ame-
rica.
The Mormons will doubtless, in time, di-
vest themselves of the hostile and unsocial
disposition which has every where caused
them to be disliked and repulsed. The Ana-
baptists, of bloody memory, whose leader
had twelve wives, whom he obliged to dance
around the dead body of one of their num-
ber, decifpitated by his own hands, — the Ana-
baptists of Leyden have become BaptistSi
and are distinguished at the present day for
the innocence of their manners, and the peace- '**•
ful zeal of their apostles. The Quakers be- *': .
gan by abandoning themselves to the
strangest excesses, and by exciting as much
opposition as the Mormons, but for a long
time they Have given no offence to any one.
I imagine that it will eventuate with the new
sects as with the Anabaptists and Quakers ;
in this country, if individual liberty begets
and encourages extraordinary opinions, the
general good sense and the universal interest
will induce them to modify whatever is offen-
sive to the community.
Certain passages may be found in the
Mormon bible evidently imitations of the
Gospel ; and Mormon declares himself a dis-
ciple of Jesus Christ. *' And behold I have
written all this upon the tablets of gold,
which I have made with my own hands ; and
behold I am called Mormon, after the name
of the country where was established the
first church after the trangression ; and
behold I am a disciple of Jesus Christ, the
Son of God." The religion of the Mormons
seems to be a Judaic Christianity, rather
than anything else. Their obnoxious prac-
tices do not appear to form an essential
part of their belief, and it is probable that
necessary association with the other States
of the Union will modify them. The Qua-
kers have caused a digression to the Mor-
mons ; I return to Philadelphia.
I was so fortunate as to be directed in my
observations by Mr. Gerhard, a distinguished
member of the bar, to whom I was recom-
mended. In every city of the United States
which I visited, [ met one or more indivi-
duals of true merit, who have freely given me
all the information which I could desire, and
have evinced the greatest and most unex-
pected kindness. Mr. Gerhard is one to
whom I am much indebted ; like Mr. Kent
and Mr. Sedgwick, he belongs to that class
of lawyers which forms in the United States
a true aristocracy of intelligence and man-
nerd. It is in this class that the aristocracy
may be found, rather than among the wealthy,
who awkwardly attempt to imitate in Ame-
rica the manners of Europe. I will not
include in this class, for his eccentricity is
quite American, an apothecary of Philadel-
phia, who has conceived the idea of building
a house of immoderate height, and of singu-
1853.]
AMPERE IN PHILADELPHIA.
57
lar form, wiih turrets and |t>iRers, a style of
architecture which bears the same resem-
blance to true art that the rhetoric of Tho-
mas Diafoirus does to eloquence.
I visited the court- house in company with
Mr. Gerhard, during the trial of a very im-
portant case ; that of the riot at Christiana.
A planter, from Maryland, was killed while
in pursuit of a fugitive slave in a free State.
This law is, at this time, the stumbling stone,
against which, the Compromise Act is at all
limes ready to fall. It allows the master to
pursue his slave into the State in which he
has taken refuge, and to obtain the aid, in
this pursuit, of the officers of the Federal
Government. It must be conceded that the
principle of this law is to be found in the
Constitution, which is positive in this re-
spect, though the word slave is not men-
tioned. It seems that the legislators have
substituted for this unfortunate name, the
words, a person held to service or labor.
The States, contrary to the general usage,
allow, in this particular, the intervention of
the Federal Government. They do not
countenance their own officers in the pursuit
or arrest of the fugitives ; though they al-
low them to be arrested ; which seems too
little for the slave States, and too much for
the free States. Without this legislative
enactment, the slaves, aided in their escape
by the abolitionists, would find an easy and
sure refuge in a neighboring State, and the
guarantee granted by the constitution would
be fallacious ; but in another point of view,
the fugitive slave law presents great difficul-
ties. It is scandalous that the judge who
decides the action in favor of the claimant, is
entitled to a larger fee than if he decides to
the contrary ; and aside from this monstrous
clause, it may be imagined how hard it is
in those states of the Union where slavery
does not exist, for those who abhor it as a
crime, and reprove it as a sin, to see a
stranger, accompanied by officers who belong
to another state, arrest and handcuff a peace-
able citizen, established for years perhaps in
a place, and recognized as a neighbor or
friend. These arrests are often the occasion
of heart-rending scenes. I was informed,
that some time since in New England, a fugi-
tive slave was found on a steamboat with
his wife and two children. Some one jest-
ingly told him that there were persons on the
boat employed to arrest him, when he sud-
denly stabbed himself, and his wife threw
herself with her two children into the water.
Such scenes are not calculated to calm the
public mind. Although the participation of
the accused in the riot at Christiana is gene-
rally admitted, it is thought they will be ac-
quitted, especially since they are indicted
for treason, which is a capital crime ; and as
it is defined in the old English law, the jury
will never agree that those who were irtipli-
cated in this affair had declared war against
the United States. I heard a part of the
accusation which was expreesed in very
suitable terms, carefully avoiding everything
calculated to irritate the public mind, and
confining itself exclusively to the nieaning
of the law.
The judges did not appear to me less im-
posing for not wearing the black robe and
the square cap. The same is true of the law-
yers. I like to see a mnn in a frock coat ex-
plain a ease to others similarly dressed,
rather than one attired like Patelin, who,
while gesticulating, is ever taking off or put-
ting on his cap, or throwing back bis sleeves
before other persons in black robes, who in-
voluntarily remind me of Perrin Dandin or
Brid'oison. These costumes are aristocratic
signs, which tend to separate the different
classes, by imposing upon each a particular
character, and it is known that there is but one
civil costume in the United States. The
democratic principle tends to suppress in
everything hierarchical distinctions. In the
United States there is no difference between
the attorney and counsellor, as the same in-
dividual alternately performs the duties of
both ; still less do there exist the distinctions
which separate in England the civilian, the
barrister, and the sergeant at law. An Ameri-
can b all these, and may be besides proctor,
advocate, solicitor, conveyancer, and pleader,
and may successively or simultaneously en-
gage in other pursuits. The United States
ia not a country of rigorous adherence to
one thing exclusively, and there are but few
who have not had a variety of occupations.
At another court, where I was present at
a trial of less importance, I was surprised to
hear one of the judges express his dissent
after the verdict had been rendered. He
did it with much calmness. It is carrying
the respect for individual opinion very far,
thus to allow the minority of the judges to
express an opinion contrary to the decision*
at the risk of weakening its force ; but here
it seemed to occasion no difficulty.
The mayor of Philadelphia -proposed to
accompany me this evening to the disorderly
portions of the city. I was informed that
he has ever performed his important duties
in a very commendable manner, and that the
pubUc tranquillity and security have gained
^8
AMPBilE IN PHILADfiLPHTA,
[Sept.,
raucb by tbe organization of a safety police
which he has establishejd. As I have before
observed, the police system is the weak
point of many of the large cities of the
United Stales ; — New York among the rest,
and as I was desirous of witnessing what had
been accomplished in Philadelphia, I was
gratified at this opportunity of becoming ac-
quainted with that part of the papulation
which we seldom encounter in the world, and
which there are no inducements to visit un-
less in such good company.
We began our circuit at eight o'clock
in the evening, and ended it at eleven. Mean-
while, we entered a number of suspicious
looking houses, visited several colored fe-
males, and passed through certaih streets,
where it would not be wise to venture alone.
The magistrate was attended by two large
officers armed with pistols, and serving as
our body-guard.
The mayor entered into a house occupied
by a colored woman smoking her cigar. We
were very politely received. He spoke very
kindly to the woman. Well, Jane, how do
you do? You have a very comfortable
house here. He was answered without im-
pudence or embarrassment. Now and then
he was saluted by a negro whom he had sent
to prison some time before. Be careful, he
would say to him, not to appear before me
again : I may be more severe the next time.
Never fear, Mr. Mayor, I shall not expose
myself again. Mr. is much more severe
than his predecessors, though he does not
approve of useless severity. His motto is, as
he says : Never harsh, and always ready.
His officers are ordered, when they find per-
sons but slightly intoxicated, to lead them
home.
Nothing can be more repulsive than the
small rooms where the negroes assemble to
dance— ^r rather, to shake themselves mo-
notonously before each other, striking the
floor with the heels of their shoes, in the
space of a few feet encumbered with a stove,
and a revolting group of old negro women
smoking their pipes. This black population
furnishes, as might be expected, the greatest
share of the arrests made by the police offi-
cers ; though the white population, especially
the Irish, contributes its due proportion.
These arrests amounted in one year to 7,077;
not unfrequently the lock-up contains sixty
women. The Germans have for some time
had a bad reputation ; the French comprise
the better portion of the foreign population.
We visited the station of the night police,
which comprises fifty men and a captain.
The Captain receives $600, and each man
$300 ; nearly all are laborers. The captain,
an intelligent man, is a carriage-maker, by
which he earns ISOO. The men serve four-
teen hours in winter, and ten in summer.
They watch in turn. Each one goes alone
armed with a club, and carries a rattle to
warn his companions in case of need, and to
summon assistance. The law is generally
respected, and is only resisted by drunkards
and vagabonds ; bt^t what surprised me, it
is seldom necessary to appeal to the aid of
the citizens. Besides the force at the dis-
posal of the mayor, there is another which
receives its authority from the marshal, who
may in a case of emergency dispose of all of
the municipal forces. This organization seems
to me characteristically American in its per-
fect precision and accuracy.
I spent the remainder of the evening very
agreeably at the mayor's. The conversation
turned upon that adventurous instinct which
prompts the American to tempt fortune at
every risk. To obtain it, many go, for ex-
ample^ to New Orleans where the climate is
almost fatal in summer, and where they die «
or become rich. Like in all respects, except
in the instinct of glory, to that military senti-
ment which leads to the desire for perilous
warfare where there is sure preferment to all
who are not killed. I was informed of a
man who had arrived from California, who
had been successively an agriculturist, a
merchant, and captain of a steamboat, and at
length became very rich. He returned home,
but knew of no way to dispose of his money
but to lend or give it to hiis friends, of whom
he had scarcely thought in his absence.
Evidently the passion of this man was not to
possess money, but to acquire it. Much was
said of the triumph of a locksmith, Mr. Locke.
The famous Bramah had proposed a reward
to any one who should succeed in opening a
lock which he had exerted all his skill to
construct. Mr. Locke opened it, then placed
100 guineas in a safe, and locked it and gave
the ley to Bramah, offering him the lOO
guineas if he opened it : I have not heard that
it has been opened. The triumph of Mr.
Locke, the victory of the yacht America over
the English yachts in a regatta near the Isle
of Wight, the success of the reaping machine,
are three topics upon which the press is in-
exhaustible. To these three great industrial
exploits may be added the superior speed of
the American steamers in crossing the At-
lantic. They are the four great victories.
They are Areola, Marengo, Au.sterlitz and
Wagram. The national vanity is quite ex-
1 863.]
AMPERE m PHILADELPHIA.
59
cited. The English deserve honor for the
courtesy which they manifested in their de-
feat. When the Amerita heat their yachts
at the Isle of Wight, the Qaeen congratulated
the victors. The conquered gracefully ap-
plauded. I have heard Americans acknow-
ledge that, in case of defeat, they would not
have done the same.
Philadelphia is said to he one of the roost
scientific and literary cities in the Union, and
judging from what I have seen, I am in-
duced to helieve it. It possesses a museum
of natural history, distinguished especially
for its heautiful collection of hirds. Aside
from science, it is to me an unwearied source
of enjoyment to contemplate heautiful birds,
and I can comprehend the enthusiasm of two
ornithologists wht> spent their lives in tra-
versing the forests of America for the pur-
pose of studying the habits uf the birds, df
which they have published representations
in two w6rks well known and appreciated by
naturalists ; these two men are Wilson and
Audubon. Wilson, a Scotchman by birth, a
friend of Bums, who himself attempted
poetry in his youth, arrived penniless in
America. In traversing the forests of Dela-
ware, the sight of a beautiful native bird,
the red-headed woodpecker, filled him with
an admiration which decided his future
career. By turns pedlar and school-teacher,
he attempted to draw, but succeeded only
with birds, which decided his avocation as
ornithologist. With no other resource than
a strong will, he conceived the design of
collecting and sketching all the birds of
North America, and with this view he spent
his life wandering in the forests, with no
society but the Indians. There he was
happy: observing the habits of the birds,
and enthusiastically enjoying solitude. He
suffered only while in the cities, " forced,"
said he, "to forget the harmonies of the
woods, for the incessant turmoil of the city,
and surrounded with musty books." The
only book which he studied with enjoyment,
was the book of nature. In his wanderings
he had a double aim : " I go," wrote he, " in
pursuit of birds and subscribers." The lat-
ter were more difficult than the former ; but
nothing daunted Wilson : his correspondence,
full of vivacity and imagination, shows him
sometimes at the North in the forests of New
Hampshire, where he is mistaken for a Cana-
dian spy ; sometimes at the West, descending
the Ohio in a small boat, and delighted, he
says, to feel his heart dilate in view of the new
scenes which surrounded him ; then going to
New Orleans, through a region of country I
at that time a desert, where he often travel-
led 150 miles without finding an inhabited
place. Wilson died in 1813, at the age of
47, after having surmounted all obstacles
and published the seventh volume of his
ornithology.
Wilson loved and appreciated nature ; he
experienced in the presence of creation those
pleasures of which learned statesmen have
no conception. I read in one of his letters :
" Since I have attempted to re- produce the
wonders of nature, I see a beauty in each
plant, fiower and bird which I behold ; I find
that my ideas of the first and incomprehen-
sible cause are elevated in proportion as I
examine minutely His works. I often smile
at the thought that while others are absorbed
in plans of speculation and fortune, and are
occupied in purchasing plantations or in
building cities, I am observing with delight
the plumage of a lark, or contemplating with
the air of a lover in despair, the profile of
an owl." Studying did not render him
cruel. " One of my pupils," he adds, " the
other day caught a mouse, and immediately
brought the prisoner to me. That same
evening I began to sketch it ; meanwhile the
beatings of its little heart evinced that it was
suffering the extremest agony of fear. I
was intendiug to kill it by placing it under
the claws of a stuffed owl ; but having acci-
dentally spilled some drops of water near the
place of its confinement, it began to lap it up
with so much eagerness and to look at me with
such an appearance of supplicating terror,
that it triumphed entirely over my resolu-
tion, and I accordingly liberated it. Uncle
Toby would not have been paore compassion-
ate, had he been a naturalist
Audubon was an American by birth, and
his life, like that of Wilson's, affords a re-
markable example of what a persevering
will, united to an indomitable passion, can
accomplish. Both possessed the same pas-
sion, both devoted their lives, in the depths
of the forests, in studying the habits of the
birds, and in reproducing their varied forms.
The description^ of Audubon are interspers-
ed with the most interesting details of. the
habits of the American birds. It is evident
that he has lived with them in their solitudes,
as he often gives variety to his descriptions
by introducing personal reminiscences, and
sketches of the prairies, of the banks of the
Ohio and of Niagara. One interesting feature
of his publications is, that the colored plates
represent objects in their true dimensions.
For the first time in a zoological atlas, a bird
like the eagle and the turkey are represent-
60
AMPERE IN PHILADELPHIA.
[Sept.,
ed iQ their natural size. Audabon has also
placed by the side of each bird the flower
or branch which they prefer, and has chosen
that attitude which is most characteristic.
This magnificent work, conceived and pre-
pared by an American, was published in
Scotland, with the aid of an English artist.
In his preface, Audubon has related how
his natural taste for ornithology was develop-
ed. From his childhood he was passion-
ately fond of the woods. The sight of the
graceful creatures which animated them,
thenceforth filled his mind with inexpressible
joy. He passed, he says, hours full of calm
delight in viewing the eggs deposited in the
moss ; then he longed to possess these ob-
jects of his admiration. The death of the
birds which he collected grieved his youthful
heart. He then conceived' the idea of re-
producing their images by sketching them,
but for a long time bis efforts were fruitless,
and at each anniversary of his birth, he was
accustomed to destroy many of his sketches.
He went to France, and entered the studio
of David, which he never regretted, though
he could not find his instinctive love of nature
gratified. After a short time he returned to
bis forest life ; but, as his passion for birds
did not exclude all others, he married, and
for twenty years he spent a restless, unsatis-
fied existence, engaging in a variety of occu-
pations, but succeeding in none, becatise his
mind was elsewhere. No longer able to re-
strain his propensity, though blamed by his
friends, he resumed his wanderings through
the woods, on the banks of the lakes, and
along the shores of the Atlantic^ He travel-
led with no other aim than to gratify his
sight with the scenes of nature, and especi-
ally with the winged creation. One day,
while traversing the forests of the Upper
Hudson, the idea occurred to him to publish
the result of so many observations, made
solely for his own pleasure, and a represen-
tation more complete, more true to nature,
of the beings he so loved. He encountered
fewer obstacles than Wilson. The American
was more liberally aided in Scotland, than
the Scotchman had been in America ; but
before the completion of his undertaking, he
met with sotne reverses ; for one day he
found, upon opening a trunk, where he had
deposited a thousand designs, that two Nor-
wegian rats had taken possession with their
family, surrounded with the tattered rem-
nants of his work. The sight almost mad-
dened him. Audubon, of French origin, died
some years since.
At the Philadelphia Museum may also be
seen the collection of skulls made by Mr.
Morton, the author of the American Cranio
ology, Mr. Morton aimed particularly at
the American race in his researches ; but the
necessity of compairing the configuration of
the people of the new world with that of
the inhabitants of other continents, induced
him to form the remarkable collection, which,
since his death, has been deposited tempo-
rarily in the inuseum at Philadelphia. Mr.
Morton is one of those who have attempted
to demonstrate that we must seek in an arti-
ficial deformity for the origin of certain
forms of the head, unnaturally flattened
among some of the American tribes and im-
moderately enlarged in the form of a moon
among others, — practices which are not un-
known in France, and the results of which
have been observed in the heads of foreign-
ers. As to the question of race and origin,
Morton has arrived at the conclusion that the
new continent was peopled by a race bear-
ing no essential relation to the Mongolian
race, and consequently did not come from
Asia. But what particularly attracted my
attention, for I have my passion like Wilson
and Audubon, were the Egyptian skulls
which form an important part of Mr. Mor-
ton's collection, and to which he has devoted
a. special work. He recognized in the Egyp-
tian race a particular type, and has distin-
guished in the Egyptian style, two varieties,
one of which is characterized by a low, nar-
row forehead, and the other presenting the
principal traits of the Caucasian race. Have
the negro race ever intermingled themselves
with the Egyptian population ? This is per-
haps not impossible. The wife of Ameno-
phis 1st is represented upon the monuments
as black; similar unions may have been
formed by the common people, especially
at the time of 'the invasions of the shepherds,
who, having entered Egypt on the north,
caused the native population to emigrate
southward. To this union may be attributed
the flatness of the foreheads, so striking in
certain heads in this collection. One thing
is true, that the Theban skulls bear a stronger
resemblance to the Nubian skulls, than those
of Memphis. Has the configuration of the
black population of the south of Egypt been
influenced by that of the inhabitants of
Upper Egypt? This, in my opinion, has
seemed to result from the examinations of
the skulls in Mr. Morton's collection. If this
fact is established, we may avail ourselves
of it in seeking for the origin of the aborigi-
nes of Egypt. Pardon me for these Egyp-
tian digressions, which perhaps do not inter-
1858.]
AMPERE IN PHELABEU^HIA.
61
est my reader as mneli as myself. X will
add nothing upon the skulls of the mum-
mies, but will resume my promenade in
PbUadelphia.
We will return to America, and visit the
Mint of this city. The Mint at Philadelphia
presents at the present time an unusual
spectacle: thanks to the California gold»
which is there transformed into $5.00 pieces ;
gold literally runs and flows like water. The
gold pieces are poured into baskets as are
elsewhere the commonest pennies. For
some time past they have been obliged to
double the amount of labor, and I was in-
formed that, on some days, there have been
coined in this establishment pieces to the
amount of $500,000. As I expressed some
uneasiness with respect to the safety of the
hands through which so much money passes,
I was answered : If a few pieces are taken it
matters not ; but this seldom happens ; and
whoever will steal small sums, will be in-
duced to commit larger thefts, when he will
be infallibly detected. It is generally
easier to resist temptation than to control it.
Philadelphia is celebrated for its manu-
factories, and contains the largest manufac-
turing population in the United States. I
was so fortunate as to have the opportunity
of visiting the interesting white lead manu-
factory of Mr. Wetherell : the carbonate is
prepared under water, so as not to endanger
the health of the workmen. Mr. Wetherell
manufactures three tons of white lead daily,
and realizes an annual profit of $10,000. In
former years he has realized as much as
$50,000, but the competition of New York
has reduced his profits. He also manufac-
tures hydrochloric acid, Prussian blue, mor-
phine, refined camphor, and several other
articles ; forming an example of the variety
of occupations and arts so frequent in the
United States. Besides the technical inter-
est, there was a greater one in the charac-
teristic details which this American manV
factory, and this American manufacturer,
afforded me. One of the workmen was
engaged in reading, while his oven was heat-
ing, as I lately saw a boatman at West
Point, while wiuting for the hour of depar-
ture, reading one of Walter Scott's romances.
The reader was not at all disturbed when his
patron passed near him. , Mr. Wetherell is
the type of scientific activity in a mechanic.
After having explained every thing to me
with much eagerness and vivacity, he con-
ducted me to his laboratory, saying : ** Here
I am happy, experimenting upon different
things ; af terwanis it is all taken to the store-
house, and concerns me no longer." It was
impossible, in hearing him speak, to doubt
his mncerity. Evidently the pleasure of re-
search counterbalances, with him, the desire
of gain. Mr. Wetherell showed me the
gasometer of Philadelphia, which is very
beautiful, and the one now in process of con-
struction, it is said, will be the largest in the
world. We afterwards visited the water-
works on the banks of the Schuylkill, by
means of which water is carried into Phila-
delphia by a number of pumps, to which it
is intended to add a turbine of 40 horse
power, at the cost of $10,000, and which
will increase the supply of water 4,000,000
gallons. We entered the house of a Welsh
laborer to warm ourselves. I was informed
by Mr. Wetherell, that there exists in Phila-
delphia a society for the benefit of the
Welsh, having a fond of $10 to $20,000,
which loans the interest of this sum to
needy Welshmen. The money thus loaned
has always been faithfully restored. This
British blood is good. Mr. Wetherell, who
is himself of Welsh origin, one day offered
some wood to a poor woman, who proudly
answered, ''I am able to buy my own
wood." " You are Welsh," said he to her,
which Was true. He was relating this anec-
dote one day at a dinner, when one of the
gentlemen of the company exclaimed — "She
was my mother."
This last trait is characteristic of society
in the United States. It is pleasant to wit-
ness the facility with which all can elevate
themselves, without blushing for bis origin,
and on the contrary claiming the honor of a
good sentiment in a poor mother. It is also
pleasant to find in this country, in the midst
of the external uniformity of the general
manners, those nationalities which are pre-
served, perpetuated by a bond of benevo-
lence and love. In New York each race has
established a society, for the benefit of its
members, under the patronage of their na-
tional saint. Saint George for the English,
Saint Andrew for the Scotch, Saint David
for the Welsh, and Saint Nicholas for the
Dutch. The members of these societies
meet annually and dine together. In that
of the Dutch, two pipes and a vessel of
Dutch freestone filled with tobacco, are pre-
sented to all who are present, and lively
speeches are made. Innocent and pleasant
gayety : it is like our social balls, which some
austere persons condemn ; but I have never
found that good was not good, when made
a source of amusement.
At Philadelphia there are quite a number
62
AMPERE Iir PHILADELPHIA.
[Sept.,
of Swedes. These are the oldest inhabitaDts
of the State, where they dwelt before Penn
had given it a name. Their ministers ought
to be Lutherans, for Lutheranism has always
had undisputed sway in Sweden; but they
DO longer preach in the Swedish language.
All foreign languages, in time, are superseded
by the English, in the United States, as all
national individualities become merged into
the Anglo-Saxon nationality.
It was in this city, established under the
auspices of the unlimited toleration of
Penn, and of the sect of Friends, that I list-
ened to the most intolerant sermon which I
heard in America ; though, at the same time,
the most eloquent.
The theme of the oration was, that sin-
cerity of belief was no ground of excuse for
error. " Sincere belief,** said he, " may be
criminal, for it may produce criminal acts,
and a tree is judged by its fruits. Besides,
belief results from the moral character, and
from it receives its impress. Tell me what
thou believest, and I will tell thee what thou
art. Whoever deceives himself honestly
is culpable, for in falsifying the proofs of
truth, he mutilates its witnesses, which is a
crime. Were the inquisitors innocent when
they tortured and mutilated the witnesses ?
What! is the geologist innocent when he
evokes his antediluvian monsters in opposi-
tion to truth! (What! were the French
philosophers of the 18th century innocent !)
(What! is he innocent who mutilates the
Bible, and by mutilating and perverting it,
makes it speak falsely ?) Was Napoleon
right, when he oppressed liberty under the
pretence of suppressing the revolution?
And poor Shelley, who one stormy night
exclaimed, ' No, there is no God :* think
you he was one of the elect? Newport be-
lieved there was no hell ; was that sufficient
to destroy hell ? Does he who falls into a
cataract avoid it by shutting his eyes as he
falls in the deep abyss ? The pilot in the
midst of shoals, during the darkness of night,
may rely upon his chart, and watch the rud-
der to avoid these shoals, but will it suffice
to escape shipwreck, to believe that he is in
the right direction ? Do like him, examine
your route, assure yourselves that what
seems the truth is the truth, and not its ap-
pearance.'* The preacher closed with a sen-
tence which produced a truly startling effect.
" It is believed that the way to hell is
gloomy, that ii\ approaching it we must see
livid reflections and hear sinister voices ; no,
my hearers, this way is pleasant, it is illumin-
ed by the softest light ; we think we hear
the voices of angels — on, on we go — we ap-
proach— those angel voices were the cry of
demons — that light so soft was the light of
hell."
Rhetoric so brilliant and gloomy, so pathe-
tic and startling, will delight the intolerant of
every creed, and each will pronounce with
enthusiasm this anathema upon all others.
Sincerity not being sufficient to avoid con-
demnation, it would be well to know in what
variety of Protestantism may be found that
church, out of which, according to this
preacher, there is no salvation. Unfortunate-
ly I do not recollect to what sect this Phila-
delphia minister belonged.
The greatest curiosity in Philadelphia is
the celebrated State Prison at Cherry Hill,
where the so-called Philadelphia cellular sys-
tem has been introduced to a greater extent
than at any other place, and consists of con-
stant isolation with labor. The penitentiary
question has excited much interest in Europe,
but still more in America. The system at
Auburn, where silent labor, with only a sep-
aration at night, has had its earnest advo-
cates, who violently oppose the Philadelphia
system as barbarous, and calculated to induce
insanity and deatli. The defenders of the
Philadelphia system have answered these
attacks by an unlimited glorification of their
idol, and the attacks of the Boston society
were treated very summarily. They declar-
ed this society " eminently respectable," but
at the same time affirmed that it was an as-
semblage of fanatics, whose reports upon the
Pennsylvanian system were only unwarranta-
ble and premeditated perversions of the truth.
Both systems have still their partisans ; but
the most eminent civilians who have given
their attentipn to these subjects, among
whom are M. de Tocqueville and M. de
Beaumont, prefer the rigorous system of
Philadelphia. Lieber, Moreau, Christophe,
and Oscar I., king of Sweden, in his treatise
upon Penalties and Prisons, also concur in
this opinion. On the contrary, opponents
are not wanting ; and Dickens has given an
animated, though, it is said, exaggerated pic-
ture of the moral misery of the prisoners of
Cherry Hill. I was desirous to know what
would be my own impression upon this con-
tested question. Accordingly, I started for
the prison, provided with a letter of recom-
mendation to the warden, given me by two
merchants who are trustees of the establish-
ment. I was informed that these gentlemen
are accustomed to give religious instruction
on the Sabbath to the prisoners.
Arriving on a cold winter day upon the
1853.]
AJIFERE IN PHILADELPHIA.
es
lonely summit of Cherry Hill, in front of this
vast enclosure of gray walls surmounted by
embattled towers like a castle of the middle
ages, and reflecting upon the hundreds of
human beings therein confined, each in his
cell, never seeing any of his companions in
captivity, almost always alone with the
thought of his isolation, I could not but ex-
perience a great oppression of heart. Upon
entering, I soon found myself in a room situ-
ated in the centre of a building, in the form
of a cross, whose four corridors, exactly sim-
ilar, lined with two tiers of cells, extended to
a great distance. The sound of labor, the
stroke of the hammer could be heard, remind-
mg one of a barrack, a manufactory, or a
cloister. While I was waiting for the war-
den, a Quaker with his large hat was moving
roand the corridors, entering now into one
cell, and then into another, with the busy and
indifferent air of an overseer ; but I learned
that he was performing a voluntary act of
charity.
The warden conducted me for several
hours through the different parts of the prison.
Every thing appertaining to Ihe directing of
the establishment, and the well-being of the
prisoners, bespeaks order and regularity. My
guide seemed a man of great sense and mod-
eration. He favors the system enforced in
the prison, but is not too strenuous. I inter-
rogated him upon the length of time usually
spent in the prison. No one is sentenced for
less than one year. I was induced to believe,
by an examination of the official reports, that
there must be a certain limit to the deten-
tion of prisoners, in order to the development
of the result of solitude upon their moral
nature; on the other hand, too great a prolon-
gation of the penalty would be terrible. The
minimum of condemnation is one year, the
maximum twelve years. According to my
informant, the average length of punishment
does not exceed four years. To seven out of
ten of the prisoners, a sentence of twelve
years would be worse than death. The war-
den considers the Pennsy Iranian system sal-
utary in itself, but does not exaggerate its ad-
vantages. He admits that it may reform the
criminal, without pretending that it always
has that effect. This mode of punishment has
one inconsistency in common with many
others, though perhaps in a less degree : I
refer to the mequality of the penalty upon
the different individuals upon whom it is im-
posed. There are some, though these are
few in number* to whom solitude is not irk-
some. There is one here, for example, who
has so well distributed the employment of
his hours, that he always finds the day too
short, but there are others to whom solitude
is intolerable. This. depends entirely upon
the character, and they are not always the
most vicious who suffer most. In one of the
reports of the prison, mention is made of two
wretches who found this mode of life quite
agreeable. But in general it inspires those
criminals who are naturally social with a sal-
utary terror, which induces them to practise
their profession in places where they are not
threatened. The women are usually more
resigned than the men. This sedentary mode
of life is less different from their accustomed
habits, and whatever may be said of their
talkative propensities, silence seems less
annoying to them than to the men.
The cells are neat, well kept, well warmed,
and of sufficient size to perform their labor.
Each prisoner has a small garden. This
bears some resemblance to the cells of the
Carpathian friars, who have also a garden,
and a trade, and who are, like the prisoners
at Cherry Hill, condemned, it is true, by an
act of their own will, to silence, and to a
silence much more rigorous, for the prisoners
are allowed to converse ten or fifteen minutes
every day with the guards, with the warden,
and with charitable persons who visit them,
or with strangers attracted by curiosity. The
system of absolute isolation, which was at
first adopted in the prison at Pittsburg, is
now abandoned. It proved to be intolerable,
and even fatal. The prisoners are allowed
to read every evening after supper ; during
the day they work. There is a library be-
longing to the establishment ; the hbrarian is
a prisoner condemned for perjury. He was
engaged in preparing a catalogue, which
seemed to be executed with much care. The
inmates of the Philadelphia State Prison have
permission to sing, to whistle while at work,
and to smoke, which the Clarpathian friars
have denied themselves. They breakfast at
seven o'clock with tea, which is substituted
twice a week by coffee. Formeriy coffee was
used every day, but it was found to be too
exciting. They dine at noon. Five times at
week the prisoners are allowed beef, twice
mutton, and bread at discretion. In the
evening they have tea again. This regimen
is heatlhy and sufficient. They are never
beaten ; their punishments are a diminution
of food» imprisonment in dungeons, and
shower baths, a mode of punishment safe,
but disagreeable to them. They are taken to
the baths once in two weeks. All this time,
as also when they enter the prison, or change
their cells, their heads are covered, so that
04
AMPERE IN PHTTiADBLPHIA.
[Sept.,
they neither see, nor are seen by any one.
They leave the prison without knowing the
countenance of one of their companions in
captivity, and without being recognized by
them.
I visited several cells, pnncipally those of
the Germans, who seldom have an opportunity
of conversing in their native language. To
those unacquainted with English, this is a
great aggravation of their punishment. Sev-
eral have learned English in prison. I in-
quired if there were any French among the
convicts, and learned with pleasure that
there were none, which confirmed to me the
truth of what I was informed by the Mayor
of Philadelphia, to the advantage of this por-
tion of the foreign population of the city.
The first German I saw was pale, with a rest-
less appearance and a feverish look. He had
been in custody but three months. The
commencement is always hard. Like many
others, he has learned his trade in prison.
Another, on the contrary, was near the expi-
ration of his term. He appeared quite jovial.
He did not like to work. Sclecht arheit, said
he. I did not consider him essentially re-
formed. The parents of this German reside
at Philadelphia. The relatives of the con-
victs are seldom allowed to visit them, and
never without the permission of the warden.
A third, and he was the only one, assured me
of his innocence.
I saw an American who had served five
years, and was still sentenced for two more
for .having stolen a horse, a frequent crime
among the convicts. This sentence, after
having been informed by the warden that
the average length of imprisonment was four
years, seemed to me excessive, especially
when I learned that an Irishman had been
condemned to only four years of solitude for
homicide. This inequality, which surprised
me, was expl<\ined by the fact that the former
had been sentenced to the maximum, and
the latter to the minimum of the penalty.
It is none the less incomprehensible to me
how a man can be punished twice as much
for having stolen a horse, than for having
killed a man.
After having visited several other cells, I
followed my guide into every part of the es-
tablishment. During our walk, I interroga-
ted him upon the disputed question of mor-
tality and insanity, resulting from the system
adopted at Philadelphia. The mortality, ac-
cording to his statement, ranged from 2 to 4
per cent. This is the ratio given by the offi-
cial reports. As to insanity, his opinion dif-
fered from those reports, whose authors seem
to me to delude themselves in their assertions
that the system is not responsible for the
mental derangement of the prisoners, al-
though it proceeds from causes which this
system induces. Insanity is much more fre-
quent among the negroes. When it is de-
veloped among the prisoners, or when their
health visibly declines, they are allowed to
associate with others — a wise regulation, but
demonstrating that solitude may be fatal to
reason and health. One third of the prison-
ers are negroes, one tenth are Irish, and one
tenth are Germans.
A grave problem every where, but partic-
ularly in America, where the economical
point of view may be less neglected than else-
where, is the product of the labor of the
prisoners. The opinion of Mr. Wood, a for-
mer warden, seems to me very rational upon
this subject. It is not necessary that a prison
should be a source of revenue to the state;
but it is desirable that the labor of the con-
victs should indemnify society for what they
cost it| and it appears that they have here
attained this result, since, if not every year,
at least many years, the product of their
labor has balanced their expenses. This is
all that should be> required ; and it cannot
be urged that the JKiburn system is prefer-
able, because, in jbhe circumstances the most
favorable for labor,. tlie' prisons in the north
of England, organized, after this system, yield
more to the state; ^ml are a true source of
profit. As Mr. Wood has truly maintained.
It is not an affair of dollars, but of humanity.
The danger of existing conapetition between
prison labor and free Tabor is also a difficul-
ty which occurs to the mind. Usually this
competition is avoided as much as possible.
As for instance, the prisoners make the coarse
shoes which are taken south, and which the
shoemakers of Philadelphia do not wish to
manufacture. They formerly complained,
but do so no longer.
No where is the activity which the public
spirit impresses upon the progress of institu-
tions in America, more apparent than in the
organization and development of the public
schools. The legislatures of the different
states are all the while stimulated, in this re-
spect, by the zeal of private individuals. The
interposition of private associations, so ener-
getic in whatever concerns the prisons, is
not less apparent in their institutions for in-
struction, especially for elementary instruc-
tion. I have a report made in 1830 to the
Society for the Improvement of Public
Schools, which says, that ''almost every
where the law upon education is, as it were.
1858.]
AMPERE IN PHILADELPHIA.
65
a dead letter, and tbat in view of such a
jane tare it is the duty of the society to re-
double its efforts, to excite Pennsylvania to
manifest its energy in this noble cause, and
thereby to show the degree of its intellectual
culture, as fully as it now displays its physi-
cal resources. The society will exoite by all
possible means a legislative action for the
establishment of normal schools. Meanwhile
it declares that it has already furnished a
certain number of teachers for different parts
of the state, and has organized schools in re-
tired districts, where none had before existed/'
Here may be seen the two*fold action of
these private societies : appeals to the legis-
lature, by the agitation of public opinion and
dictation in furnishing instructors and in es-
tablishing schools. To act and to cause to
act, should be the motto of the innumerable
associations which are found in America, and
which call the public attention to the institu-
tions designed to provide for the religious,
moral, and intellectual necessities of the peo-
ple, and to the condition of the prisons, hos-
pitals and schools.' They act upon the
government by the force of public opinion,
they interpose themselves as examples, and
direct the way. This movement and agita-
tion have effected a reformation of the school
system, in the city of Philadelphia. In 1 83 0,
the schools experienced a radical improve-
ment in becoming entirely public to the whole
community, and a central high school has
also been established. Since that period
considerable progress has been made. In
1839, there were 16 schools, 100 teachers,
and a littte less than 1^,000 pupils. In the
scholastic year 1 850-1 85 1» the number of
schools established by the aid of the public
fund has increased to 60 ; the number of
teachers to 781, and including those en-
gaged in the high schools 928, while the
number of pupils has exceeded 48,000. The
proportion of teachers to the pupils, in 1839,
was in the ratio of one to one hundred, now
it is one to sixty. It is seen that here, as
in New York, instruction has increased in
greater proportion than the population it-
self.
Instead of $190,000, of which at least one
fifth was at the first period furnished by the
state treasury, more than $366,000, the re-
sult of county taxation, is now expended for
schools, only one eleventh of which is fur-
nished by the state.
I was desirous of visiting these schools es-
tablished by the persevering zeal of the citi-
zens. Mr. B introduced me to several
classes, and questioned the little boys and
VOL. XXX, NO. L
girls in my presence. Their answers were
prompt, and might be heard from several at
once. A lively emulation seemed to incite
these children, who were animated without
ill-nature, and eager without coarseness. The
little girls were acquainted with the princi-
pal facts in the history of the United States,
and were familiar with the names of the im-
portant pohtical men, as Clay and Webster,
and answered very pertinently, when asked :
What are the principal poll teal parties ? —
They are Whigs and Democrats. — These an-
swers interested me much, but less than Mr.
B , who is one of the Directors of the
institution, and who derived so much gratifi-
cation in interrogating the pupils, that, as
my time was limited, I was obliged to ex-
cuse myself. I left him perfectly happy,
with this rather monotonous occupation, and'
I could not but admire, as I left, (he disin-
terested zeal and the kind enthusiasm of a
gentleman, who forgot his business to inter-
rogate children upon history and geography,
as if he had none other claim and indemnity
than the pleasure of being useful.
The Lancasterian system, so celebrated in
France at the time of the restoration under
the name qC mutual instruction, and which
was a great source of revenue to France, was
formerly more in vague in America, than at
the present time. This system, though still
pursued, is not exclusively adopted in Phil-
adelphia, and other places. One would sup-
pose that it would succeed in this country,
where they aim, in all things, at rapidity of
execution, at the simplification of means, and
where the mechanical processes are in use
to some extent for every thing, where the
daguerreotype, for example, is very univer-
sal, to the great injury of portrait painting.
An eminent man, De WittCHnton, a governor
of the State of New York, said of the Lan-
casterian method : " It has the same advan-
tage for education, that labor-saving machines
possess for the useful arts." We must
beware how we spare the children too much,
lest their intellectual powers become weaken-
ed, and they themselves become machines.
An institution resembling no other in the
world, is the college founded by Stephen
Girard for three hundred poor white male
children, with this strange provision, that no
priest or clergyman of any denomination
whatever should ever enter the college.
This proviso is more singular in the United
States than it would be any where else,
for in this country, almost all the college^
have been founded under the auspices, and
by the agency of some sect. Jefferson, im-
5
60
AMPERE IN PHILADELPHIi.
[Sept.,
bued with the French opinions of the 18th
century » wished to establish the University of
Virginia, without any religious direction ;
but it proved a failure. It is not necessary
to infer that it was the intention of Girard to
exclude all religious instruction from the
college which he founded, but to withdraw
the children from the influence of wiiat is
here denominated sectarian spirit, for laymen
preach to and catechize the children every
Sabbath. To those belonging to the differ-
ent Protestant denominations, there is no
particular disadvantage. The principal per-
forms devotional exercises twice a day and
officiates on Sabbath morning, and the in-
spector of studies conducts the evening ser-
vice; but the Citholic children, who com-
prise one third of the whole number in the col-
lege, and are the children of poor Irish Catho-
lics, are, by this strange reservation in the
will of Mr. Girard, deprived of their worship
and religion. The laity can neither say mass,
nor grant absolution. The priests, whose
position I appreciate, are opposed to the
practice of sending Catholic children to Girard
College ; but many parents allow it. Their
course of study is quite extensive. It em-
braces mathematics, as far as the application
of algebra to geometry, natural philosophy,
natural history, French, Spanish, general his-
tory and the history of the United States.
Here is much to learn, and when these poor
children have completed their course they
will not know how to apply it.
The magnificence of this institution is still
another objection. Mr. Girard having left a
large sum for^ its foundation, his executors,
desiring to make a great display, lyive built,
instead of a college, a temple of white mar-
ble, a little after the model of the Parthenon.
This resolution was not very wise, for when
the monument was completed, nothing was
left of the large legacy of Mr. Girard, and
the state was opliged to furnish the necessa-
ry sum to put it in operation. Every thing
is in harmony with such an edifice ; the in-
terior is comfortable and in good order ; the
floors are covered with matting, and the desks
with green serge. All this is beautiful ; but
what a contrast to what these children, now
so neatly dressed, so orderly and so happy,
will find when they leave this institution. It
is to be regretted that stern reason will not
allow us to enjoy without the obtrusion of
these severe reflections, this only example in
the world, of a palace open to the democra-
tsy, and of this homage to indigent childhood
too often neglected. Those who, in the cities
of Europe, would be found begging in the
streets, or playing in the wafer, sleep here
under a marble roof, but this is an extreme.
Where the people reign, the children of the
sovereign should not be spoiled, and it was
no disadvantage to Henry 4th, that he was
educated with the young peasants of Berne.
I visited Girard College on the same day
that I visited the prison. The two edifices
are separated but a short distance, and pre-
sent a singular contrast ; the one mournful
and gloomy with its gray and lofty walls
resembling a feudal fortress, the other cheer-
ful and magnificent, with its columns of white
marble, like a temple of Delos. In the one,
were criminals imprisoned less by lofty walls
than by solitude and silence, counting one by
one the hours always alike, because they
present no variety, and resembling the veiled
faces of a procession of spectres, and in the
other, happy children drawn from their hum-
ble homes to live in a palace, and, as I saw
them in their evening recreations, filling this
magnificent abode, with their joyous shouts,
and bird-like gay ety, then betaking themselves
to refreshing sleep in neat little beds, but a
few steps from those convicts once joyous
and laughing children like themselves. And
yet some of these children now so happy, but
it may be ill prepared for the society which
they must encounter, may one day occupy
the silent cell, and extend themselves upon
the rude couch of the convicts of Cherry
Hill.
It would afford me much pleasure to prolong
my visit in this city, but the weather, which
has been quite mild, has suddenly become
severely cold. As the principal if not the
only aim of my journey, is to avoid the winter,
which is everywhere my enemy, I shall leave
for Washington, where I shall not remain long,
o» my way to South Carolina and Louisiana.
There is no country in the world where
the changes of temperature are more sudden,
and the contrasts more extreme than in the
United States. New York has in summer
the temperature of Naples and in the winter
that of Copenhagen. In all the northern
parts of the United States, they often pass
almost without transition from a mild to a
cold day. At Rome, the difference between
the maximum of heat and cold is 24 degrees,
while at Salem, in New England, it is 51 de-
grees. These sudden alternations of heat and
cold tend to give strength and firmness to
the muscular system of the Americans ; it
is thus that steel is tempered. The heat of
the summer may be explained by the lati-
tude : Philadelphia being nearly in the same
degree as Naples. The excessive cold may
1859]
AMPERE IN PHILADELPHIA;
6*1
be attributed, among other causes, to the
fact that in America the mountains extend
North and South, and hence interpose no ob-
stacle to the cold polar winds.
Before leaving Philadelphia, I enjoyed the
pleasure which I had long desired, of listen-
ing to Jenny Lind, the Swedish nightingale,
as she is here styled, whom I followed through
the different cities of the Union, but who al-
ways left before my arrival. Fortunately Miss
Lind sang in Philadelphia the evening previous
to my departure. Several reasons may be as-
signed for the enthusiasm which she had excit-
ed in this country ; she possesses great talent,
a reputatiofi established in Europe, besides,
her character is justly respected, and her
disposition very generous. She has sung in
America for the beneBt of many useful
institutions, schools, hospitals, &c. To fash-
ion is united esteem. I listened to the night-
ingale at R concert attended by the fashion-
able world, I was glad at this opportunity
of observing the musical taste of the Ameri-
cans. It se^md to me that the great airs of
the opera were listenedto with some indif-
ference, while the romances were much Ihore
enjoyed. A Swedish ballad was very suc-
cessful, especially the last verse was much
applauded, in which Miss Lind, with pathetic
grace, allowed her voice to die away so per-
fectly, that all listened even after she had
ceased. This remembrance of Sweden in
America was very pleasing to me, and I was
glad to hear once more, aft^r an interval of
many years, the sweet sounds of this lan-
guage, the most melodious of all the German
languages, and which might, with propriety,
be styled the Spanish of the North. By a
singular chance, I met twenty- five years
since, Madame Catalini at Stockholm, and
I now meet Miss Lind at Philadelphia.
Baltimore, Dec, 13tk.
It is impossible to stop here, which I much
regret, since all that I have heard of the so-
ciety of Baltimore is calculated to inspire me
with this feeling ; but it is too cold for an in-
valid, as they say in English, who is in pur-
suit of a southern climate, and has allowed
himself to be overtaken by the rigorous cold
of the North. I have not found the state-
ment, made by Volney, true, that the climate
becomes materially milder after passing the
Patapsco river. Well wrapped up, I hastily^
passed through the principal streets of Balti-
more. This city appears to me neater and
gayer than any other city in America, es-
pecially the upper part, which is a kind of
faubourg St. Qermain. I walked a long dis-
tance without observing any shops. Upon
the summct of the hill upon which Baltimore
is situated, are the churches, and at the base,
are the chimneys of the manufactories and
the shipping. But I was too benumbed to
form any distinct impression of any thing.
I shall soon depart for "Washington, where
I wish to arrive in season, to be present at
the opening session of Congress, and before
the interruption of the sessions in the first
days of January. Fortunately Miss Cathe-
rine Hayes sings this evening. The swan of
Erin, as she is styled, has her admirers, who
prefer her to the nightingale of Dalecarlie.
I considered it a happy chance which pro-
cures me the pleasure of hearing thus, one
after the other, the two voices so celebrated
in prose and verse in the twenty-three states
of the Union, and at the same time, that of
mingling with the society of Baltimore. Af-
ter seeing their city by a beautiful sun, and
by — I had almost said a beautiful cold,
but I will never concede that the cold can
be beautiful, I found the assemblage of this
evening more brilliant even than that of
Philadelphia. In approaching the South a
certain elegance of manners is more and more
apparent. I have entered the slave states,
and sec for the first time in a concert hall a
circular gallery appropriated to persons oj
color, as they are truly called, for this ex-
pression includes not only blacks in this cate-
gory, but all the shades to white inclusively.
To those acquainted with them, the African
descent may be detected in a corner of the
eye or in the root of the nail, and though her
complexion may be very fair, a quadroon is
obliged to take her place by the side of the
negro.
Miss Hayes is not an artist that will rank
with Jenny Lind ; but she possesses more
novelty, she is Irish, and sings the ballads of
her country very agreeably, and I think has
had greater success this evening, than had
jresterday — I was going to say her rival, but
mdeed they ought not to be placed in the same
line. Although the concerts are well attend-
ed, though much is expended for seats, and
though the journals make use of the stron-
gest hyperboles, and the same hyperboles, to
celebrate superior and moderate talents, I do
not think that the musical instinct is very well
developed in America. The Americans are
too English to be musicians. They practice
music to a very great extent, they manufac-
ture a great number of pianos, and their
concerts are as frequent and as numerously
attended as in Europe ; but I am not aware
that this country has produced any celebra-
68
THE PREAOHER'S DAUOHTER.
[Sept,
ted perfornaers. The Americans have sculp- |
tors, and even painters, but I have not heard
the name of a single American composer.
Some efforts have been made to cultivate
sacred music. Church music has been
brought to a high standard by the Handel
and Haydn Society ; and at Lowell, I have
found the masic of the great masters ar-
ranged in a cheap form, so as to be within
the reach of the people ; but, notwithstand-
ing all these laudable efforts, the Anglo-Sax-
on organization has a tendency to resistance.
It is easier to unharness the horses of Euro-
pean singers and to pay $1,000 for a concert
ticket, than to possess musical ta^te. Fortu-
nately the English have proved that a nation
can be great without this ; it is also true that
this taste may be developed by education
and practice, as has been demonstrated in
France.
In the United States the Germans are the
principal resource of the orchestras and con-
certs. The music of the military regiments
is often performed by negroes. That the
negro race possesses a superior natural taste
for music, is a point upon which the proud
Yankees must acknowledge their inferiority
to those men who are scarcely recognized by
many of them as human bemgs. The ne-
gro is condemned by slavery or contempt to
a miserable condition, but he has received a
gift which those who enslave and degrade him
do not possess, namely, gayety. To aid him to
forget the bitterness of his lot. Providence
has given him a taste for singing and dan-
cing :
The good God says to him : Sing,
Sing, poor little one.
It is natural to think of the negroes, on the
first day that I entered the slave states.
Strange circumstance 1 I depart for Wash-
ington. I go to see the Congress and the
President of the republic, to salute the Capi-
tol, and I am no longer in what are here
called the free states.
-M-
>♦♦■
From th* Naw Monthly Magazine
THE PREACHER'S DAUGHTER.
AN UNPUBLISHED ANECDOTE OF FREDERICK THE GREAT.
In the year 1821, during a tour I was
making in the north of Germany, an accident
introduced me to a clergyman, who invited
me to spend a few days with him in the
country. The second day of my stay was
to be devoted to an excursion in the neigh-
boring mountains, whence a glorious view
could be enjoyed of the Frische Haff and
the littoral pf Fomerania.
We had, however, scarce quitted the rec-
tory, when my new friend attracted my at-
tention to an old man who was sitting on
the root of; a tree, smoking his pipe with
apparently the greatest contentment, while
his geese were feeding on the grassy borders
of the wide village street.
" Look there," the clergyman said ; '' that
old man is the only living witness of a trait
of iron justice in the life of Frederick the
Great which but very few are acquainted
with. Halloh ! Father Frank, do you re-
member bringing the baron home from
Stettin ?"
" How could I forget it ?" the old man re-
plied, as he doffed his cap reverently ; ** I
was a yonng fellow of about twenty-five at
the time."
" Did he swear at all ?** my friend asked
further.
"I should think so," the old man said
with a laugh ; " he raved furiously the whole
distance, especially when the carriage drove
over the pine-roots on the heath."
** Yes, my friend replied, " you may laugh
now. Father Frank, but in truth you ought,
to have shared the baron's punishment, for.
I can never forgive you for helping to carry
my poor predecessor out of his house in hia.
1858.]
THE PREAOHSR'S DAUGHTER.
60
dying moments, and placing him in the glar-
ing sunshine."
" I was forced to do so," the old man an-
swered ; and as he pointed with his staff to
a neighboring garden, he continued : " The
baron was standing behind that walnut-tree
with his telescope, and if we had not placed
the old gentleman on the exact spot he or-
dered, he would have beaten us to death.
Still I shall feel sorry for it as long as I
live, and cannot look at the spot without
sighing. His chair was just at the very
place where you are now standing, and there
he died within a quarter of an hour."
The reader may fancy that these remarks
caused me to feel considerable curiosity, and
we had scarce left the old man, when I
begged the rector to tell me the story. He
did so in the following terms :
The Baron von L , of whom our old
friend was talking, was formerly owner of
this estate, and a favorite of Frederick the
Great. The nearer circumstances of his in-
troduction to the king are sufBciently re-
markable to induce me to mention them.
Frederick had come to inspect a morass that
had been latelv drained by the baron, and
while waiting for fresh horses at P , he
talked with the land-agent, and as he saw
some gentlemen in military uniform at a little
distance, he asked him, " Where have those
gentlemen served?"
The agent, who knew that the king liked
a quick and ready answer, replied, with a
deep bow, " In your majesty's army ;" to
which the king rejoined, with equal quick-
ness.
"Sheepshead! I am well aware that
they have not served as laborers on your
estate. But where is the baron ?"
The latter, however, had been delayed, and
arrived just as the king was asking 'for him,
in such a hurry that the coachman drove
against a tombstone, which had been brought
the day before for the grave of a lately de-
ceased clergyman, and had been placed tem-
porarily by the side of the road. The car-
riage was overturned, and the baron as well :
a terrible prognostic, for he was fated to
owe his ruin to the tombstone of a clergy-
man, though it did not occur on this occa-
sion. On Uie contrary, he managed to ac-
quire the king's favor in such a degree, that
his majesty was continually sending for him
to be present at the reviews in Stargardt, and
eventually invested him with* the then highly
distinguished order, " Pour le Merite."
Through this, however, the baron's arro-
gance waxed incredibly. He was not merely
I a tyrant whom every one in the neighbor-
hood feared because they knew the favor in
which he stood with the king, but a still
greater tyrant to all the clergy. For while
he usually called the landed gentry, when
speaking about them, " uncultivated clods,"
he also, after the fashion of the great king,
termed the clergy " unreasoning brutes,"
and displayed his enlightenment on every oc-
casion in a manner as ridiculous as it was in-
sulting : for education and respect could not
be counted among our baron's virtues.
But of all the clergymen, his own, Thilo
by name, my poor predecessor, fared the
worst. He was an old man, modest in the
highest degree, and put up with anything
from his patron. His only daughter, Sophie,
was, however, one of the most energetic
women I ever saw, and even at the advanced
age when I first formed her acquaintance,
bore evident traces of her former beauty.
She was attached to the son of the royal
forester Weiher, who lived in S , and used
to visit the old pastor when he came to
church. The affair was, however, not known
for a'long while, as Sophie always received
the young fellow's ardent declarations of love
with great though pretended coolness. Be-
sides, the young man was nothing, and had
nothing, and it was very doubtful whether
he would succeed his father in the forestry.
Such being the case, there was little to be
done in those days, and it is much the same
now. But it is equally true that a lover
never did, and never will, trouble himself
about such paltry details. It was the same
with our Fritz. On one occasion, when he
had brought the old pastor, 'or rather his
daughter, a brace of wild duck, and the latter
gave him a rose in return, for she had no-
thing else to offer, Fritz regarded it as a de-
claration of her love, and begged her to give
him her hand and heart. The sensible girl
naturally tried to persuade him of his
folly, and asked him how ho could support a
wife.
But Fritz had his answer cut and dried.
" I have a little," he rejoined, " and you,
too, my dear girl, could have three times as
much as myself, if you only wished."
" I am curious to know what you mean,"
Sophie remarked.
"Well, your father says that the baron
owes him bis dues for the last ten years.
That would make, at the rate of sixty bush-
els per annum, GOO bushels, worth, at the
present price of grain, about 800 crowns.
With that, and my little savings, we coald
manage. We would take a farm in the neigh-
10
THE PBEAGHEB*S DAUGHTER.
[Sept. y
borhood if I was not made assistant to my
father, as I expect, and could live happily."
But Sophie rejected this idea with a smile,
and expressed her opinion ** that the young
man could sooner shake down wheat from his
beech-trees than her father get his rye from
the baron."
Still the plan continually occurred to her.
She begged her father to make an earnest
demand for his dues from the baron ; for if
he were to die, and she be left a poor unpro-
tected orphan, the hard- hearted and arrogant
man would not give her a shilling more in
money or money's worth. Still the old man
would not consent, though she renewed her
entreaties repeatedly. The next Sunday, how-
ever, the forester turned the conversation to
the same subject, whence it may be presumed
that his son had opened his heart to him.
But it was of no avail. The old man trem-
bled even if he heard the baron's name, and
said, earnestly and simply :
" It would be of no use ; I have tried to
no purpose every year. But the Lord is
judge of all things."
•* That's all very good," the forester re-
plied ; " but I don't see what your daughter
will have to live on, if you were to quit the
world this day or the next. Lay a complaint
against the baron, unless he listens to your
reasonable demands."
The old man shook his head and sighed,
upon which the former continued :
" Well, then, I must reveal something to
you, pastor ; my Fritz is ashamed to do it
himself."
At these words, the young folk turned as
red as cherries, and Sophie ran out of the
room. Fritz stopped, it is true, but did not
dare to raise his head, when his father pro-
ceeded to say :
" My Fritz here and your dear daughter
would gladly get married ; but as they want
the main thing, and I do not know whether the
boy will succeed me, you could make the
young couple happy if you would send in a
complaint against the baron, and force him
to pay you either the corn or the money.
Then we would take a farm for them."
" I never heard a word of this before,"
my old predecessor here remarked, " and do
not know a better answer to give you than
one from the Bible : ' We will call the dam-
eel, and inquire at her mouth.' "
Our Fritjis now regained both his heart and
his feet. He ran out of the room, and, on
this occasion, his power of persuasion must
have been very great, for he returned in a few
minutes, hand in hand with the blushing girl.
** My daughter," the old man said to her,
" what am I forced to hear ? You never
kept anything from me before, and now have
made a secret of the most important thing
— that you wish to be married. Is that
really true, Sophie ?"
*' Yes, father," she replied, without aflfec-
tation, " if we only knew what we should
have to lire on : for without some certainty,
I have always told Fritz, the marriage can-
not take place."
Fritz now gained heart too, and said : " But
the pastor has our future welfare in his own
hands ; for if you were to complain against
the baron, it would be very strange if you
did not get your own."
The old man, however, replied, after repeat-
ed representations, " I will sleep on it ;' and
would probably have done so for the rest of his
days, if his daughter had left him in peace.
But it seemed to him almost a crime to pro-
ceed straightway to a plaint, and an encroach-
ment on the reverence he fancied he owed to
his patron. He made one attempt more on
the path of conciliation, and begged the baron,
in writing, and most respectfully, to pay him
the dues owing to him for nearly ten years,
at the same time, apologizing very humbly
for making the request on this occasion be-
fore Michaelmas, because his dear daughter
designed to alter her condition of life.
Of course the latter knew nothing of this
confidential remark, which afterwards cost
her so many tears, or else she would have
protested against it most solemnly. But the
patron acted m the usual way : whether
Michaelmas or not, he did not pay the slight-
est attention.
The old man was at length forced to bite
into the sour apple, and yield to the repeated
entreaties of his daughter. He sent in a
complaint against the baron, and, by his
daughter's special solicitation, not merely
asked for his dues, but also complained
about the wretched state of dilapidation in
which the rectory was, about which repeated
useless petitions had been sent to the harsh
man, who allowed his preacher to live worse
than his daily laborers. It is true that this
was not done without a severe struggle ; but
as Sophie at length represented to him that
the baron would be equally embittered
whether he laid one or two complaints before
the authorities, he seemed at last to allow
the truth of this, and wrote, though not
without begging the baron's pardon for each
of his complaints. The result might be an-
ticipated. The chamber, which signed itself
at that day, to some purpose, " 'V\^, Freder-
1863.]
THE PREACHER'S DAUGHTER.
71
ick, by God's grace/' entirely shared the
king's contemptuous views of the clergy, but
not his love of justice towards all — ^anoong
thom, consequently, the pastors. The baron,
on being requested to answer his rector's
plaint, denied everything, assetled that he
bad always paid his dues regularly, and that
this highly insulting charge could only be ex-
plained or excused by the fact that the old
man was quite childish, and did not know
what he said or wrote. He ought, at any
rate, to have produciid liis witnesses; but,
far from doing so, or being able to do it, the
old lackbrains had apologized to him, his
patron, in a fashion that would furnish a very
poor notion of the honesty of his fancied
claim. His complaint about his house was
equally false ; for, though it was no palace, it
was still habitable enough.
He had certainly some good reasons to re-
gard his pastor's surprising demands from a
much more criminal point of view; for it-
was shown by the annexed letter in bis hand-
writing, that he wished his daughter to marry,
and was greatly embarrassed about — the
dowry. Still he would not carry out this
idea for the pastor's sake, and would rather
ascribe to his age and his forgetfulness, what
others perhaps would impute to his villany.
Still the authorities would perceive, without
it being necessary for him to call their atten-
tion to it, that it was high time to dismiss the
old man, and he would, therefore, present
another candidate as soon as possible.
We may easily foresee the result of this
reply. The old pastor was not only refused
a heannfir and threatened with an ungracious
dismissal, but, besides, received some repri-
mands of the very coarsest style, as was the
fashion in that day.
" I thought it would be so !'' he exclaimed,
in the deepest sorrow, ** and for that reason
I would not write, but you forced me to do
so.
The consequence of this painful excite-
ment was a severe illness, to which the old
man yielded, not immediately though, but
after the forester had come to him and told
both him and his daughter, with unfeeling
harshness, that all idea of a marriage with
his son must be given up, whether he suc-
ceeded him or not, for bis son could make no
use of a portionless wife.
The old pastor only replied to this by a
sigh ; but hn daughter answered instead of
him, that this was quite natural, and that she
was merely surprised that the forester had
not said this only to them, but had before
stated publicly in the village, '' If she gets
the 600 bushels of rye, my Fritz will take
her ; if not, the bargain will be off." This
had annoyed her so much, that she had de-
termined on not being mixed up in this corn
transaction, had the result been favorable to
her. So much the more she now requested
that the whole affair should be broken off,
and his son not annoy her again under any
pretext.
." That you may be assured of," the forest-
er replied with equal roughness ; '* he shan't
trouble you again, or, if he does, I'll break
every bone in his body. Good-by! The
Lord strengthen the old man !"
Fritz, though, did come again, and that
too on the next night, as he did not dare do
so by day. He knocked at his belo\'ed's
little bedroom window ; she recognized him
immediately in the moonlight, but would not
open to him. At length she did so, how-
ever, and she now heard his complaints,
which were accompanied by bitter tears, and
with the entreaty that she would remain faith-
ful to him, let things happen as they would.
But she replied boldly, " Fritz, our con-
nection is broken off for ever. Farewell, and
do not dare to knock at my window a second
time by night; I give you my word, that if
you do, I will write to your father the next
morning. So now, farewell, and may the
Lord guide you, and preserve your father
longer to you than He will mine to me."
With these words she sighed and closed
the window, and spite of all poor Fritz's en-
treaties, could not be induced to open it again,
but went into her father's room, whom she
heard sighing and groaning.
On the next morning, however, she was
destined to suffer still more. The baron no
sooner heard of the old man's serious illness,
than he spitefully sent a message to him:
"He would have the goodness to leave his
house next morning, for the rectory was go-
ing to be pulled down, and a new one built
in its stead."
He naturally answered: "That it was
perfectly impossible for him to do so, as he
was very ill, and would hardly leave his bed
again. He had lived so long in the old
house, that he should like to stay in it till his
death. The baron would surely be kind
enough to let him die there."
But the first messenger was followed by
another, " The matter could not be deferred :
the pastor had made such serious complaints
to the Royal Chamber, that the baron could
by no posbibility delay in sending in carpen-
ters and masons ; the house must be given
up the next day."
72
THE PREACHER'S DAUGHTEB.
[Sept.,
Sophie, however, did not sufler this second
messenger to appear before the terrified
pastor, but sent to tell the baron, that if he
could answer it to God and man for driving
a dying man out of his house, he might do
it. If her father died, though, she would
spend her last farthing in avenging his death,
even if she had to beg her way to Potsdam.
Of course the baron was not induced by
this to alter his views in the slightest ; for
what could appear to him more ridioulous
than this threat ? On the next morning a
number of carpenters and masons came from
the town of U , climbed, in spite of all
poor Sophie's entreatie;*, on to the roof, and
tiles, beams, and spars soon fell down before
the sick man's window.
Sophie attempted to calm her dying father
as well as he could, and persuade him that
the baron was going to have the house new
roofed ; but when the carpenters came in
and sorrowfully stated that they must now
pull up the flooring, she fainted with a loud
shriek at the baron's barbarity, while the
compassionate carpenters raised the dying
man from his bed, put on his dressing-gown
and slippers, placed him^ in his easy -chair,
and carried him out and seated him in the
full glare of the sun, by the side of the road.
The baron stood with his telescope behind
the walnut-tree : Sophie was still in a faint-
ing fit; and* only an old woman had the
courage to approach the chair, and throw
her apron over the head of the old man, who
continually ejaculated, "My eyes ! my eyes!"
Hut almost at the same moment he breathed
his last sigh ; and when Sophie was at length
aroused to life, and rushed towards her
father with a cry of horror, she only held a
corpse in her arms.
Although she asked the clergyman pre-
sent at her father's funeral how she should
act against the baron's unsupportable tyranny,
they .only shrugged their shoulders ; and
even ii one oflfered her counsel, it did not
appear to her good. But her determination
— which the gentlemen disapproved — of
going to Potsdam and telling her sorrrw to
the great king, remained firmer than ever,
and was executed even before she anticipated.
She had, namely, been forced to take up
her abode in the barn,* into which she had
carried her scanty furniture, and cooked her
poor food in the pardon. For, as she had a
year of grace allowed her, and no other
place of shelter could be found in the village,
she was not able to quit the terrible spot.
A few days later some butchers arrived, and
she suddenly decided on selling her six sheep.
in order to procure money for her travel-
ling expenses to Berlin ; a matter that had
troubled her greatly. But when the maid
opened the door of the dilapidated stable,
all the sheep had found their way out, for
the stables at the rectory had always been
left by the patron in the same miserable con*
dition as the dwelling-house. She therefore
sent the maid along the road to look for the
sheep, while she herself went in the direc-
tion of the baron's garden, to see whether
they had found their way thither. The
butchers followed her by some divine inter-
position, for unfortunately, or rather fortu-
nately, the sheep had got into the baron's
garden, and were cropping the grass along
the flower-beds. Sophie was preparing lo
drive them out, and called the men to her
assistance, when the baron made his appear-
ance, and, in his rage, attacked the poor girl
with the lowest abuse.
''What! the infamous creature has the
audacity to let her sheep enter my garden !
If she dare do it again, I will demand the
pound money with my hunting whip !"
When she fell back at this coarse remark,
and replied, "Is it not enough that your
grace has robbed my father of his life, but
you wish to deprive me of my honor before
these strange men ?"
The baron vociferated, with a contemptu-
ous laugh, " Ha, ha ! your honor ! Your
father wrote me himself that you had to do
with the forester's Fritz, and the herd lately
saw the young clodhopper climb in at your
window. Your honor !"
Upon this she advanced boldly up to the
baron, and said, in a loud voice : " You lie,
you are a miserable calumniator, and injus-
tice is still to be found on earth, I will seek it
with my lapt farthing. God help me !"
The baron, however, could no longer re-
strain his anger ; he rushed at her and struck
her repeatedly, while assailing her with the
coarsest invectives.
The poor ill-treated girl soon made up her
mind, and said to the butchers, " You shall
have the sheep for the price you offered, al-
though it is very low, but you must come
with me to U -, and bear testimony on
oath to what you have seen and heard here."
The men consented, and after giving them
something to eat, she tied up her best clothes
in a bundle, gave the maid charge of the
rectory, and followed the men a quarter of
an hour afterwards to the neighboring town.
The burgomaster there was an old friend of
her father, and, like all the rest, detested the
proud and tyrannical baron. He gladly
1868.]
THE PREACHER'S DAUGHTER.
1Z
heard the testimony of the witnesses^ and
swore them to the truth, at the same time
sent for the carpenters who were witness to
her father's death, hut expressed his opinion
that the journey to Potsdam would be of
little service to her, as the baron was an ex-
traordinary fovorite of the king, as all the
world knew, and his majesty, through his in-
creasing age and weakness, was not in the
habit of receiving anybody — more especially
women. He would advise her to. commence
legal proceedings.
This, however, she would not listen to, and
only looked about for the herd, that his tes-
timony might also be taken. Fortunately
the baron had very lately discharged him
on account of his age, and he had been at a
neighboring farm for the last month in the
same capacity. It was not difficult, there-
fore, to obtain his testimony, which, besides,
was perfectly consistent with truth ; and he
asserted that he had never mentioned the
nightly scene of which he had been witness
in any other way, and the baron lied in his
throat if he said anything about climbing in
at the window. In fact, he quoted all that
Sophie had said on the occasion, before she
shut the window in her lover's face, as he ex-
pressed himself. Besides the herd, the sex-
ton, several preachers of the vicinity, the
forester Weihcr, and others not immeaiately
subjected to the baron's tyranny, gave their
evidence about the owing dues, which at
least proved thus much — that the deceased
pastor had repeatedly asserted that the baron
was indebted to him in the dues for the last
ten years.
Several days were occupied in protocolling
all this: but it was scarce done before Sophie
took her seat in the mail, accompanied by
the heartiest wishes on |;he part of the burgo-
master, and in six or seven days arrived
safely in Potsdam.
But what to do then ? She sat and told
her landlord, with tears, how she had been
treated, and begged his advice. He, how-
ever, only shrugfl^ed his shoulders, and said :
"The old gentleman was growing far too
peevish ; he could not offer her any hope."
Bat as suffering Beauty has always, up to
the present day, maintained its power over
every uncorrupted heart, the same occurred
here. A guest, who was accidentally present,
and had been sitting over his beer silently,
and, as it seemed, witl^out paying any atten-
tion, now asked, in a cordial tone, if he might
look through mamsell's papers for a moment ?
Of course she gladly consented, and the man,
after casting his eye over them, and finding
they perfectly agreed with her statement, be-
came quite the opposite of what he had ap-
peared.
'* The rascally baron !" he exclaimed ; " it's
hardly credible that such villany can take
place! But, God willing, dear mamsell, I
can help you. I am the brother of the roy-
al gardener at Sans Souci, and will go there
directly and see what can be done ; and you
will follow me boldly in an hour. His house
is on the right hand side after you enter."
With these words the worthy man left the
room, while Sophie dried her tears, and with
longing eyes followed the minute-hand on
the clock. The hour had scarce elapsed^
when she entrusted her bundle to the land-
lord, and commenced her walk with the docu-
ments beneath her arm. She had but reach-
ed the street, when the clock struck the hour
in the steeple of the garrison church, and
the chimes commenced plaj'ing the melody
of the beautiful hymn, " Who puts his trust
in God alone !" This moved her to tears ;
and repeating the whole hymn fervently, she
went along the road that was pointed out tp
her. In the gardener she found a man as
well-meaning as his brother. " But," he
said, "if the king is not in a good humor
to morrow morning when he visits the gar-
den, you will have to wait several days, for
it would be dangerous to speak to him before.
He is accustomed to inspect the large orange
and lemon-trees th^re on the terrace every
morning about ten o'clock, when no one ac-
companies him except a little grayhound.
You must conceal yourself sotaewhere in the
neighborhood, which I will* show you be-
forehand, so that I may be able to make you
a sign when it is time to appear. Be per-
fectly calm, and give short and bold answers :
the king still likes to see pretty girls, although
he is so old. Well, then, I shall see you to-
morrow morning at nine o'clock by the latest,
dear child !"
She took her leave : but it may be easily
conceived that the poor village girl did not
'sleep. At the appointed hour she again
went timidly to Sans Souci, and after being
in some degree cheered and encouraged by
the kind gardener, she hid herself behind a
large myrtle- tree.
She had been standing there scarce half
an hour, when the king, dressed in a plain
blue coat, with the celebrated crutch-stick in
his hand, and an old, shabby chapeau, a tri"
comes, upon his head, came out of a neigh-
boring allee, and stopped before a splendid
orange-tree.
The gardener immediately approached
74
THE PREACHER'S DAUGHTER.
[Sept,,
him with great reverence : but while the king
was addresising a few words to him, the gray-
hound had seen the poor trembling girl» and
ran towards her with such violent barking
that the king noticed it, and cried to the dog,
** Molly ! Molly 1 qu*y-a-t-il ? — couche mon
chienr
But fate willed it that, while he looked up,
Sophie also peeped out from behind the
myrtle-tree, and their eyes met. She thought
that she would sink into the ground from ter-
ror ; but this rencontre perfectly satisfied the
king's poetical feelings.
" Diable, gardener !" he cried, with a loud
laugh, "you hide your pretty girls behind
myrtle-bushes ?"
The gardener now had a famous opportuni-
ty. He imparted the poor girl's story to the
lung with brevity, but great sympathy; and
it was not long before Frederick pointed with
his crutch to the myrtle, and called out, " She
must come hither."
This naturally increased Sophie's terror:
but she became still more alarmed, when the
great king fixed his great eyes upon her, and
said, in a rather harsh tone, " What does she
want here ?"
She turned pale, and was silent for a mo-
ment ; but soon collected herself, and gave
the reply, which seemed to please the kin
immensely, '* What I, a poor orphan, can fin
nowhere else — ^justice V for he smiled, and
said :
" Well, we'll see : she can give me the pa-
pers, and come again to-morrow morning. I
should never have believed it of the fellow ;
but several complaints have been already sent
in about him. So, to-morrow, at this time !"
With these words the fi^reat man dismissed
her with a kind nod, and on the next morn-
ing she did not think of concealing herself
behind the myrtle. The king did not keep
her waiting long. He approached her with
the words :
" Why, these are terrible matters : but she
can now go home ; she shall have justice ;
and as regards the dues, she need only give
the baron this letter. And now she must make
haste home, or the bridegroom will find time
hang heavy on his hands."
And as she blushed deeply, and received
the letter with downcast eyes, the king added,
" Apropos, what is her bridegroom's name ?"
*' Ah ! your majesty,*^ she replied, as she
became more and more embarrassed, " the
marriage is entirely broken off. For, as the
fathW IS in doubt whether his son will be ap-
pointed his assistant, he'll not know anything
about the marriage."
" What's the father's name, and what is
he?"
*' Weiher, most gracious sire, and he is a
royal forester."
" Well, I will make some inquiries about
him, and if he is an honest fellow, she can
ask the folk to the wedding — does she un-
derstand me ?"
Delighted, but at the same time ashamed,
the poor girl did not know, what answer to
give, and commenced stammering, when the
king laughingly helped her in her charming
confusion, by saying,
^* Well, well, she can go ; or else, as I said,
her bridegroom will be wishing her back."
It is not necessary to state that she did not
delay a moment, but, after returning her
sincere thanks to the generous gardener and
his brother, she commenced her journey
home on the same day. But travelling in
those days was a tedious and laborious affair.
She required nearly eight days to reach her
sequestered village again, and her first inqui-
ry, after entering the rectory, or rather the
barn, naturally was about the baron. Bat
not merely the maid, but the whole village,
informed her that he would certainly become
a minister, as he had always said, for he had
gone to Stettin that morning in his best equi-
page, by royal order, and all his household
was full of joy and delight.
Sophie thought it advisable to keep silent,
although the baroness, on hearing of her re-
turn, sent her compliments, and asked her
*' How old Fritz was, and what the yonng
lady had obtained from him ?"
She determined on awaiting the result,
and informed no one of her success, not even
the young forester, whom she saw the next
day walking through the village and looking
towards the barn, but who did not dare to
approach her, and only met her, as it were,
accidentally, on the third day. To his earnest
entreaties about what she had done, and if
she still loved him, he received the reply,
'^ I cannot tell you, Mosye Fritz, till you are
appointed assistant to your father."
" What, are you jesting with me ?"
'' No! but I trust it will soon happen."
" In heaven's name, what do you mean?"
" Take your time, dear Fritz."
" Well, then, what did you do about the
baron ?"
"All in good time, dear Fritz. Adye,
forester, adye ;" and she ran into the court-
yard without another word.
Fritz did not dare follow her, for she had
not recalled her orders ; and he saw at the
same time that such a proceeding would
1858.J
THE PREACHER'S DAUGHTER.
75
cause her great pain. He satisfied himself,
therefore, with goin^r at least once to the
village to peep into the rectory, and, at the
same time, inquire ahout the haron's return.
And the latter really came hack in a few days,
but in what a condition! Groaning with
pain, and invoking the most terrible curses
on the king and the preacher's daughter, he
was raised from his carriage by four servants,
and carried into the house, while his family
followed him with looks of horror — some-
thing different from the expected ministerial
appointment.
The rumor of his terrible punishment in
Stettin soon spread through the village, as
well as the whole neighborhood. For al-
though he had ordered his coachman and
servants, with fearful threats, not to say a
word about the chastisement he had received,
and of which they had been witnesses, still
his continued iroprecation3 on the king, whom
he had formerly lauded to the skies, and the
preacher's daughter, made the villagers half
mad "with excitement, and coachman and
servants were compelled to tell, whether they
liked it or not.
The following is old Father Frank's nar-
rative, who, a young man of about twenty-
five years of age, drove his master in the
state carriage and gold livery to Stettin ; the
others are long since dead.
'*We had scarcely," he stated, "driven
m a sharp trot up to the gate-house at ''Stet-
tin, and the baron had hardly mentioned his
name, before two under- officers came out, one
of whom entered the carriage, and sat by
my master's side, the other mounted the box.
The baron cursed and abused like a spar-
row, and called the gate-keeper to witness
that a common fellow had dared to enter
the Baron von L 's carriage. No one
took any notice, however, and it was not
long before the under-officer by my side or-
dered me to drive straight to the main guard-
house. The carriage had hardly stopped be-
fore it, when the guard assembled under
arms, and the under-officer who sat in the
carriage cried from the window, * Lieutenant,
I have the prisoner with me.'
" My master had a good deal to say> but
the officer would not suffer him to speak, and
ordered him to be taken to the guard-room,
and spend the night there with the common
soldiers. This did not at all please the baron,
and he repeatedly cried, ' There must be
some mistake ; he was the Baron von L ,
and a friend of the king. The devil might
fetch officer and soldiers ;' he requested paper
and ink, that he might write to the governor.
This was allowed him, and Carl, his servant,
hurried away to the president with the let-
ter, but no answer was returned.
" My master stopped in the stifling hole
till ten the next morning, when I received
orders to put the horses to, and drive in front
of the main guard. This was scarce done
when the guard again assembled under arms,
and soon formed a circle round the baron,
whom two corporals now led out and placed
before a bundle of straw that lay on the
pavement. A government councillor soon
made his appearance, and after taking off his
hat, read an order signed by old Fritz, in pur-
suance of which, the Baron von L was
to be stripped of his order ' Pour le M6rite,*
before the guard -house of Stettin, and, in
addition, receive forty blows with the hazel
stick, for ill-treating the Pastor Thilo and
his daughter.
'* When my master was about to reply, the
drums commenced playing the ' rogue's
march,' by order of tne officer on duty ; the
government councillor tore the order from
his neck, two under-officers threw him on
the bundle of straw, and two others began
laying on to him. They were the same who
had got into the carriage on the previous day,
and received dog's thanks from the baroQ for •
it. This they now honestly repaid him. My
master roared, so that he could be heard
above all the drums ; and when he had re-
ceived his punishment, the two under-officers
who had beaten him carried him to the car-
riage, placed him in it, and then said to me,
with a laugh, 'Now, coachman, drive home.' "
Thus old Father Frank told the tragical
story at that day, and does the same now (my
friend continued)) and the news spread like
wildfire throughout the neighborhood. No
one pitied the baron, but all were delighted
with the courageous preacher's daughter,
who behaved, however, as if nothing had oc-
curred, and remained quietly at home. When
she heard, though, that the baron was grow-
ing daily weaker, she went to U , and
induced the burgomaster to deliver the royal
letter personally to the unfortunate man. No
one ever learned its contents, but the effect
was so powerful, that the dying baron im-
mediately sent to ask her whether she would
have the 600 bushels in natura or in money,
according to the average of the last six years ?
As she preferred the fatter, he« com missioned
the burgomaster to pay her the money im-
mediately, in the presence of witnesses at
IT . The next day he expired.
But in this instance Sophie again acted
very cleverly. She begged the burgomas-
Yfl
THE GREEK OP HOMER A LIVING LANGUAGEL
[Sept.,
ter to summon the forester Weiher as wit-
ness, under the pretence that he had lately
sworn by all that was good and great that
she would never get the money, and would
not be satisfied unless his eyes told him the
contrary. The real cause of this request
lay deeper, for how the forester repented
his sins, when, in a few days after, the hard
crowns were counted out on the table in his
presence, and Rector's Sophie, as he called
her, received the money quite calmly, paid
no attention to his grimaces, but made a low
curtsey to him on leaving, and packed the
heavy bags, one after the other, in the car-
riage, to deposit them with a clergyman, a
cousin of hers, in the neighborhood. At
that day it was an immense sum, and many
a gentleman would not have feit ashamed
about doing a foolish trick, and courting
Rector's Sophie.
But what were his feelings when, in a few
weeks after, he received a letter from the
chief forester, with the joyful news " that
his majesty had been pleased, on the inter-
cession of Sophie Thilo, the daughter of the
Rector of S , to appoint his son his as-
sistant, as he, the chief forester, had repre-
sented him to his majesty as a good wood-
man, and at the same time trusted that his
son, &c., <S?c."
Father and son were liighly delighted,
and all their anxiety was how to restore mat-
ters on the old footing with Sophie.
" You must go first, Fritz," the old man
said.
" No, you must go first, papa," said the
son, ''for you alone broke the marriage
oflF."
The old man scratched his head, and con-
sented to do it, but first sent her a cartload
of dry beech fire-wood, to get her in a good
humor.
In short, the end may be anticipated. Af-
ter Sophie had given the old gentleman a
proper lecture, the blood rushed to her face
when Fritz came creeping in half an hour
later, and stood bashfully at the door.
"Nearer, nearer, dear Fritz," she cried, as
she extended her arms towards him ; and
when their emotion had subsided, she told
them circumstantially all that had occurred
to her.
The merriest possible marriage soon fol-
lowed, about which old Father Frank still
has a good deal to say ; for, after the baron's
death, he immediately entered the forester's
service,
'* I never met," my friend concluded his
narrative, " a more happy and contented
couple than they were. They were grow-
ing old when I was appointed to the rectory
here ; but, let me visit them when I would,
they were always cheerful, happy, and
pious."
Thus much about Fritz the forester and
Sophie Thilo, whose modest grave I visited
during the afternoon with my friend, and re-
garded with much interest. They died
fifteen years before, on the same day, and
were buried in one grave. Fortunate beings !
i>»«-
•♦♦•
The Greek of Homer a Living Language.
— ^An effort, savs the Westminster Review,
has been made by Mr. Blackie, Professor of
Greek in the University of Edinburgh, to re-
form the pronunciation of Greek in that Uni-
Tersity. He is teaching his students to pro-
nounce Greek as they do in Greece, insisting
that it is not a dead, but a living language —
as any one may see by looking at a Greek
newspaper. Professor Blackie ffives an ex-
tract from a newspaper printed last year at
Athens, giving an account of Kossuth s visit
to America, from which it is evident that the
language of Homer lives in a state of purity,
to which, considering the extraordinary dura-
tion of its little existence — two thousand five
hundred years at least — there is no? parallel
perhaps on the face of the globe. After no-
ticing a few trifling modifications, which dis-
tinguish modem from ancient Greek, he states,
as a fact, that in three columns of a Greek
newspaper of the year 1852, there does not
occur three words that are not pure native
Greek ; so very slightly has it been corrupt-
ed from foreign sources.
1863.]
THE DAUGHTEBS OF CHARLES I.
11
From the Gentleman's Magazine.
THE DAUGHTERS OF CHARLES I
Crashaw, the poet and protegi of Henri-
etta Maria, appears to have striven with
much zeal and entire fruitlessness to catch
the laureate crown, which Ben Jonson had
worn with rough but glittering dignity.
Never did any patented " Versificator Regis,"
from Gaulo to Davenant, so praise princes
and princesses, born or expectant, as Crashaw
did. The Carolinian births were the active
stimulants of his muse. The coming tf the
heir apparent was hailed by his " In Sanctis-
simae Reginas partum hyemalem." The first
wailing cry of the little Duke of York was
celebrated in the " Natalis Ducis Eboracen-
sis." His prophetic muse waxed bold during
a later, pregnancy of the queen, and the vktea
confidently predicted the addition of another
prince to the family circle of Charles. Nor
was he wrong ; the ode '• Ad Principem
nondum natum, Regin& gravida," was apt
welcome for the unconscious Duke of Glouces-
ter, who lived to be the simple "Master
Henry" of the plain-spoken Puritans. The
zeal of Crashaw went so far that he even
rushed into metre to make thankful record of
the king's recovery from an eruption in the
face. The rhymer's " In Faciem Augustissimi
Regb a morbillis integram" pleasantly por-
trayed how his sacred majesty had been
afflicted with pimples, and how he had been
ultimately relieved from the undignified
visitation.
The poet would seem to have somewhat un-
gallantly neglected the daughters of Charles
and Henrietta Maria. His poetic fire never
blazed very brilliantly for the princesses.
His inspiration, like the Salic law, favored
only the heirs male. The young ladies, how-
ever, were not undeserving of having lyres
especially strung to sound their praises.
There were four of them — namely, Mary, bom
in 1631 ; the heroic little Elizabeth, born in
1635 ; the happy Anne, in 1636 — 1 ; and
the celebrated Henrietta Anne, in 1644.
Of these the Prince9s Anne was by far
the happiest, for she had the inexpressible
advantage of gently descending into toe grave
at the early yet sufficiently advanced age of
three years and nine months. It was some
time before the birth of "liappy Anne" that
Rochester Carr, brother of the Lincolnshire
baronet, Sir Robert, publicly declared, in his
half-insane way, that he would fain kill the
king, if he might only wed with his widow.
When this offensive sort of gallantry was re-
ported to Henrietta, ** She fell into such a
passion as her lace was cut to give her more
breath." Thus the storms of the world blew
around " felix Anna," even before her little
bark entered on the ocean over which, angel-
led, she made so^apid a passage to the ha-
ven of the better land.
Mary, the eldest of the daughters of
Charles, had something of a calculating dis-
position; she possessed a business-like mind,
had much shrewdness, and contrived to
secure, in her quiet way, as much felicity as
she could or as she cared to secure. Her
mother had an eager desire to rear this
favorite child for the Romish communion.
Charles himself is said by the queen's chap-
lain, Gamache, not to have cared much about
the matter. The priest says of the king that
the latter held that salvation did not depend
on communion, and that, if he expressly
desired a child of his to be a Protestant, it
was in some sort because his people accused
him of being too favorably disposed towards
the faith of Rome. However this may have
been, Gamache did his best to undo the
teaching of Mary's orthodox instructors. He
boasts of having impressed on this child — by
command, if I remember rightly, of her
mother — the necessity and the profit of
knowing and practising all that was taught
by Roman Catholicism. The little girl's eyes
sparkled as the remarkably honest fellow sug-
gested to her that she would probably marry
a great Catholic potentate, the King of Spain,
the Emperor of Germany, or, greater than
both, the Grand Monarque of France. There
were no other thrones, he intimated, much
worth the having ; and, if she hoped ever to
hold a sceptre on one of them, the first ne-
cessary qualification was to become a Ro-
manist at once, and to say nothing about it
IS
THE DAUGHTEKS OF CHARLES L
[Sept.,
or the present ! Our Mary did not choose
he better part. She stole to mass with the
delight of Madame de Caylus, who told Ma-
dame de Maintenon that she would turn Ro-
man Catholic at once if she might only once
hear the royal mass, listen to the music, and
smell the incense daily. It was "so nice/'
she remarked.
Well, Mary had much the same opinion
of all this, particularly as there was a choice
selection of consorts at the end of it. A
little ** Catholic" maid was placed about her
person, who received from Father Gamache
instructions similar to those given by Brother
Ignatius Spencer for the guidance of all
Romish servants in Protestant fumiiies, and
the little maid fulfilled her office admirably.
Mary, though she outwardly wore the guise
of a thorough Protestant princess, wore also
a rosary in her pocket ; and nothing gave her
greater glee, or more delight to Father Ga-
mache, than when she could display it behind
the back of her father's chaplain, and, after
kissing it, hide the forbidden aid to devotion
before the Protestant minister could divine
why the queen and Father Gamache were
smiling.
But, after all, the mirth and the machina-
tions of this worthy pair were all in vain. A
wooer came in due time, not from the Romish
pale, but from stout Protestant Holland ; and
before the warmth with which Prince Wil-
* liam of Orange plied his ^uit the Catholicity
of the lady melted like morning dew beneath
a May sun. The princess was touched and
her sire approved ; and in 1643, when Mary
was but twelve years old, she was conducted
across the seas, by Van Tromp and an escort
of a score of gallant ships- of- war, ,to the
country of her future husband. The great-
est joy she had after her early marriage was
in 1648, when she welcomed at the Hague
the Duke of York (who had escaped from
St. James' in female costume) and her other
brother the Prince of Wales, who had gone
to Helvoetsluys, where there ensued much
intrigue, little action, and less profit.
A brief two years followed, and then th s
youthful wife found herself a widow, and a
mother expectant. Her husband suddenly
died of the scourge that then commonly de-
stroyed princes and peasants — the smalUpox.
She remained in dignified retirement at her
house near the Hague, where, says Pepys,
" There is one of the most beautiful rooms for
pictures in the whole world. She had here
one picture upon the top, with these words,
dedicating it to the memory of her husband :
— ' Incomparabili marito, inconsolabilis vi- 1
dua.* " Poor thing ! the " semper moerens"
promised by mourners has but a stunted
eternity. Our last year's dead are beyond
both our memory and our tears.
At the Restoration Mary repaired to Eng-
land to felicitate her worthless brother on his
good fortune. She there once more met her
mother ; and the court was in the very high
top-gallant of its joy, when the princess was
suddenly seized with smalUpoz. Henrietta
Maria was desirous that her daughter should
at . least die in the profession of the Romish
faith; but she was deterred from entering
the^ apartment of her sick child, either by thq
malignity of the disorder or the jealousy of
the princess' attendants. Father Gamache
takes it as the most natural and proper thing
in the world that, conversion not having beea
realized, the disease had been made fatal by
divine {ippointment I However this may be,
the death of the princess (on the 21st Decem-
ber, 1660) was laid to tl^e incapacity of Dr.
Farmer and the other medical men to whose
care she was entrusted ; and we hear from
Evelyn that her decease '* entirely altered the
face and gallantry of the whole court." Bur-
net, by no means so good authority in this
particular case as Evelyn, gives a different
view of the effect produced at court by the
demise of the princess royal, following so
swiftly as it did on the death, also by small-
pox, of her young and clever brother, Henry
Duke of Gloucester. " Not long after him,
says Burnet, '^the princess royal died, also
of the small-pox, but was not much la-
mented." Burnet acknowledges, however,
her many merits — that she had been of good
reputation as wife and widow, had lived with
becoming dignity as regarded herself and
court, treated her brothers with princely lib-
erality, and kept within the limits of her own
income. The same writer says of her that
her head was turned by her mother's pretence
of being able to marry her to the King of
France — a prospect that turned the heads of
many ladies at that time, the niece of Cardi-
nal Mazarin among various others. Burnet
roundly asserts that to realize this prospect
she launched into an extravagant splendor,
the cost of which not only injured her own
income, but tempted her to deal dishonestly
with the jewels and estates of her son, held
by her in a guardianship, the trusts of which
she betrayed. He adds that she not only
was disappointed in her expectations, but
that she *' lessened the reputation which she
had formerly lived in," — a strange epitaph
to be written by him who found a benefactor
in her son, and of her who is allowed to have
1853. J
THE DAFGHTERS OF OHARLES L
79
been, with some faults, gentle, forgiving, pa-
tient, affectionate, and Brm-minded.
Of her younger sister, Elizabeth, Clarendon
has given a perfect picture in a few express-
ive words. She was, says the parenthesis-
loving historian, " a lady of excellent parts,
great observation, and an early understand-
ing." The whole of her brief but eventful
life gave testimony to the truth of this de-
scription. The storms of the times had swept
her from the hearts of her parents, as they had
indeed also divided those parents, and extin-
guished the fire at that hearth. She had
successively been under the wardenship of
Lady Dorset and of old Lady Yere, and was
transferred from the latter to the custody of
the Earl of Northumberland, who was already
responsible for the safe-keeping of her broth-
ers York and Gloucester. In the good earl
they had no surly jailer, and he shared in the
joy of the children when, in 1647, they were
permitted to have an interview with their un-
happy father at Maidenhead, and to sojourn
with him during two fast-dying days of
mingled cloud and sunshine in Lord Craven's
house at Caversham, near Reading. The
house still stands, and is a conspicuous ob-
ject seen from the Reading station. It is in
the occupation of the great iron- master, Mr.
Crawshay.
Some of the touching interviews which
were held in Caversham House are said to
have been witnessed by Cromwell, and Sir
John Berkeley states that Oliver described
them to him as " the tenderest sight his eyes
ever beheld." " Cromwell,** adds Sir John,
"said much in commendation of his maj-
esty," and expressed his hope that ^ God would
be pleased to look upon him according to the
sincerity of his heart towards the king."
The prison home of the Princess Elizabeth
and her brothers was Syon House at Isle-
worth — the house of ill-omen from which
Lady Jane Grey had departed by water for
the Tower to seek a sceptre and to find an
axe. The monarch visited his children more
than once at the house of the Earl of North-
umberland, at Syon. With the boys he
talked, and to them gave counsel ; but, if he
advised Elizabeth, he also listened with
marked and gratified attention to her descrip-
tions of persons and things, and to her clear
ideas upon what was passing around her.
His chief advice to her consisted in the re-
iterated injunction to obey her mother in all
things except in matters of religion — " to
which he commanded her, upon his blessing,
never to hearken or consent, but to continue
firm in the religion she had been instructed
and educated in, what discountenance or ruin
soever might befall the poor church at that
time under so severe persecution.*' She pro-
mised obedience to her father's counsel, and
imparted joy by that promise, as she did two
years subsequently, when, in 1649, she layon
her sire's bosom a few hours before his exe-
cution, and made him alternately weep and
smile at the impression which, he saw had
been made upon her by the calamities of her
family, and at the evidence of advanced
judgment afforded by her conversation. As
the young girl lay on the father's heart — that
heart that was so soon to be no longer con-
scious of the pulse of life — he charged her
with a message to her mother, then in France.
It was a message of undying love mingled
with assurances of a fidelity strong unto
death. The little message-bearer was never
permitted to fulfil her mission, and the
mother to whom she was to have borne it,
found, it is said, a pillow for her aching head
on the sympathizing breast of the Earl of
St. Alban's. The wife of Caesar stooped to
a centurion. •
•* If I were you I would not stay here,"
was the speech uttered one day by Elizabeth
to her brother James. They were both then,
with the Duke of Gloucester, in confinement
at St. James'. The speech was at once an
incentive and a reproach. Elizabeth urged
him thereby to accomplish the fliglit which
theirfather had recommended him to attempt.
The young Duke of Guise, heir of the slayer
who was slain at Blots, escaped from his
prison by outwitting his keeper at a childish
game. The royal captive children of the
Stuart for the same end got up a game at
"hide and seek," and they were still in
pretended search of James, when the latter,
disguised as a girl, was awkwardly but suc-
cessfully making his way to temporary safety.
For their share in this escapade the little con-
spirators were transmitted to Carisbrook,
where they were kept in close confinement in
the locality where their father had so deeply
suffered in the last days of his trials. The
prineess bore her captivity like a proudly-de-
sponding caged eaglet, whom grief and indig-
nity can kill, but who utters no sound in
testimony of suffering. The utilitarian gov-
ernment of the period designed, it is said, to
have apprenticed this daughter of a line of
kings to a needle or button maker in New-
port! Providence saved her from the degra-
dation by a well-timed death. "Elizabeth
Stuart" sickened, died, and was buried. The
very locality of her burial even perished with
her from the memory of man. It was only
ao
THE DAUGHTERS OF CHARLES I.
[Sept,
discovered more than two centuries after,
-when kincrs were acrain at a discount and
idtra-democracy was once more rampant.
It is somewhat singular that, whereas
among the inhabitants of Newport it became
forgotten that the body of the young Eliza-
beth lay in their church, the villagers of
Church Handborough, near Whitney, boasted
of possessing the mortal remains of her father,
Charles I. Tliis boast was founded on a very
magniloquent inscription on a tablet within
the church, and wliich the parishioners took
for an epitaph. He was a hearty old cava-
lier who wrote it, and though the villagers
comprehend nothing of the robust Latin of
which it is constructed, tliey understand the
sentiment, and to this day consider it as tes-
timony to the fact that they are as guardians
round the grave of the Chftrles — who is not
there interred.*
The young Elizabeth died about a year and
a half after her father s execution. In the
year 1793, the year of the decapitation of
Louis XVL and of Marie Antoinette, ultra-
democracy was again raising its head in
England where Charles had been stricken.
Gentlemen like Dr. Hudson and Mr. Pigott
drank seditious healths at the London Coffee
House, and rode in hackney coaches to prison,
shouting Vive la Repuhlique, Libels against
the Queen of France, like those of mad Lord
George Gordon, were flying about our streets
" thick as leaves in Valambrosa." The Rev-
erend Mr. Winterbottom was fined and im-
prisoned for preaching treasonable sermons,
and so high did party spirit run that good
Vicesimus Knox had well-nigh got into seri-
ous trouble for delivering from the Brighton
pulpit a philippic against going to war. The
discourse so ruffled the plumage of some offi-
cers, who liappened on the following evening
to meet the reverend doctor with his wife and
family at the theatre, that they created a
patriotic riot, before the violence of which
the celebrated essayist, his lady, and children
* The folio wiDg is the inscription. It might have
been written between a volume of Walker^a La(^-
rymoo Koolesin on the one hand and a flask of
Canary on the other. Thus rolls its thunder and
thus siffhs the strain: — "M. S. sanotissimi regis et
martyris Caroli. SIste yiator; lea^, obmutesce,
mirare, memento Caroli illius nommis, pariter et
pietatis insignidsimo), primi Maffnse BritannisB regies
Qjii rebellium perfidia prime deoeptuSi et in perfi-
aiorum rabie perculsus inooncusaus tamen legum et
fidei defensor, schismaticorum tyrannidi succubuit^
anno servitutis nostne, felicitatis swb, primo, corona
tarrestri spoliatu^ ooslesti donatus. Sileant autem
peritunc tabellsB, perlege reliquiasyeresacrasCaro-
linas, in queis sui mnemosynem icre perenniorem
vavicius exprimit; ilia, illa'^(«tc) "Eikon Basilike."
were fairly swept out of the house, the loyal
audience in which celebrated their tiiumph
over as loyal a subject as any there, by sing-
ing God save the King and Rule Britannia.
Amid this noise of contending parties, roy-
alist and republican, a quiet sexton was tran-
quilly engaged, in October, 1703, in digging
a grave in the chancel of Newport church for
the body of Septimus Henry West, the young-
est brother of Lord Delaware. The old delver
was in the full enjoyment of bis exciting occu-
pation when his spade struck against a stone,
on which were engraven the initials ** E. S."
Curiosity begat research, and in a vault per-
fectly dry was found a coffin perfectly fresh,
\)n the involuted lid of which the wondering
examiners read the words — "Elizabeth, 2d
daughter of y* late King Charles, dece** Sept.
8, MDCL.*' Thus the hidden grave of her
who died of the blows dealt at monarchy in
England was discovered when like blows were
being threatened, and at the very moment
when the republicans over the channel were
slaying their hapless queen. The affrighted
spirit of Elizabeth might well have asked if
nothing then had been changed on this trou-
bled earth, and if killing kings were still the
caprice of citizen^. The only/ answer that
could have been given at the moment would
have been, in the words of the adjuration
" Vatene in pacb'alma beata e bella.'' Torn
we now to the sister, who was of quite an-
other complexion.
On the site of Bedford Crescent, Exeter,
there once stood a convent of Black or Domin-
ican friars. At the ReCormation the convent
property was transferred to Lord John Rus-
sell, who made of the edifice thereon a pro-
vincial town residence, which took the name
of "Bedford House," when the head of the
Russells was advanced to an earldom. As
further greatness was forced upon or achieved
by the family the old country mansion fell
into decay. There are still some aged per-
sons, verging upon ninety, whose weary
memories can faintly recall the old conven-
tual building when it was divided and let
in separate tenements. It was taken down,
to save it from tumbling to pieces, in 1773,
and on the site of the house and grounds
stands, as I have said, the present '^ Bed*
ford Crescent." "Friars' Row" would have
been as apt a name.
In the year 1644 the shifting fortunes of
Charles compelled his queen, Henrietta
Maria, to seek a refuge in Exeter, in order
that she might there bring into the world
another, and the last, heir to the sorrows of
an unlucky sire. The corporation assigned
1853.]
THE DAUGHTEBS OF CHARLES I.
81
Bedford House to her as a residence, and
made her a present of two hundred pounds
to provide against the exigencies of the com-
ing time. In this house was bom a little
princess, who wtis the gayest yet the least
happy of the daughters of Charles. The day
of her birth was the 16th of June, 1644.
She was shortly after christened in the cathe-
dral (at a font erected in the body of the
church under a canopy of state), by the com-
pound name of Henrietta Anne. Dr. Burnet,
the chancellor of the diocese, officiated on
the occasion, and the good man rejoiced to
think that he had enrolled another member
on the register of the English Church. In
this joy the queen took no part. It is said
that the eyes of the father never fell upon the
daughter bom in the hour of his great sor-
rows ; but as Charles was in Exeter for a
brief moment on the 26th July, 1644, it is
more than probable that he looked for once
and all upon the face of his unconscious
child.
The Queen Henrietta Maria left Exeter for
the continent yery soon, some accounts say a
fortnight, after tne birth of Henrietta Anne.
The young princess was given over to the
tender keeping of Lady Morton ; and when
opportunity for escape offered itself to them,
the notable governess assumed a somewhat
squalid disguise, and with the little princess
(now some two years old) attired in a ragged
costume, and made to pass as her son Peter,
she made her way on foot to Dover, as the
wife of a servant out of place. The only peril
that she ran was from the recalcitrating ob-
jections made by her precious and trouble-
some charge. The little princess loved fine
clothes, and would not don or wear mendicant
rags but with screaming protest. All the way
down to the coast '' Peter" strove to intimate
to passing wayfarers that there was a case of
abduction before them, and that she was being
carried off against her will. Had her expres-
sion been as clear as her efforts and inclina-
tion, the pretty plot would have been be-
trayed. Fortunately she was not so preco-
cious of speech as the infant Tasso, and the
passengers on board the boat to Calais, when
they saw the terrible " Peter" scratching the
patient matron who bore him, they only
thought how in times to come he would
make the mother's heart smart more fiercely
than he now did her cheeks. Peace of
course was not restored until Lady Morton,
soon after landing, cast off the hump which
marred her naturally elegant figure, and,
transforming " Peter into a princess, both
rode joyously to Paris in a coach-and-siz —
VOL. XXX, NO. L
as wonderful and as welcome as that built by
fairy hands for the lady of the glass slipper,
out of a portly pumpkin.
The fugitive princess had scarcely reached
Paris when Henrietta Maria resolved to undo
what Dr. Burnet had so well done at Exeter,
and to convert Henrietta Anne to Romanism.
Father Gamache attempted the same with
Lady Morton, but as the latter, though she
listened, would not yield, the logical Jesuit
pronounced her death by fever, many years
subsequently, to be the award of Heaven for
her obduracy ! He found metal far more
ductile in the youthful daughter of the King
of England. For her especial use he wrote
three heavy octavo volumes, entitled " Exer-
cises d'un Ame Royale," and probably
thought that the desired conversion was ac-
complished less by the bonbons of the court
than the reasoning of the confesson
The royal exiles lived in a splendid ndisery.
They were so magnificently lodged and so
pitiably cared for, that they are said to have
often lain together in bed at the Louvre dur-
in a winter's day, in order to keep themselves
warm ; no fuel having been provided for them,
and they lacking money to procure it. They
experienced more comfort in the asylum af-
forded them in the convent of St. Maria de
Chaillot. Here Henrietta Anne grew up a
graceful child, the delight of every one save
Louis XIY., who hated her mortally, until
the time came when he could only love her
criminally. Mother and daughter visited
England in the autumn of the year of the
Restoration. P^pys has left a graphic out-
line of both. " The queen a very little, plain
old woman, and nothing more in her pre-
sence, |n any respect, nor garbe, than any
ordinary woman. The Princess Henrietta is
very pretty, but much below my expecta-
tion ; and her dressing of herself, with her
haire frized short up to her eares, did make
her seem so much the less to me. But my
wife standing near her with two or three
black patches on, and well-dressed, did seem
to me much handsomer than she." Death,
as I have before stated, marred the festivities.
Love mingled with both ; and Buckingham,
who had been sighing at the feet of Mary,
Princess of Orange, now stood pouring un-
utterable nothings into the ear of her sister.
Henrietta Anne. When the latter, with her
mother, embarked at Calais on this royal
visit to England, they spent two days in
reaching Dover. On their return they went
on board at Portsmouth, but storms drove
them back to port, and the princess was
attacked by measles while on the sea.
ft
82
THE DAUGHTERS OF CHAJtLES L
[Sept,
Buckingham, in his character of lover, at-
tended her to Havre, displaying an out-
rageous extravagance of grief. Philippe,
the handsome, eneminato, and unprincipled
Duke of Orleann, her affianced husband, met
her at the last-named port, and tended her
with as much or as little assiduity as man
could show who never knew what it was to
feel a pure affection for anj woman in the
world. The princesn felt little more for him,
and still less for Buckingham, on whose
forced departure from Pans the daughter of
Charles was married to the brother of Louis,
the last day of March, 1661, in full Lent,
and with maimed rites — a disregard for sea-
sons and ceremonies which caused all France
to augur ill for the consequences.
'* Madame," as she was now called, be-
came the idol of a court that loved wit and
beauty, and was not particular on the score
of morality. All the men adored her ; and
the king, to the scandal of his mother (Anne
of Austria), was chief among the worship-
pers. Her memoirs have been briefly and
rapidly written by her intimate friend, Ma-
dame de La Fayette.* The latter was an
authoress of repute, and the " ami de coaur,"
to use a soft term, of the famous La Roche-
foucauld. This lady wrote the memoirs of
the princess from materials furnished by her
royal highness, and thus she portrays the
delicate position of Louis le Grand and Hen-
riette d'Angleterre : — " Madame entered into
close intimacy with the Countess of Soissons,
and no longer thought of pleasing the king,
but as a sister-in-law. I think, however,
that she pleased him after another fashion ;
but I imagine that she fancied that the king
himself was agreeable to her merely as a
brother-in-law, when he was probably some-
thing more ; but, however, as they were both
inflnitely amiable, and both born with dis-
positions inclined to gallantry, and that they
met daily for purposes of amusement and
• festivity, it was clear to everybody that
they felt for one another that sentiment
which is firenerally the forerunner of passion-
ate love.
" Monsieur" became jealous, the two
queen-mothers censorious, the court delight-
ed spectators, and the lovers perplexed. To
conceal the criminal fact, the poor La Yali^re
*A new aDd highly improved edition of theee
Memoire has just appeared in Paris. It bears the
title of " Histoire oe Madame Henriette d'Anele-
terre, premiere femme de Philippe de France, Duo
d'Orleans." Par Madame de La Fayette. Publiee
par Fen A Bazin. It is a most amuaiDg piece of
•*oaqueC'
was selected that the king might make love
to the latter, and so give rise to the belief
that in the new love the old had been for-
gotten.* But Louis fell in lovie with La
Valiere too, after his fashion, and soon visit-
ed her in state, preceded by drums and
trumpets. " Madame " was piqued, and
took revenge or consolation in receiving the
aspirations of the Count de G niche. "Mon-
sieur " quarrelled with the latter, confusion
ensued, and the ancient queens by their in-
t(rigues made the confusion worse confound-
ed.. Not that they were responsible for all
the confusion. How could they be, since
they only misruled in an imbroglio where-
in the kingr loved La Yali^re, the Marquis de
Marsillac loved Madame, Madame loved the
Count de Guiche, Monsieur affected to love
Madame de Yalentinois, who loved M. de
Peguilon, and Madame de Soissons, beloved
by the king, loved the Marquis de Vardes,
whom, however, she readily surrendered to
" Madame," in exchange for, or as auxiliary
to. Monsieur de Guiche 1 and this chain of
love is, after all, only a few links in a net-
work that would require a volume to un-
ravel, and even then would not be worth the
trouble expended on it. They who would
learn the erotic history of the day, may con-
sult the memoirs by Madame de La Fay-
ette. The story is like a Spanish comedy,
full of intrigue, deception, stilted sentiment,
and the smallest possible quantity of prin-
ciple. There are dark passages, stolen meet-
ings, unblushing avowals, angry husbands
who are not a jot better than the seducers
against whom their righteous indignation is
directed, and complacent priests who utter a
low " Oh, fie !'' and absolve magnificent
sinners who may help them to scarlet hats
and the dignity of " Eminence." The chaos
of immorality seemed come again. '^ Madame"
changed her adorers, and was continually
renewing the jealousy of " Monsieur ;" but
she in some sort pacified him by deigning to
receive at her table the " ladies " whom he
mostly delighted to honor. The lives of the
whole parties were passed in the unlimited
indulgence of pleasant sins, and in gayly
paying for their absolution from the conse-
quences ! Old lovers were occasionally exiled
to make room for new ones, or out of ven-
geance, but the "commerce d'amour" never
ceased in the brilliant court of Lous le Grand.
There was scarcely an individual in that
* Btunet says that the king made love to Hen-
rietta to conceal his passion Tor La Valiere ; bnt^
eonsidering how he paid court to the Utter, this is
not very likely.
1858.]
THE DAUGHTERS OF CHARLES L
88
court who might not, when dying* have said
what Lord Muskerry said, as tl^at exemplary
individual lay on his death-hed — "Well, I
have nothing wherewith to reproach myself,
for I never denied myself anything !"
At length, in 1670, Henrietta once more
visited England. It was against the consent
of her husband. She had that of the king ;
and her mission was to arrange matters with
her brother, Charles II., to establish Roman-
bm in England, and to induce him to become
the pensioned ally of France 1 To further
her purpose she brought in her train the
beautiful Louise de Querouaille. This was a
" vrai trut de g^nie." Charles took the lady
and the money, and doubly sold himself and
country to France. He made a Duchess (of
Portsmouth) of the French concubine, and
Louis added a Gallic title to heighten the
splendor of her infamy, and that of the mon-
arch who, for her and filthy lucre, had sold
his very soul. There was some horrible story
referring to himself and Henrietta, which was
probably only invented to exasperate the hus-
band of the latter against her. There is pro-
bably more truth in the report that the young
Duke of Monmouth gazed on her with a gal-
lant assurance that met np rebuke. A few
days afterwards, on the 29th of June, 1070,
she was well and joyous with Philippe, no
participator in her joy, at St._ Cloud. In the
evening she showed symptoms of faintness,
but the heat was intense ; a glass of chicory
water was offered to her, of • which she
drank ; and she immediately complained of
being grievously ill. Her conviction was
that she was poisoned, and very little was
done either to persuade her to the contrary,
or to cure her. The agony she suffered
would have slain a giant. Amid it all she
gently reproached her husband for his want
of affection for her, and deposed to her own
fidelity 1 The court gathered round her bed ;
Louis came and talked religiously ; bis con-
sort also came, accompanied by a poor guard
of honor, and the royal concubines came too
escorted by little armies I Burnet says that
her last words were, " Adieu Treville," ad-
dressed to an old lovert who was so affected
by them that he turned monk — for a short
time. Bossuet received her last breath, and
made her funeral oration ; of the speaker
and of the oration in question, Yinet says :
" Since this great man was obliged to flatter,
I am very glad he has done it here with so
little art, that we may be allowed to think
that adulatiob was not natural to his bold
and vigorous genius." The oration could
do as little gwA to her reputation, as the
dedication to her, by Racine, of his " An-
dromaque," could do her glory.* As to her
ultimate fate, it was difficult even at the time
to prove that she was poisoned. The chicory
water was thrown away, and the vessel which
contained it had been cleansed before it
could be examined. There were deponents
ready to swear that the body betrayed evi-
dences of poison, and others that no traces
of it were to be discovered. All present
protested innocence, while one is said to
have confidentially confessed to the king, on
promise of pardon, that he had. been ex-
pressly engaged in compassing the catastro-
phe. No wonder, amid the conflicting tes-
timony, that Temple, who had been dis-
patched from London to inquire into the
affair, could only oracularly resolve that
there was more in the matter tban he cared
to talk about, and that at all events Charles
had better be silent, as he was too power-
less to resent the alleged crime. And so
ended the last of the daughters of Charles
Stuart, all of whom died young, or died
suddenly — and none but the infant Anne
happily.
At the hour of the death of Henrietta
there stood weeping by her side her fair
young daughter, Maria Louisa. The child
was eight years of age, and Montague, on
that very day, had been painting her portrait.
In the year 1688, that child, who had risen
to the dignity of Queen of Spain, and
was renowned for her beauty, wit, and
vivacity, was presented by an attendant with
a cup of milk. She drank the draught and
died.
Thus was extinguished the female line
descended from Charles. Their mother
Henrietta Maria, left her heart to the Nuns
of the Visitation, to whose good-keeping
James II. left his own, and confided that oi
his daughter, Louisa Maria. The heart of
the king was finally transferred to the chapel
of the English Benedictines in the faubourg
St. Jacques. During the Revolution, the in-
surrectionists of the day shivered to pieces
the urn in which it was contained, and trod
— — * ■ ■ ■
*The funeral oration contained the following
passage: "She most deeoend to tlioae gloomy re-
g'ons (he was speaking of the rov^ vaults at St
enis)^ with thoee annihilated kings and prinoes
among whom we can soareelj find room to place
her, 80 crowded are the ranloL'' When the oody
of the Dauphin, son of Louis XIV., was deposited
in these vaults^ in 1778, it was remarked with a
"vague terror," as Bungener says in his "Un
Sermon sous Louis XFv./' that the royal vanlt
waa entirely full. There was literally no pkM for
Louis ZYI. in the tottb of his anoeston.
84
GHLOBOFORH
the heart into dast upon the floor of the
chapel. They did as much to the royal
hearts enshrined at the " Visitation." The
[Sept.,
very dust of the sons and the daughters of
Stuart was again an abomination in the eyes
of democracy.
From Bent ley's Hitcellany
CHLOROFORM.
Here Letluw^, with deadly deep oppreeeed.
Stretched onniB back, a mighty Inboard lay,
Heaving his sides and snoring night and day;
To stir him from his trance it was not eath,
And his half-opened eyne he shnt straightwi^;
He led, I wot^ the softest way to death.
And tanght withonten pain and strife to yield the breath.
Castlk or Imdolxkos.
Thb desire to drown pain has existed from
the time that suffering became the inheritance
of fallen man ; and the discovery of means
by which it can be averted has justly been
regarded as one of the greatest triumphs of
modem science, for in it are alike interested
high and low, rich and poor ; and it is the
general interest which leads us to draw aside,
m some degree, the veil from the chamber
of suffering for the comfort of some, perhaps,
and the information of many who are desi-
rous of knowing in what way people are af-
fected by Chloroform.
The most usual effect is to produce a pro-
found sleep ; so profound that volition, and
sensation are alike suspended, and this is of-
ten attended with a symptom very alarming
to relatives or bystanders unprepared for it ;
we allude to a loud snoring or stertorous
breathing, which conveys the idea of much
suffering to those who are not aware that in
itself it IS direct evidence tSf the deepest un-
consciousness. It is not however invariably
produced : we have seen a fine child brought
in — ^laid down with its hands gently folded
across its body — ^have chloroform adminis-
tered— undergo a severe operation, and be
oarried to bed without once changing its at-
titude, or its countenance altering from the
expression of the calm sweet sleep of infan-
cy. Sometimes, however, strange scenes are
enacted under anaestheticB, one of which we
will describe. The uninitiated have a vague
idea that the operating theatre of hospitals
is a very dreadful place ; certainly, patients
having once given their consent to enter it
may, so far as escape goes, say in the words
of Dante,
' Lasciate ogni speranza voi ch' entrate,'
but every consideration is shown to soften
down as much as possible the terrors insepa-
rable from a chamber of torture.
Ima^ne then a lofty semicircular apart-
ment, lighted from above, with a large space
railed off on the ground, and railed steps in
tiers, sweeping half round, and affording
standing room for more than a hundred spec-
tators, principally students, who, conversing
in low tones, are awaiting the expected ope-
ration. In the centre of the open space is a
strong conch, or table, now covered with a
clean sheet, and beneath its foot is a wooden
tray, thickly strewn with yellow sand. On
another table, also covered with a white cloth,
are arranged, in perfect order, numerous
keen and formidable looking instruments, the
edge of one of which, a long, sword-like,
double-edged knife — a gentleman with his
cuffs turned up, is trying, by shaving off little
bits of cuticle from the palm of his hand, and
two or three assistants are quietly threading
needles, and making other preparations. The
gentleman with the knife being satisfied as
to its condition, gives a glance round, and
seeing everything m perfect readiness, nods,
and a dresser leaves the room. After a min-
1853.]
OHLOBOFOBll
SB
ute or two, a shuffling of feet is heard, the
folding doors are thrown open, and a strong,
surly-looking, bull-headed ''navvy/' whose
leg has been smashed by a railway accident,
is borne in and gently placed on the table.
His face is damp and pale, he casts an anx-
ious— eager look around, then with a shud-
der closes his eyes, and lies down on his
back. The chloroform apparatus is now ap-
plied to his mouth, i nd a dead silence marks
the general expectancy. The man's face
flushes — he struggles, and some muffled ex-
clamations are heard. In a minute or two
more the gentleman who has charge of the
chloroform examines his eyes, touches the
eyeball — the lids wink not, the operator steps
forward, and in a trice the limb is transfixed
with the long bistoury.
Some intelligence now animates^ the pa-
tient's face, which bears a look of drunken
jollity. '^Ha! ha! ha! Capital I" he
shouts, evidently in imagination with his boon
companions, "a jolly good song, and jolly
well sung ! I always know'd Jem was a good
un to chaunt ! I sing ! dash my wiffif I
ain't as husky as a broken-winded 'os. Well,
if I must, I must, so here goes."
By this time the bone hcs been bared, and
the operator saws, whilst the patient shouts
« < rTiB my delight o' a moonlight night—'
whose that a treading on my toe? None
o'your tricks, Jem ! Hold your jaw, will
you ? Who can sing when you are making
such a blessed row ? ToU-de-roMoll. Come,
gi'e us a drop, will ye ? What ! drunk it
all ? Te greedy beggars ! I'll fight the best
man among ye for half a fardenl" and
straightway he endeavors tu hit out, narrow-
ly missing the spectacles of a gentleman in
a white cravat, who steps hastily back, and
exclaims, *' hold him fast !"
The leg being now separated, is placed un-
der the table, and the arteries are tied, with
some little difflculty, on account of the un-
steadiness of the patient, who, besides his
pugnacity in general, has a quarrel with an
unaginary bull-dog, which he finds it neces-
sary to kick out of the room. He, however,
recovers his good humor whilst the dressings
are being applied, and is borne out of the
theatre shouting, singing, and anathematizing
in a most stentorian ' voice ; when in bed,
however, he falls asleep, and in twenty min-
utes awakes very subdued, in utter ignorance
that any operation has been performed, and
with only a dim recollection of being taken
into the theatre, breathing something, and
feeling *' werry queer," as he expresses it.
Now this scene is a faithful description of
an incident witnessed by tlie writer at one of
our county hospitab to which he is attached,
and those who have seen much of the admin-
istration of ether and chloroform will remem-
ber many resembling it. The man was a
hard drinker, and a dose of chloroform which
would have placed most persons in deep
sleep, deprived him of sensation, but went no
further than exciting the phantasms of a
drunken dream.
A writer in the North British Review says
that " experience has fully shown that the
brain may be acted on so as to annihilate for
the time what may be termed the faculty of
feeline pain; the organ of general sense
may be lulled into profound sleep, while the
orffan of special sense and the organ of in-
tellectual function remain wide-awake, ac-
tive, and busily employed. The patient may
feel no pain under very cruel cutting, and
yet he may see, hear, taste, and smell, as
well as ever, to all appearance ; and he may
also be perfectly conscious of everything
within reach of his observation — able to
reason on such events most lucidly, and able
to retain both the events and the reasoning
in bis memory afterwards.' We have seen a
patient following the operator with her eyes
most intelligently and watchfully as he smft-
ed his place near her, lifted his knife, and pro-
ceedea to use it — wincinff not at all during
its use ; answering questions by gesture very
readily and plainly, and after the operation
was over, narrating every event as it occur-
red, declaring that she knew and saw all ;
stating that she knew and felt that she was
being cut, and yet that she felt no pain
whatever. Patients have said quietly, ' Vou
are sawing now,' during the use of the saw
in amputation ; and afterwards' they have
declared most solemnly that though quite
conscious of that part of the operation, they
felt no pain." We may here remark, that a
very common, but erroneous supposition is,
that sawing through the marrow is the most
painful part of an amputation; this has
arisen from confounding thb fatty matter of
the txue marrow with the spinal cord — a
totally different thing — the sensation of saw-
ing the bone is like that of filing the teeth,
and is not to be compared with tne first in-
cision, which is verv much as if a red-hot
iron swept round the limb.
When ether was used, such scenes as
that described, occurred ; but, with rare ex-
ceptions, chloroform effectually wipes out the
tablets of the bnun, and prevents any recol-
lection of the incidents that occur during its
86
OHLOROFORiq
[Sept.,
influence ; we bare often beard a person talk |
coherently enough when pArliallj under its
influence, yet afterwards no effort of memory
could recall the conversation to his mind.
An able London physician. Dr. Snow, has
paid great attention to the administration of
chloroform, and has satisfied himself by
actual observation, that when there are ob-
seure indications of pun during an opera-
tion, there is no Buffering, properly so to
speak, for sensation returns gradually in thos«
cases where complete consciousness is regained
before the common sensibility. Under these
circumstances the patient, when first begin-
ning to feel, describes as something priclcing
or pinching, proceedings that without andBs-
Ihetics would cause intense pain, and does
not feel at all that which would at another time
excite considerable suffering.
The disposition to sing is by no means un-
common during the stage of excitement ;
we well remember the painful astonishment
of a grave elderly abstinent divine, who,
on being told after an operation that he had
sang, exclaimed, ** Good gracious, is it pos*
sible ! Why, my dear Sir, I never sang a
song in my life, and is it possible I could
have so committed myself — but what could I
have sung ?*' A little badinage took place,
it being insinuated that the son^ was of
a rather Tom-Moorish character, tiTl his hor-
ror became so great it was necessary to re-
lieve his mind by telling him that '' Halle-
lujah " was the burden of his chaunt.
The general condition of the patient as
regards robustness or the contrary, has been
found by Dr. Snow to exercise a consider-
able influence on the way in which chloro-
form acts; usually the more feeble the
patient is, the more quietly does he become
msensible ; whilst if he is strong and robust
there is very likely to be mental excitement,
rigidity of the muscles, and perhaps strug-
gling. Dr. Snow has frequently exhibited
chloroform in extreme old age with the best
effiects, and does not consider it a source of
danger when proper care is taken ; old per-
• sons are generally rather longer than others
in recovering their consciousness, probably
because, owing to their circulation and respi-
ration being less active, the vapor requires
a longer time to escape by thu lungs, and it
may be remarked, that chloroform passes off"
unchanged from the blood, in the expired
air.
The usual and expected effect of chloro-
form is to deprive the individual of con-
sciousness ; but it occasionally fails to do
thb, and gives rise to a very remarkable
irance-like 'condition. We were once pres-
ent when chloroform was administered to a
lady about to undergo a painful operation on
the mouth ; the usual phenomena took place,
and in due time the gentleman who adminis-
tered the vapor announced that she was per-
fectly insensible ; the operation was perform-
ed, and during its progress the bystanders
conversed unreservedly on its difficulties and
the prospects of buccess.
When the patient *• came to," she, to our
utter astonishment, asserted that she had
been perfectly conscious the whole time,
though unable to make the least sign or
movement, had felt pain, and had heard
every word spoken, which was proved by
her repeating the conversation ; she stated
that the time seemed a perfect age, and that
though hearing and feeling what was going
on she lived her life over again, events even
of early childhood long forgotten, risiiiig up
like a picture before her. It is said, and
truly, that in the few seconds between sleep-
ing and waking, some of the longest dreams
take place, and that a drowning man has
just before the extinction of consciousness
reviewed as in a mirror, every action of his life.
So in the case of this lady, years appeared
to move slowly on and to be succeeded by
other years with all their events, each at-
tended with corresponding emotions, during
the few minutes she was fairly under the chlo-
roformic influence : yet with all this the pro-
minent feeling was an intense struggling to
make us aware that she was not insensible;
of which condition there was every outward
indication.
Our readers must all be familiar, from ob-
servation or description, with the mimosa
pudica or sensitive plant ; now it is a curi-
ous fact that the influence of chloroform is
not confined to the animal kingdom, but
extends to the vegetable world, for Profes-
sor Marcet of Geneva has ascertained that
it possesses the power of arresting for a
time, if not of altogether destroying, the irri-
tability of the sensitive plant. Thus we
find from time to time striking illustrations
of the identity which exists in the irritability
of plants and the nervous systems of animals.
Among the ancients the mandrake, or
mandragora, held a high reputation for utili-
ty in drowning pain. Pliny tells us that "in
the digging up of the root of mandrage there
are some ceremonies observed ; first, they
that goe about this worke looke especially to
this, that the wind be not in their face but
blow upon their backs ; then with the point
of a sword they draw three circles round about
1868.]
the plant, which don, they dig it up after-
wards with their face into the west * * It
may be used safely enough for to procure
sleep if there be a good regard had in the
dose, that it be answerable in proportion to
the strength and complexion of the patien
it is an ordinary thing to drink it againsl the
poison of serpents ; likewise before the cut-
ting or cauterizing, pricking or lancing; of
any member, to take away the sense and
feeling of such extreme cures : and sufficient
it is in some bodies to cast them into a sleep
with the smell of mandrage, against the time
of such chirurgery."*
The dbcovery of chloroform, as an anaes-
thetic agent, was made by Dr. Simpson of
Edinburgh, and was attended with some very
amusing circumstances, as narrated by Pro-
fessor Miller. Dr. Simpson had long felt con-
Tinced that there existed some anaesthetic
agent superior to ether, which was then all
the rage, and, in October, 1847, got up pleas-
ant little parties quite in a sociable way, to
try the effects of other respirable ^ases on
himself and friends. The ordinary way of
experimenting was as follows. Each guest
wag supplied with about a teaspoonful of the
fluid to be experimented on, in a tumbler or
finger-class, which was placed in hot water if
the substance did not happen to be very vola-
tile. Holding the mouth and nostrils over the
open vessel, inhalation was produced slowly
and deliberately, all inhaling at the same
time, and each noting the effects as they
arode. Late on the evening of the 4th No-
vember, 1847, Dr. Simpson, with two of his
friends, Drs. Keith and Duncan, sat down to
quaff the flowing vapor in the dining-room
of the learned host. Having inhaled several
substances without much effect, it occurred
to Dr. Simpson to try a ponderous materia]
which he had formerly set aside on a lumber
table as utterly uncompromising. It hap-
pened to be a small bottle of chloroform, and
with each tumbler newly charged, the inha-
lers solemnly pursued their vocation. Imme-
diately an unwonted hilarity seized the party
-—their eyes sparkled — they became exces-
sively jolly and very loquacious. Their con-
versation flowed so briskly, that some ladies
and a naval officer who were present were
quite charmed. But suddenly there was a
talk of sounds being heard like those of a cot-
ton mill, louder and louder — a moment more
— a dead silence, and then a crash 1 On
awaking. Dr. Simpson's first perception
• Philemon Holland'a TranslAtion of Pliny. Part
IL p. 285.
CHLOROFORM.
87
was mental, " this is far stronger and better
than ether," said he to himself His second
was to note that he was prostrate on the
floor, and that among his friends about him,
there was both confusion and alarm. Hear-
ing a noise, he turned round and saw Dr.
Duncan in a most undignified attitude be-
neath a chair. His jaw had dropped, his
eyes were starting, his head bent half under
him ; quite unconscious and snoring in a most
determined and alarming manner — more noise
still to the doctor and much motion — disa-
greeably so— and then his* eyes overtook Dr.
Keith's feet and legs, making valorous efforts
to overturn the supper table, and annihilate
everything that was on it.
By -and- by Dr. Simpson's head ceased to
swim, and he regained his seat ; Dr. Duncan^
having finished his uncomfortable slumber,
resumed his chair ; and Dr« Keith, having
come to an arrangement with the table, like-
wise assumed his seat and his placidity ; then
came a comparing of notes and a chorus of
congratulation, for the object had been at-
tained ; and this was the way in which the
wonderful powers of chloroform were first
discovered and put to the test. It may
be added, that the small stock of chloroform
having been speedily exhausted, Mr. Hunter,
of the firm of Duncan, Flockhart, k Co., was
pressed into the service for restoring the sup-
ply, and little respite had that gentleman for
many months from his chloroformic labors.
According to our own experience, chloro-
form is by no means disagreeable. Circum-
stances led to our taking it, and as far as we
remember, our feelings were nearly as fol-
lows : — the nervousness which the anticipa-
tion of the chloroform and the expected op-
eration had excited, gradually passed away
after a few inhalations, and was succeeded by
a pleasant champagny exhilaration; a few
seconds more and a rather unpleasant oppres-
sion of the chest led to an endeavor to ex-
press discomfort, but whilst still doing so — or
rather supposing we were doing so — we were
informed that the operation was over. Ut-
terly incredulous, we sought for proof, soon
found it, and then our emotions of joy were
almost overwhelming. In truth we had been
insensible full five minutes ; but one of the
peculiarities of chloroformic unconsciousness
being the obliteration of memory, the person
is carried on from the last event before the
full effect of the. chloroform, to the return of
consciousness, as one and the same current of
ideas.
. An important point in connection with chlo-
roform, is the possitnlity of its illegal use for
88
GHLOROFOBM.
[Sept.
the purposes of robbery, 6sc, About two
years ago, several cases occurred, ip which it
was said to have been employed for that ob-
ject, and so serious was the matter consider-
ed, that Lord Campbell made it the special
subject of a penal enactment. There are,
however, something more than grave doubts
on the minds of those best acquainted with
the subject, as to whether chloroform has not
labored under an unjust accusation, in some,
at least, of the cases alluded to ; and as it is
very possible that the question may from time
to time be raised, we will state the grounds
on which Dr. Snow, a peculiarly competent
authority, arrived at the opinion that chloro-
form cannot be used with eflfect in street rob-
beries.
When administered gradually, chloroform
can be breathed easily enough by a person
willing and anxious to take it ; but he has to
draw his breath many times before he be-
comes unconscious. During all this inter-
val he has the perfect perception of the
Impression of the vapor on his nose, mouth,
and throat, as well as of other ^nsations
which it causes; and every person who
has inhaled chloroform, retains a recollection
of these impressions and sensations. If
chloroform be given to a child whilst asleep,
the child awakes in nearly ever^ instance be-
fore being made insensible, however gently
the vapor may be insinuated, and no animal,
either wild or tame, can be made insensible
without being first secured ; the chloroform
may, it is true, be suddenly applied on a
handkerchief to the nose of an animal, but
the creature turns its head aside or runs
away without breathing any of the vapor.
If a handkerchief wetted with sufficient chlo-
roform to cause insensibility, is suddenly ap-
plied to a person's face, the pungency of the
vapor is so great as immediately to interrupt
the breathing, and the individual could not
inhale it even if he should wish. From all
these facts, it is evident that chloroform can-
not be given to a person in his sober senses
without his knowledge and full consent, ex-
cept by main force. It is certain, therefore,
that this agent cannot be employed ia a pub-
lic street or thoroughfare; and as the lorce
that would be required to make a person
take it against his will, would be more than
suflicient to effect a robbery, and enough to
effeet any other felony by ordinary means, it
would afford no help to the criminal in more
secluded situations. Supposing that the
felon, or felons, could succeed in keeping a
handkerchief closely applied to the face, the
person attacked would only begin to breathe
the chloroform when thoroughly exhausted
by resistance or want of breath, and when,
in fact, the culprits could effect their pur-
pose without it.
A proof of these positions was afforded
by the circumstances attending a case in
which chloroform really was used for the
purpose of committing a robbery. A man
contrived to secrete himself under a bed ia
an hotel at Kendal, and at midnight attempt-
ed to give chloroform to an elderly gentlemaa
in his sleep. The effect of this was to awa-
ken him, and though the robber used such
violence that the night-dress of his victim
was covered with blood, and the bedding fell
on the floor in the scuffle, he did not succeed
in his purpose ; the people in the house were
disturbed, the thief secured, tried, and pun-
ished by eighteen months' hard labor.
When, therefore, we hear marvellous tales
of persons going along the street being ren-
dered suddenly insensible and in that state
robbed, it may fairly be concluded that all
the facts are not stated, and that chloroform
is brought forward to smother something
which it may not be convenient to make
known.
The conclusion so eagerly jumped at, that
because people had been robbed in an un-
usual manner, they had certainly been chlo-
roformed, reminds us of a story of a very
respectable quack, who was in the habit of
listening to the statements of his clients, and
under pretence of retiring to a closet to me-
ditate, there opened a book which contained
cures for all diseases, and on whatever re-
medy his eyes first fell, that he resolved to
try.
On one fine morning he was summoned to
a giri, who, being tickled whilst holding some
pins in her mouth, unfortunately swallowed
one, which stuck in her throat. The friends,
with some justice, urged the doctor to de-
part from his usual custom, and do some-
thing instantly for the relief of the sufferer ;
but the sage was inexorable, and declined to
yield to their entreaties, though their fears
that the damsel would be choked before the
remedy arrived were energetically expressed.
Happily they were groundless, for, on his
return, the doctor ordered a scalding hot
poultice to be applied over the whole abdo-
men, which being done, an involuntary spas*
modic action was excited, the pin was ejected,
and the doctor's fame and his practice great-
ly extended. The remedy had certainly the
charm of novelty, but will scarcely do to be
relied on in similar cases.
A very remarkable difference exists be
185d.]
CHLOROFORM.
89
tween persoDS as to their capability of bear-
ing paio ; generally those of high sensitive-
ness and intellectuality — whose nerves, in
common parlance, are finely strung, evince
the greatest suscepUbility. To them a scratch
or trifling wound, which others would scarcely
feel, is really a cause of acute pain. The
late Sir Robert Peel presented this condition
in a marked degree ; a slight bite from a
monkey at the Zoological Gardens, some time
before his dekth, caused him to faint ; and
after the sad accident which took him from
among us, it was found impossible to make a
full and satisfactory examination of the seat
of injury, from the exquisite torment which
the slightest movement or handling of the
parts occasioned. Some serious injury had
been inflicted near the collar-bone, and a for-
cible contrast to the illustrious statesman is
presented by General Sir John Moore, who,
on the field of Corunna, received his mortal
wound in the sagde situation. The following
is the account given by Sir William Napier.
" Sir John Moore, while earnestly watch-
ing the result of Uhe fight about the village
of Elvina, was struck on the left breast by
a cannon-shot. The shock threw him from
his horse with violence, but he rose again in
a sitting posture, his countenance unchanged,
and his steadfast eye still fixed on the regi-
ments engaged in his front, no sigh betray-
ing a sensation of pain. In a few moments,
when he was satisfied that the troops were
gaining ground, his countenance brightened
and he suffered himself to be taken to the
rear. Then was seen the dreadful nature of
his hurt. The shoulder was shattered to
pieces, the arm was hanging by a piece of
skin, the ribs over the heart were broken and
bared of flesh, and the muscles of the breast
torn into lonfir strips, which were interlaced
by their recoil from the dragging of the shot.
As the soldiers placed him in a blanket, his
sword got entangled, and the hilt entered
the wound. Captain Hardinge (the present
Lord Hardinge), a staff officer, who happened
to be near, attempted to take it off, but the
dying man stopped him, sarins, ' It is as well
as it is : I had rather it should go out of the
field with me :' and in that manner, so be-
coming a soldier, Moore was borne from the
fight.'^
From the spot where he fell, the General
was carried to the town by a party of sol-
diers, his blood flowed fast, and the torture of
bis wound was great, yet such was the un-
shaken firmness of his mind, that those about
him, judging from the resolution of his coun-
tenance that his hart was not mortal, express-
ed a hope of his recovery ; hearing this, he
looked steadfastly at the inji^y for a moment,
and then said, '' No, I feel that to be impossi-
ble."
Several times he caused his attendants to
stop and turn him round, that he might be-
hold the field of battle, and when the firing
indicated the advance of the British, he dis-
covered his satisfaction, and permitted the
bearers to proceed. Being brought to his
lodgings, the surgeons examined his wound,
but there was no hope, the pfun increased,
and he spoke with great difficulty. * * ♦
His countenance continued firm, and his
thoughts clear ; once only, when he spoke of
his mother, he became agitated ; but he oft-
en inquired after the safety of his friends and
the officers of his staff, and he did not, even
in this moment, forget to recommend those
whose merit had given them claims to pro-
motion. His strength failed fast, and life
was just extinct, when, with an unsubdued
spirit, he exclaimed, " I hope the people of
England will be satisfied — I hope my^ coun-
try will do me justice !'' And so he died.
Ijt is to be hoped that intense mental pre-
occupation somewhat blunted the sufferings
of the General, but a strong high courage
prevented any unseemly comptaint. Vfe,
ourselves, have seen many instances in an
operating theatre — a far severer test of true
courage than the excitement of battle — where
mutilations the most severe have been borne
with unflinching courage ; more frequently
by women than by men. Perhaps the cool-
est exhibition of fortitude under such a trial
was exhibited bv a tailor, who effectually
cleared his profession of the standing re-
proach, showing nine times the pluck of or-
dinary men. This man's right leg was re-
moved right below the knee, lon^ before
chloroform was known ; on being placed on
the table, he quietly folded his arms, and
surveyed the preliminary proceedings with
the coolness of a disinterested spectator. He
closed his eyes during tbe operation, but his
face remained unchanged, and he apologized
for starting when a nerve was snipped.
When all was over he rose, quietly thanked
the operator, bowed to the spectators, and
was carried out of the theatre. We grieve
to say the poor fellow died, to the regret of.
every one. who witnessed his heroic couragel'
The most remarkable account of indiffer-
ence to pain with which we are acquainted,
is that by Mr. Catlin, of the self^mposed
tortures of the Mandan Indians, in order to
qualify themselves for the honored rank of
warriors. ** One at a time of the young fel-
00
THE PBUSSIAN COURT AND ARBTOCRAOT.
[Sept.,
lows already emaciated with fasting, and
thirsting, and walking, for nearly fonr days
and nights, advanced from the side of the
lodge and placed himself on his hands and feet,
or otherwise, as hest adapted for the per-
formance of the operation, where he submit-
ted to the cruelties in the following manner.
An inch or more of the flesh of each shoul-
der was taken up between the finger and
thumb by the man who held the knife in his
right hand, and the knife which had been
ground sharp on both edges and then hacked
and notched with the blade of another to
make it produce as much pain as possible,
was forced through the flesh below the fin-
gers, and being withdrawn was followed by
a splint or skewer from the other, who held
a bundle of such in his left hand, and was
ready to force them through the wound.
There were then two cords lowered down
from the top of the lodge, which were • fas-
tened to these splints or skewers, and they
instantly began to haul him up : he was thus
raised until his body was just suspended
from the ground where he rested, until
the ^nife and a splint were passed through
the flesh or integuments in a similar manner
on each arm below the shoulder, below the
elbow, on the thighs, and below the knees.
In some instances, they remained in a re-
clining posture on the ground until this pain-
ful operation was finished, which was per-
formed in all instances exactly on the same
parts of the bodies and limbs ; and which,
m its progress, occupied some five or six
minutes.
" Each one was then instantly raised with
the cords, until the weight of his body was
suspended by them, and then, while the
blood was streaming down their limbs, the
bystanders hung upon the splints eaoh man's
appropriate shield, bow, quiver, &c., and in
many instances, the skull of a buffalo, with
the horns on it, was attached to each lower
arm, each lower leg, for the purpose, proba-
bly, of preventing, by their great weight, the
struggling which might otherwise take place
to their disadvantage whilst they were hung
up. When these things were all adjusted,
each one was raised higher by the cords, un-
til these weights all swung clear from the
ground. * * The unflinching fortitude
with which every one of them bore this part
of the torture surpassed credibility/'*
Happily, in this country at least, torture
is BOW only made subservient to the restora-
tion of health ; and more than this, the most
timid may survey an expected operation with
calm indifiference — so far as the pain is con-
cerned : the terrors of the knife are extin-
guished, and though the result of all such pro-
ceedings rests not with man, it is permitted
us to apply the resources of our art for the
relief of suffering humanity ; and the afllicted
can, in these times, avail themselves of sur-
gical skill, without passing; through the ter-
rible ordeal which formerly filled the heart
with dread, and the contemplation of which
increased tenfold the gloom of the shadow of
the dark valley beyond.
* ** Notes on the North Amerioaa Indiana" Vol.
IL p. 17a
"♦♦-
!-»«-
From Fraser's Magazine.
THE PRUSSIAN COURT AND ARISTOCRACY.*
The object of Dr. Vehse in these vol-
umes 18 to give, in greater detail than has
hitherto been done, an account of the man-
ners of the Prussian court and aristocracy
during the three periods into which the histo-
?r of that country naturally divides itself.
he first is the period immediately following
the Reformation, when the Government was
* C^ichichte de% PreuttUchen Hofi und AdeUy
und der Preuatischen DiplomatU' By Dr. Edward
Yehse. Hambar|^ 1861, 9 volai
rude and contained many middle age ele-
ments, and when the petty Elector of Bran-
denburg was the most insignificant of his
seven brother electors. The second is that
after the thirty years' war, when the Court
presented a singular combination of French
gallantry and military absolutism. And the
third and last period is the age of Frederick
the Great and his successors.
Dr. Yehs^ has availed himself of all the
recent contributions to history, such as the
1859.]
THE PRUSSIAN OOFRT AND ARISTOORAOT.
91
despatches, memoirs, and journals of those
who were engaged in diplomacy, or had pe-
culiar opportunities of knowing the secret de-
tails of political life. Dr. Vehse pays a well
merited compliment to the important works
that have lately been published in this coun-
try. He states thdt he has invariably found
English writers giving the best reports of
public matters ; that they are the most clear-
sighted and the most unprejudiced in their
accounts, and that therefore their judj^ments
are more to be trusted than those of other
diplomatists. In Germany, with perhaps the
single exception of Count Kevenhuller, who
wrote memoirs in the time of the Great Fred-
erick, the task of writing history has been
confined to men who made letters a profes-
sion, and who were more acquainted with
books than with men and the passions that
influence them. Works like those of Bishop
Burnet ; memoirs like those of Horace Wal-
pole of the Court of George H. ; valuable
contributions to the history of our own time,
like the diaries and correspondence of Lord
Malmesbury, the memoirs of Lord Hervey,
the memoirs just published by the Duke of
Buckingham of the Court and Cabinet of
George HI. ; — French memoirs like those of
Cardinal de Retz, the Duke of Sully, St.
Simon, and so many others, who have thrown
light on the history of the periods in which
they write ; histories written by men who,
like Macaulay or Mr.^ Grote, are politicians as
well as authors — for works such as these we
look in vain in Germany. There is one mark-
ed difference that must strike even the most
careless reader between the English and the
French memoir writers. The French invari-
ably are great masters of form ; they give a
flowing, eloquent, well arranged narrative,
full of life and vigor — the necessary authori-
ties and documents being generally thrown
into the appendix ; whereas in the English
memoirs the documents — whether they be
despatches, letters, or journals — play the most
conspicuous part in the work, and the narra-
tive is often meagre enough.
In the work before us, which does not pro-
fess to do more than record the on dits of
past times, Dr. Yehse seems to have taken as
his motto a passage from St. Simon's mem-
oirs, C^est Bouvent une pure bagatelle guipro-
iuit lei effete qu^on veut attribtter aux motifs
lee plus graves.
In the sixteenth and even in the seven-
teenth century the dynasty of the Hohenzol-
lems were not great geniuses or heroes;
they patientiv bore the yoke which the Aus-
trians had placed on the neck of the whole [
of the German nation. They bent to the
storm until the time of the Great Elector.
The first five Electors of Brandenburg, from
the time of the Reformation till that of the
Great Elector, were not remarkable for any
great intelligence, but they had the good for-
tune to be served by men of distinguished
abilities.
We will not for this reason follow Dr.
Yehse through the account he gives of the
earlier Electors of Brandenburg — the Joa-
chims, the Hectors, 6z;c. ; but we must find
room to present our readers with a sketch of
the. life of a man who played a remarkable
part durinff the reign of the Elector John
George of Brandenburg.
Dr. Leonhard Thurnyesser was bom in
1530, at Basle. His father, who wasagold-
smith, brought his son up to his own profes-
sion, but apprenticed him afterwards as/ant-
ulus to a certain Dr. Huber, of Basle, for
whom the lad prepared medicines and col-
lected herbs, and in whose service he studied
Paracelsus. Thurneysser married at seven-
teen, but deserted his wife at the end of a
year; when he comn^nced his travels. He
went first to England, then to France, fought
under the wild Margrave Albrecht Branden-
burg-Culmbach, and was uUcen prisoner in
the battle of Sievershausen, in 1553. He
then supported himself by working as a miner
and smelter. As his wife had divorced him,
Thurneysser married the daughter of a gold-
smith at Constance, with whom he went, in
1558, to Imst, in the Tyrol, where he starlr
ed a mining and smelting business on his own
account. In 1560 the Archduke Ferdinand, of
the Tyrol, took Thurneysser into his service,
and sent him on his travels. For five years
he again wandered about the world, visitino;
Scotland and the Orkneys, Spain, Portusai,
Africa, Barbary, JSthiopia, Egypt, Arabia,
Syria, and Palestine, returning in 1565 to
the Tyrol, by way of Candia, Greece, Italy,
and Hungary. He remained in the service of
the Archduke inspecting mines, <&c., until the
year 1570. His extraordinary knowledge of
metals and ctiemistry made him regarded as
the wonder of his age — as a second Paracel-
sus. He wrote books on the influences of
the planets, and their effects on the bodies of
men and beasts, but the style of his works is
diffuse and unintelligible.
The Elector John George's second wife,
Sabina of Ansp^ch, was ill, and Thurneysser
was sent for. In the course of the consulta-
tion Thurneysser, to the astonishment of the
Elector, described sundry bodily infirmities
of the Electress, which in his opinion might
d2
THE PRUSSIAN OOUBT AND ABISTOGRAGY.
[Sept.,
be attended with dangerous results. The
Elector, struck bj this knowledge, put his
wife under Thumeysser's charge ; the cure
was effected, and the doctor's fortune was
from that moment made. He was employed
and consulted by all who had mines or alum
works, while the court ladies spread his re-
nown far and wide. Letters came from the
remote country districts, from married and
unmarried ladies, begging the learned doctor
to send his fur correspondents cosmetics,
with particular descriptions how to use them.
The postscript generally added that '' he was
on no account to betray them, and not to
give any cosmetics to other people."
Thurneysser had a remarkable memory,
and a great thirst for knowledge. He had
closely studied nature in yarious countries,
and had learned much from books. He
knew Greek and several of the Oriental
languages ; Latin he had learned in his
forty-sixth year, at Berlin. He knew suffi-
cient drawing to illustrate his anatomical and
botanical works. He made a map of the
March of Brandenburg far superior to any-
thing that had yet appeared. His know-
ledge of mathematics, astronomy, and as-
trology was very considerable, and enabled
him to publish almanacs, in which he pre-
dicted coming events, and the manner of
their fulfilment was explained in subsequent
tables. Thes^ almanacs had a prodigious
sale. The great defect in Thumeysser's
mind was a want of philosophical clearness ;
his knowledge was undifirested, without order
or arrangement ; but spite of this he was one
of the best naturalbts of the sixteenth cen-
tury ; his activity was boundless, and his
head full of projects.
The Elector named Thurneysser his body
physician, with the yearly salary of 1352
thfuers — a large sum for those days ; more-
over he had an allowance for horses, and
other extras. He also made money by the
commission on the purchases he effected for
the Elector, of silver and gold pl^te, in
Leipsic, Nuremberg, and Frankfort. For
fourteen years Thurneysser maintained his
ascendancy in the court of Brandenburg.
Shortly after his arrival in Berlin, the Elector
had given him rooms in what had been the
Franciscan or Grey Convent, where Thur-
neysser lived in great style. He built a
large laboratory, in which were prepared his
orcoiKi — ^gold powder, golden drops, ame-
thyst waters, tinctures of sapphires, rubies,
emeralds, d^c, which soon made the in-
ventor's fortune. He held a sort of minor
court in the Grey Convent ; his household
seldom consisted of less than 200 persons,
some of whom were employed^ in copying
letters, while others worked in his laboratory,
or acted as messengers or travellers. He
also set up a printing establishment in the
Grey Convent, which was provided not only
with German and Roman, but with Greek,
Hebrew, Chaldaic, Syrian, Turkish, Persian,
Arabian, even with Abyssinian types. Al-
most all these workers in the laboratory and
for' the press were married men, and lived
with their wives and children in the convent ;
the expenditure, therefore, was considerable.
Whenever Thurneysser walked abroad, he
was accompanied by two pages of noble
blood, who had been sent by their parents to
a household where they would learn virtue
and regular habits. All the great people.
Prince B^dzivil, nay, even the Elector him-
self and his wife, came to visit him in his
Grey Convent. He was a sort of oracle, and
was consulted by many .".crowned heads.
" The letters," says his biographer Mohsen,
"which the Emperor Maximilian U., and
Queen Elizabeth of England wrote to him,
together with thirty-nine other letters from
illustrious princes, were cut out of the col-
lection at Basle." But there are many letters
to Thurneysser from Frederick II., the King
of Denmark, from Stephen Bathory, the
King of Poland, preserved in the library at
Berlin, in which these monarchs ask Thux^
neysser's advice on mining subjects. Letters
came to him daily from Bonemia, Silesia,
Poland, and Prussia, with medical consulta-
tions ; he answered none unless a remittance
accompanied the letter. Count Burchard
Yon Barby sent an account of his symptoms,
but received no answer to his first letter ; a
second, with a fee of a hundred ducats, re-
ceived immediate attention. Thumeysser's
messengers went all over Germany, convey-
ing the doctor's infallible remedies, and
brought back money, rare books, and manu-
scripts.
But the almanacs, to which we have
before alluded, brought him in the largest
income; the booksellers from all parts of
Germany and other countries sent mes-
sengers to Thurneysser for early copies. He
printed large editions of these almanacs, of
which he published a regular series between
the years 1573 and 1585. Each month had
its Prognostica. In 1679 he foretold a
hideous deed; in 1580 the prophecy was
discovered to allude to the poisoning, by
Bianca Dapelli, of her step-son at Florence.
He also foretold the day of the month and
the year when King Sigismund Augustus of
1858.]
THE PRUSSIAN OOURT AlTD ARIST00RAG7.
98
Poland died. These fortunate hits brought
him in large sums. He also east nativities :
scarcely an heir to anj noble family in Ger-
many was bom without Thurneysser being
consulted as to the conjunction and aspects
of the planets, by which he foretold the
probable fate of the infant. These FrognoB-
ilea interested every one in those days;
every one believed in them — even bishops
and learned professors. Thurneysser like-
wise prepared talismans. Even Osiander,
the great polemical writer at Kdnigsberg,
wore an amulet round his neck as a pre-
servative against the leprosy and other ma-
ladies. Osiander purposely mentions the
object with which he wore this chain, lest it
should be set down to vanity. The best
talismans were the sigUla solis, on which
Jupiter is represented like a professor of
Wittenberg, with a long beard, a fur coat,
and a large book in his hand. These sigilla
xdia, which were to avert all solar maladies,
were made after the method sugg^ested by
the Abbot Tntheim, and Agrippa of Nettes-
heim, in his work De OccultA Philosophict.
There were other talismans — such as the
sigilla lunce, specially directed against lunar
influences; others, again, made of seven
different metals, had the peculiar property
of making men, though born under some
malignant 'star, fortunate and successful.
Whatever was required, Thurneysser was
ready to manufacture ; his wares were suited
to all conditions of men, from the Emperor
down to the cowherd.
By these means Thurneysser became ex-
ceedingly rich. He not only had a treasure
estimated at 12,000 pieces of gold, but a
rich collection of books, manuscripts, silver
plate, and pictures. He also had made a
cabinet of minerals and herbs, and strange
anatomical preparati£>ns of men, birds, and
beasts ; a scorpion preserved in oil was held
by the vulgar in extreme awe as a familiar
imp of the doctor's.
Unluckily for himself, Thurneysser mar-
ried a third time, and this was his ruin. He
divorced his wife for light conduct, and a
scandalous suit took place, in the course of
which much of his money was spent. In
1684 Thurneysser quitted Berlin, turned
Catholic, and went to Rome, where he lived
some time under the Pope's protection. He
died in a convent at Cologne, in the year
1595/aged 65, in poor circumstances, and
on the very day for which he had prognos-
ticated his death.
Dr. Yehse enters with great detail into
the reigns of the Great Elector ; of Frederick,
the first King of Prussia ; of Frederick Wil-
liam I., to whose rough but sterling qualities
Prussia owes so much ; and of his' illustrious
son, Frederick the Great. It is worthy of
remark j that the men who contributed most
to raise the Prussian monarchy to its high
estate were not the nobles, but men for uie
most part sprung from the burgher class :
men of talent were sought out, rather than
those of illustrious descent; and Prussia
owes as much to the ability with which these
men wielded the pen as the sword. Joachim
II.'s chancellor, Lamport Distilmeyer, who
was called ocuIub et lumen marchicB, was the
son of a tailor at Leipsic; Derfflinger, to
whom the Great Elector was chiefly indebted
for the victory over the Swedes at Fehrbel-
lin, was the son of an Austrian peasant. Mein-
ders, Fuchs, and Spanheim, in the time of the
Great Elector ; Dankelman, Kraut, and Bar-
tholdi,in the reign of the firstPrussian monarch ;
Ilgen, Thulemeyer, Cocceji, in the reign of
Frederick William I., were men of the middle
class ; and to these, next to its sovereigns,
the greatness of Prussia is to be attributed.
The thirty years' war had depopulated
Prussia, and- the Great Elector's wish to in-
troduce agriculture, commerce, and manu-
factures into his country was admirably as-
sisted by the proceedings of his neighbors.
Thousands and thousands of industrious fam-
ilies, driven out of the Palatinate and from
France for their religion, were received with
joy into Prussia. After the revocation of
the edict of Nantes, in the year 1 685, above
20,000 French refugees came at once into
Prussia, bringing with them much capital,
and, what was far more important, habits of
thrift and a taste for literature and the fine
arts. The silk, wool, and other factories in
Prussia owe their origin to these refugees.
The advent of the refugees introduced French
habits of dress and modes of thought. But
with this came also the luxurious tastes of
the court of Louis XIV. ; and to check the
custom of going to Paris to acquire the fash-
ionable air of the French court, the Great
Elector, who knew the license and extrava-
gance that prevailed in Paris, issued an edict,
in 1686, forbidding his vassals to travel and
waste their substance in foreign parts.
The whole reign of Frederick William offers
a curious picture of refinement and religious
toleration mixed with the grossest supersti-
tions of the middle ages. The Great Elector
was much addicted to the study of alchemy.
He had a laboratory of his own, and bought
up all books and manuscripts relating to
these secret arts. For a long time he Kept
9i
THE PBU83IAK COUBT Am) ABISTOORACY
[Sept.,
at his court bis famous alchemist, Johann
Kuukel, who shared the fate of many others
of his trade, and was prosecuted, after the
Great Elector^s death, for peculation. Fred-
erick William, moreover, had the most
implicit belief in devils, ghosts, witches,
sorcerers, and astrologers. He fully believed
in the letter supposed to have been written
to a certain Dodo von Eniphausen by his
wife from the other world. Leibnitz men-
tions in his journal that he had dined at the
prince's table, and heard the matter dis-
cussed, and that Kniphausen, who was of a
melancholy temperament, asserted that he
had seen his deceased wife, who told him
many strange things.
The Great Elector was fond of alluding to
the story of the White Lady — the ' Weisse
Frau' — whose appearance portended calam-
ity or death of some member of the royal
family. She is said to have been seen in the
ominous years 1640, 1740, and 1840. She
was first seen shortly after the death of John
Sigismund, in 1619. She is supposed by
some to have been the mistress of Joachim
II., Anna Sydow, who died a prisoner in the
fortress of Spandau ; others say she was a
certain Beatrix, Countess of Orlamunde, who
fell in love with the Burgrave Albrecht, of
Nuremberg ; others, again, say that her name
was Bertha of Rosenberg, ^ who was con-
demned to haunt the castles of her descend-
ants in Brandenburg, Baden, and Darmstadt.
Whoever she might be, the Elector's favor-
ite— one Kurt von Burgsdorf — who professed
incredulity about her, and a strong desire to
meet the spectre face to face, was gratified
in his wish. After seeing the Elector to bed
one night, Burgsdorf was going down the
back stairs to the garden, when he saw the
White Lady standing on the steps before
him. A little disturbed at the unexpected
rencontre, he quickly collected his senses,
and after addressing some harsh epithets to
the spectre, asked her if she had not already
had enough of the princely blood of Prussia
to satisfy her. The White Lady answered
never a word, but seized him by the throat
and hurled him, half throttled, down stairs.
The noise was so great as to disturb the Elector,
who sent one of bis attendants to learn what
had occurred. When the old palace at Ber-
lin was rep^red, in the year 1609, a female
skeleton was found, which was held by the
people to be that of the White Lady : it was
buried with due ceremony in the cathe-
dral ; it was then hoped that the ghost was
laid. She has had several base imitators,
who were caught by the watch : one turned
out to be a scullion, another was a soldier :
both were well whipped.
Kurt von Burgsdorf, the Elector's favorite,
was of an old Brandenburg family ; he had
fought in the thirty years' war, and had
thrice repulsed Wallenstein's attack on
Schweidnitz. He fell in disgrace for oppos-
ing the Elector's scheme of a standing army,
and for other reasons more fully given in a
rare old book published at Dresden in 1705,
and called Apoihegmata, or 274 Wise and
Ingenious Maxims : ' Touching the disgrace
of the Prime minister and favorite at the
court of Electoral Brandenburg, Herr von
Borgstorff, under the reign of nis Electoral
Bjghness Frederick William.'
This minister (according to the Ajxdkegmaid)
had risen so high that he was allowed to clap
his electoral highness on the shoalder, and was
looked upon as a father by that heroic prince.
If his electoral highness wore a enit worth 400
rix dollars one day, on the next the minister must
needs have one worth 600. But a great fortune
built upon an ill foundation of wick^ness is sure
to decay ; and thus it soon fell out with this min-
ister, who had chiefly prospered in wealth and
power by winebibbing; for the late elector was a
singular lover of drinking, and this Borgstorff
comd drink eighteen pints of wine at one meal, —
nay, he could even gulp down a whole pint at a
draught, and without so much as drawing breath.
Now the elector, Frederick William^ of blessed
memory, lived more soberly, which much dis-
pleased this minister, who once said to him at
table, * Please your highness, I don't understand
your way of living ; your highness' father's times
were much merrier; we drank about bravely
then, and now and then a castle or a village was
to be won by hard drinking. I myself remember
when I could drink eighteen pints of wine at a sit-
ting.' Hereupon the electress, a princess of the
House of Orange, and the example of every virtue,
did not let his words pass unnoticed, but replied,
^That was fine house- keeping, truly, when so
many fair castles and villages were given away to
reward beastly and riotous drunkenness !'
Besides this fault the minister sought to per-
suade the elector not to lie only with nis prince-
ly consort, but to divert himself with gallantry, in
order that he might not have so many lawful
princes and princesses, who could not all be
provided for according to their rank, and must
therefore grow up beggarly princes. And herein
the truth of the adage, Malum consilium eonmh
taiori pessimumf was soon made manifest ; for the
electress never rested until this minister was de-
graded fW)m the highest honors and dignities of
his court, and publicly deprived of his nobility in
church, and in the presence of a multitude of
people. He retired into the country, where after
a time he died quite mad and miserable, and la-
mented by none, because he had tried to mislead
his sovereign into an ungodly, scandalous, and
debauched way of life.
1863.]
THE PBUSSIAir GOITBT AND ARISTOCRACY.
9B
The Great Elector was succeeded by bis
son, tbe Elector Frederick III., whose ruling
passion was pomp and display. In order to
gratify this passion to the utmost it was ne-
cessary to exchange the Electoral hat for a
kingly crown, and owing to several fortunate
coincidences this long coveted honor was ob-
tained by the mediation of Bartholdi, the
Prussian envoy at Vienna, in November,
1700.
Frederick (aays Dr. Yehse) was so rejoiced at
the snccesdfttl issue of his favorite scheme that
be could not even wait for fine weather for the
ceremony of the coronation, but started in mid-
winter, jttst one moDth aAer the attainment of his
object, 00 the 17th December, 1700, with the
whole of his court, on his way to Konigsberg.
The cavalcade was one of tne grandest ever
known in Germany. The whole coart travelled
in 300 carriages, besides waeons. The royal
company, which journeyed in tour divisions, was
so large that in addition to the horses taken from
Berlin, not less than 30,000 were required to draw
the carriages. The king onlv travelled during the
forenoon, and the journey lasted twelve whole
days ; wherever halt was made, dinners and fes-
tivities took place from mid-day till evening. The
aoeen was driven by her dashing brother-in-law,
le Margrave Albrecht ; spite of the bitter cold,
he sat on the box dressed in a gala costume of
embroidered satin, silk stockings, and a huge wig.
The 18th January, 1701, was fixed upon as the
coronation day. On the 29th December, 1700,
tbe elector Frederick drove into Konigsberg.
The festivities lasted all through the
months of January and February, and on
the 8th March the cavalcade returned with
equal pomp to Berlin, where for two or three
months more the same frivolities took place.
The sketch eiven by Dr. Yehse of life at
the court of the first Prussian monarch fully
justifies Niebuhr in his assertion, that " the
court of Frederick, like that of almost all
German courts of that period, was unspeak-
ably odious — ^it was at the same time both
coarse and frivolous. There was no worse
sort of frivolity than what prevailed during
the latter part of the seventeenth century.
The only exception to this sweeping con-
demnation was the separate court of Fred-
erick's wife, the intellectual and brilliant So-
phia Charlotte of Hanover. At first she
submitted to the stiff and dull ceremonial of
her husband's court, but by degrees she
formed a little circle of her own in Llitzel-
burg, near Berlin, where she giive uncere-
monious evening parties. People might go
from these pleasant supper parties of the
Queen to the levees held by the King at four
o'clock in the morning. The most agreeable
woman at this little court was a certain Frau-
lein von Pollnitz, distinguished for her beauty
and wit, but accused by her enemies of being
too fond of men, wine, and play. The
Queen's greatest friend, however, and the
real ornament of her court, was Leibnitz, who
complains that she was never satisfied Mrith
any answer, but wanted to know the " why
and wherefore" of everything. Her opin-
ions on religion and politics were those of a
philosopher. On her death* bed she thanked
a French clergyman, " La Bergerie," who
came to give her religious consolation, saying
that "she had for twenty years or more
meditated on those matters ; that no doubt
remained, and that he could tell her nothing
that she had not already thought over.
She assured him that " she died contented
and at peace." She spoke with equal calm-
ness to one of her beloved and sorrowing at-
tendants. " Do not pity me, for I shall soon
f ratify my curiosity on several points which
leibnitz could not explain to me. Moreover,
I procure for the king the pleasure of a fu-
neral, in which he will have the opportunity
of displaying his love for pomp and cere-
mony.
This most accomplished princess, une des
plus accompUea princesses de la terre, as
Leibnitz terms her, died at the early age of
thirty-six. In a letter to Wootton, written
in July, 1705, shottly after her death, Leib-
nitz says that "she possessed extraordinary
knowledge, and a strong yearning to obtain
more. Her conversations with me always
were directed towards gratifying this passion.
Never was seen a more intellectual or more
joyous princess. As she often did me the
honor to converse with me, and as I was ac-
customed to this pleasure, I have felt her
loss more than others." He also wrote to
Fraulein Pollnitz, '* that he does not cry, nor
pity himself, but he does not know where he
is ; the queen's death seems like a dream to
him ; but on awaking he finds it is too true.
. . . The king is inconsolable ; all the town
is in a state of consternation."
For a whole year the king mourned, but
in 1708 he married a princess of Meck-
lenburg-Schwerin, who atoned for certain
youthful indiscretions by a life of severe piety,
which at last degenerated into moody fits of
melancholy. The king, who was ill, and had
long been separated u-om her, was for some
time ignorant of the real state of her health.
One morning the queen escaped from her
attendants, ran through a gallery leading
from her room to the king's, burst through
the glass window, and rushed with bleeding
#6
THE PRUSSIAN OOtJET AKD ARISTOCRACY.
[Sept.,
hands, dishevelled hair, and in white undress,
into the kind's apartment. The sudden ap-
parition of tnis bleeding spectre, who over-
powered him with reproaches, was too much
for the ailing monarch ; the fever increased
upon him, and the pomp-loving Frederick
died after a few weeks' illness, of the fright,
in the full conviction that he had seen the
White Lady.
The second Prussian monarch, Frederick
William I., showed from earliest infancy the
strongest aversion both to the pomps and
ceremonies of his father's court, and to the
learning and love of art of his mother. He
bated everything French, and was essentially
German in his habits and tastes. He had
but two ruling passions, and these never left
bun, vi/!., money and tall soldiers. In his
will he states that he was compelled during
bis whole life, as a blind to the house of Aus-
tria, to assume two passions he did not really
possess — the one was an unreasonable ava-
rice, the other an excessive desire for tall
soldiers. These were the only weaknesses
that could excuse his collecting so large a
treasure and so strong an army.
The first step the new king took was to
summon the treasurer of the household, and
to strike his pen through the whole list of
the court officers. A certain General Tet-
tau, noted for his coarse wit, increased the
confusion of the treasurer by saying, " Gen-
tlemen, our excellent lord is dead, and the
new king sends you all to the devil." No-
thing but soldiers were now to be seen about
the court.
We will give Dr. Vehse's account of the
tahagie or club, where Frederick William I.
was to be found every night surrounded by
bis counsellors and generals :
The Areopagus, in which matters of domestic
and foreign politics were discussed, was the far
moua T&ack9-ColUgiam^ or smoking-club. A
smoking-room was establislied at Berlin, Potsdam,
and in the summer months at Wusterhausen.
The smoking-room at Berlin — La chambre rouge
avec les nues de tt^xiCy oui eomnosent la moyenne
r^on d*air dt la chambre^ as rrederick the Great
describes it in a letter to Grumbkow, dated Rup>
pin, 17th March, 1733— was built after the Dutch
fashion, like a model kitchen, with an array of
blue china plates on a dresser, and has been pre-
served until the present day in the same state, as
a memorial of the strict warrior king. Large
silver beer-cans, out of which the beer was poured
by means of a cock into the ju'js and glasses,
were placed on the table. The strangers' book is
still shown, with the names of the Czar Peter and
Frederick the Great, who was introduced at the
early age of eleven. The members of the smo-
king-club met at about five or six, and stayed till
ten, eleven, or sometimes till twelve o'clock. The
club was composed of the generals and other offi-
cers who formed the usual society of the king.
The most remarkable among them, next 'to
Grumbkow and the Prince of Anhalt Dessaa,
were : 1st, Christian Wilhelm von Derschan, a
man much feared for his harshness. He was the
superintendent of the new building in the new
Fredrickstadt, and is said to have ruined many
families by his extortions in carrying out his
plans. 2nd, General Count Alexander Donhoff,
who had the control of the Court players. Sid,
Gen. David Gottlob von Gersdorf. 4th, Egidius
Ehrenreich von Sydow. These four — Derschan,
Donhoff*, Gersdorf, and Sydow — had more influ-
ence than all the other ministers put together.
There were some ten other habittUSf
scarcely worth naming.
But besides these officers, the ministers and
foreign envoys were invited to the smoking-club.
Among the latter, next to the Austrian envoy,
Seckendorf, the person most in favor was the
Dutch general, Ginckel. Foreig^n princes, who
came to Berlin on a visit, and omer notable tra-
vellers, also received invitations to the smokioff-
club. Stanislaus Leszzinsky^ the King of Poland,
was a frequent guest.; so was Francis of Lor-
raine, when he came to solicit the King of Prus-
sia to vote for him ss^mperor.
The servants were dismiesed, so ^. to be freed
from all restraint. Towards seven ' o'clock, the
king paid a visit to the queen, where a cover was
always laid for him; but lie stayed there a very
short time. Such of the guests as had not yet
dined found cold meats on the side-table. At
about eight, the young jpnnces came in to wish
the king good night. The members of the smo-
king club, decorated with the several orders, sat
round the table and smoked long pipes ; before
each of them was placed a white jug full of Ouch-
stein beer, from Konigslutter, in Brunswick.
Those who could not smoke, such as the old
Prince of Dessau, and Seckendorf, took their
pipes cold, and made a show with their lips, as if
they were smoking. The king, who likeo coarse
jokes, was delighted when foreign princes were
either intoxicated with the strong beer, or were
made sick by the tobacco, to which they were not
used. He himself was passionately fond of smo-
king, and sometimes— when Stanislaus Leszzin-
sky, who also was a great smoker, was present-*-
smoked as many as thirty pipes at a sitting. . On
the table were laid the papers published at Ber-
lin, Hamburg, Leipsic, fireslau, Vienna, Frank-
fort, the Hague, and Paris. A reader was ap-
pointed to read out and explain what was too ab-
struse* This reader was the learned, coxcombi-
cal Jacob Paul, Freiherr von Gundling.
Gundling was born in 1673, and was the son of
a curate at Hersbruck, near Nuremburg. He
had been a professor at Berlin, and was appointed,
at Grumbkow's suggestion, to be reader to the
smoking-club. He had rooms allotted to him at
Potsdam, was supplied with food from the royal
tabic, and accompanied the king wherever he
went, so as to be at hand to assist the king with
18S3.]
THE PRUSSIAN COXJKH AND AEISTOQRAOY.
91
his iDBtriictive conversation. Grumbkow had put
up a sort of pulpit in his dining-room, especially
for Gandling 8 nse, whence the Court reader ex-
pounded the newspapers while the guests sat at
meat. Gundling was, therefore, in his way, a
person of some importance — so much so, that
both the Russian and Austrian Courts thought it
worth their while to win him to their side.
Seckendorf wrote to Prince Eugene on the 23rd
Oct, 1726, ' that no one did the Austrians more
harm than a certain privy councillor,'Gundling,
who, much against his will, was forced to act the
part of a merry-andrew, but who was always in
the kine's company; that he was looked upon as
an oracle in jmhlicis. Whenever Austrian affairs
were discussed, this man was insinuated into the
king's ear falsa principia ; that he was wiirth
winning by the present of a golden cliain and a
miniature of the emperor.' Gundling according-
ly was presented with a miniature set in dia-
monds. In order to render learning— ^wbich
Gundling reallv possessed — ridiculous, he was
forced to act the part of a jester, for the kind's
amuseident. The king revived for him the office
of master of the ceremonies, and bestowed upon
him the dress of that office — a red frock-coat em-
broidered with black satin, with large French
cofis and gold buttpn-holeb, a large peruke, with
long pendant curls made of white goat's hair, a
large hat with an ostrich's feather, straw-colored
breeches, red silk stockings, with gold clocks to
them, and high red-heeled shoes. Gundling,
moreover, was made President of the Academy
of Sciences, a post formerly held by Ijeibnitz.
He was also raised to the dignity of a count.
The king then made Gundling one of his cham-
berlains. One day, when Gundling was drunk,
they cut his chamberlain's' key off his coat ; the
king threatened to treat him like a soldier who
bad lost his musket. After poor Gundling had
been forced to wear, by way of punishment, a
large wooden key a yard long, the lost key was
restored to him. The careful chamberiuin had it
firmly attached to his coat by a blacksmith. All
these honors wer^ bestowed upon Gundling only
to make him and them ridiculous. Among other
things, Gundling was appointed by the king to
superintend all the mulberry trees in his domin-
ions ; he was made finance councillor ; the min-
isters were ordered to introduce him formally into
their office, to provide him with the vota sessionis,
and to hand over to him the department of all the
silkworms in the whole monarchy.
In the smoking-club the coarsest and roughest
jokes were play^ off upon him. Soldiers were
the only people whoin the king held in any re-
spect ; learned men he called pedants, paper-
stainers and smearers ; these were to be taught
how superior soldiers were to them in everything.
It was, as we have already said, the king's great
pleasure to make his guests drunk, and Gundling
was plied with liquor till he was insensible.
When they had thus gained the victory over
learning, poor Gundling was exposed to the heavy
coarse jokes of the king and his officers. Figures
of donkeys, apes, and oxen were pinned to his
coat, and his upper lip was adorned with a cork
TOL. XXX. NO. I
mnstachio. He was made to read the most atro-
cious libels on himself, which the king had caus-
ed to be inserted in the newspapers. An ape,
dressed exactly like Gundling, and with a cham-
berlain's kevj'was placed at his elbow, and the
king insisted upon his embracing this bis natural
eon, before the whole company. At Wusterbau-
sen some tame bears were kept in the court-yard,
and some of these were placed in Gundling's
bed ; their hug made him keep his bed and spit
blood for several days. Once, in mid-winter,
Gundling was reelinc home, over the draw-bridge,
when he was seized by four stout grenadiers,
and dropped, with a cord, down into the frozen
moat, until his weight broke the ice. This excel-
lent joke was repeated, for the especial amuse-
ment of the king, and commemorated by a picture.
Another time Gandling was invited to dinner, and
the sedan-chair was purposely made to let him
drop through. The more he cried to the bearers
to stop, the faster they went, and he was compel-
led to run all the way. Frequently, when Gund-
ling got home, he found the door of his room
bricked up, and be was hunting for it all night ;
at other times he was besieged in his studies with
squibs and crackers.
At length the wretched man could stand it no
longer, and fled to his brother, who was a profes-
sor, at Halle. The King had him fetched back,
and threatened to treat him as a deserter, but,
seeing that be was crest-fallen, soothed him with
excessive praise, and a present of 1000 thalers ;
ne had, moreover, sixteen quaterings bestowed
upon him, and the title of Count. This was in
1724. Some three years after this the greatest
joke was played upon him. His rival and succes-
sor, one Fassman, by the King's command, wrote
the severest satire upon him, called The Learn'
ed Fool, Fassman was ordered to present- this
production to Gundling, in the smoking club.
Gundling, bursting with 'fury, seized a smdl
silver pan, filled with charcoal, intended to light
the pipe.8, and flung its contents into Fastoian's
face, singing his eyebrows and eyelashes. Fass-
man seized Gundling, and belabored him so with
the pan, that he was unable to sit down for a
month, without pain. The two rivals never could
meet again in the smoking room without coming
to blows, to the intense delighf of the king and
ministers, the 'generals and the foreign envoys.
At length the king insisted on the two gentlemen
settling their difference by a regular duel. Fass-
man called Gundling out, and the latter was forced
to accept the challenge, whether be liked it or na
But, when the combatants met in the field, Gund-
ling flung down his pistol, while Fassman dis-
charged his, which was loaded only with powder,
and set fire to Gundling's peruque ; it required
buckets of water to extinguish the fire, and to
bring Gundling to himself. At length Gundling
brought his learned but much plagued life to a
close. He died at Potsdam, in the year 1731, at
the age of fifty-eight, of an ulcdr in the intestines,
produced by excessive drink. The King did not
spare him, even when dead. For ten years or
more, a huge wine-butt had been prepared for the
reception of Gundling's corpse, and in this cask
98
THE PRUSSIAN COURT AND ARISTOCRACY.
[Sept,
he was baried, spite of the expostulations of the
clergy.
A more active, restless man than the King
(says Dr. Vehse) it was impossible to find. There
was not an atom of repose in him. Frederick
was so vehemently active, that it caused no as-
tonishment when he beat with his own hand a
lazy fellow, who was idling his time away in the
streets at Berlin. He likewise roused one of the
guards of the gate at Potsdam, who had overslept
himself, and had kept the peasants waiting outsiae
the gate. * Good morning, sir,' said he, while he
kicked him out of bed.
It was an awkward business to meet the King
in the street. Whenever he saw any one he
rode close up to him, till his horse's head touched
the man's shoulder. Then came the regular
question, * Who are you V Those who looked
like Frenchmen were certain to be detained by him.
One of them very prudently answered his question
of Qui iifs vans 7 by saying that he did not under-
stand French. He even stopped the French
priests in the streets, and always asked if they
nad read Molidre, meaning to insinuate that he
took them to be no better than actors. The son
of Beausobre, whom Frederick the Great respect-
ed so much, answered this stereotyped question
by saying, Ouif sire, et surtout ATvare. The
King liked a quick repartee like this. A student
in theology was one day accosted by the King in
the street. ' The Berliners are good for nothing,'
said the King. 'That is true, as a general role,'*
said the student, * but there are exceptions.' 'And^
who may they be ?' said the King. * Your Majes-
ty and I.' The King Immediately had him up to
the palace, to be examined, and, as the candidate
for orders passed well through the ordeal, he re-
ceived the first living that became vacant. Those
who ran away, on seeing the king approach, fared
the worst. Frederick ^at a Jew severely who
ran away on meeting him in the street, and for
saying that he had done so for fear. During the
beating the king administered to the Jew, he re-
peatecTthe words ' You are to love me, I tell you,
and not to fear me.'
The king's bamboo cane was a weapon
constantly put in requisition, and held in due
honor.
Frederick William I. died in May, 1740.
His coarse, rough, overbearing nature, was
not devoid of certain sterling qualities, and
he was altogether well fitted for the age of
transition in which he lived. Luther's dictum
of Auf ein prober Klotz gehort ein prober
Keil — (a sturdy log requires a sturdy axe)
applies as wc*l to Frederick William as it
. did to Luther himself. The king would bear
*' . opposition or even discussion. An appeal
from the University of Halle in favor of
some wretched professor who had been
turned out of the university, was answered
by a marginal note to this effect : — ' Should
not reason ;— is my subject.' A collection
4ii the king's marginal notes would equal
Dean Swift's in point and terseness. Opor-
tet meant, the memorialist must help himself
as well as he could. I^on habeo peeuniam
was a frequent answer. , ' Nonesense 1 non-
sense! nonsense!' seems a standard phrase
with him, uttered with every variety and in-
tensity of expression. A bill for a broken
window-pane had thi» note appended to it :
' It does not annoy me. — Frederick William.'
He was just, when his passions did not get
the better of him, and made no distinction of
persons. He was as ready to hang a noble-
man or an unjust judge as a common male-
factor ; nor would he suffer the intrigues of
his court to interfere with him. He estab-
lished his sovereignty, as he himself said,
like a Bocher de Bronee,
The six-and-forty years' rule of his son,
Frederick the Great, is so much better known
in this country, that, although we had mark-
ed many passages for comment, we will in-
stead proceed to the next reign,' and present
our readers with a condensed account of a
certain Madame de Lichtenau, who played a
prominent part during the life of Frederick
William II.
Wilhelmine Encke, the Prussian Madame
de Pompadour, was a handsome brunette,
the daughter of a trumpeter in one of the re-
giments quartered in Berlin ; her sister was a
figurante in the Opera. The good-natured
prince, who was struck by her beauty, s^nt
her to Paris to finish her education. She
had such influence over the Crown Prince,
that Frederick the Great gave orders to his
ministers not to pay any attention to the re-
commendations coming from 'a certain per-
son ;' and to put a stop to her intrigues mar-
ried Wilhelmine at once to the son of one of
the gardeners at Potsdam, of the name of
Rietz. This marriage, however, was merely
nominal, as Rietz undertook never to live un-
der the same roof with her. A house was
taken for her at Potsdam, where the Crown
Prince visited her with his uncle's consent.
* She is,' writes Lord Malmesbury in 1775,
' large in her person, spirited in her looks,
loose in her attire, and gives a true idea of a
perfect Bacchante. He is liberal to her to
profusion, and she alone spends the full in-
come he receives from the king. She makes
indeed the best return in her power to
such generosity, for at the same time she
assures him that he has the sole possession
of her affections, she by no means exacts the
same fidelity from him.' When Frederick
William ascended the throne, the influencaof
the favorite was all-powerful. She was then
thirty-four years old, and says in her apolo-
1853.]
THE PRUSSIAJ* COURT AND ARISTOCRACY.
99
gy that friendship had taken the place of
love ; the bond of union between tlxe king
and Madame Bietz was ber two children by
him, one born in 1770, another in 1778 ; a
third child the king did not acknowledge.
Frederick William, not content with his own
wife, and his favorite, Madame Rietz, made
a morganatic marriage, Orst with a Frau-
lein Yoss, whom he created Countess Ingen-
hein, and who died after a year or two,
and secondly with a certain Fraulein Don-
hoff. The latter was the mother of the late
prime minister of Prussia, Count Branden-
burg; but her overbearing temper soon
brought her into disgrace, and Madame Rietz
again became undisputed favorite, and was
the fountain of nil honors. She accompa-
nied the king in his unfortunate campaign into
France, held a sort of court at Spa and Aix-
la-Chapelle, and was offered one hundred
thousand pounds by Lord Henry Spencer, the
English envoy at Berlin, if she would make
Prussia join the coalition against France, in
1795, at least, so she says in her apology,
and this assertion is borne out by Count Har-
denburg, in his Memoires d'un Homme d^EtaL
In 1793, Lord Templetown, a fiery young
Irishman of twenty, had offered her his hand
and heart, but the king refused his consent,
feeling that he would be in^ the condition of
the man who, on losing his wife, and being
recommended to marry his mistress, said,
^mais ou passerais-je mes soirees f In 1795
this .courtship came to a violent end, and
Lord Templetown was ordered to leave Ber-
lin. Madame Rietz now determined to go
abroad for a change of scene.
The king gave her carte blanche to buy
works of art, and unlimited credit upon bank-
ers in Milan, Florence, Leghorn, Rome, and
Naples. She travelled like a princess. Al-
though past forty, she had numerous love ad-
ventures, old and young men had their heads
turned by this siren. One of her most enthu-
siastic admirers was the Chevalier de Saze,
the son of Prince Xavier of Saxony, a young
man of twenty, who was living in Italy ; he
subsequently was made governor of Naples,
and was killed in a duel, in 1802, at Toplitz.
His letters breathe the most violent love.
Another equally vehement admirer was the
archaeologist Hirt, whose love for art had
brought him to Rome. Aloys Hirt had been
a monk, and acted in 1776 as the guide to
strangers in Rome. Hirt followed Madame
Rietz to Potsdam.
Among other admirers we ought to men-
tion Lord Bristol, Bishop of Londonderry,
who had met Madame Rietz at Munich, on
her way to Italy. He followed her from
Italy to Berlin, and at the age of sixty offer-
ed her his hand. Another admirer, of whom
Madame Rietz made sport, was a rich manu-
facturer in Berlin, named Schmidts, better
known as the ' fat Adonis,' who ipade her
splendid presents. In her subsequent dis-
grace, Le gros Smith, who cherished her with
all the faculties of his fat soul, remained her
devoted friend.
All the minor courts in Italy vied with
each other to do honor to their distinguished
guest. To insure a better reception for her,
Madame Rietz had sixteen quarterings be-
stowed upon her, and was created Countess
of Lichtenau. In 1796 news came of the
king's illness, and Countess Lichtenau left
Italy and went back to Potsdam, where she
took every charge of the sick monarch, with-
out however giving up the advantages or
pleasures of her new rank and position.
. Countess Lichtenau continued prime favor-
ite till the king's death. During his last ill-
ness there was some talk of her having some
millions of thalers placed in an English bank-
er's hands, and she was advised to fly and
to settle in England, but she remained with
the king to the last. On his death she was
arrested and all her property confiscated.
Her friends, many of whom she had promo-
ted, turned their backs upon her and became
her accusers. In 1798 she was sent to the
fortress of Glogau, with a yearly allowance
of 4000 thalers ; at the end of three years she
was released, and lived afterwards at Bres-
laii, where at the age of fifty she married
Franz von Holbein, the well known dramatic
writer, a young man of eight-and-twenty.
Countess Lichtenau was deserted by her hus-
band in ] 802 — she quitted Breslau during
the war, and lived in Vienna. In 1809 she
returned again to Breslau, after the pence of
Tilsit, and eventually died at Berlin, in 1820,
at the advanced age of eighty. She was ac-
cused in various publications of the most fla-
gitious crimes, but she found many defend-
ers ; she has written her own apology in two
volumes, at the end of which she has print-
ed many very interesting letters, which form
by far the most valuable part of the work,
and which prove that even in her 'disgrace
she still retained many warm friends and ad-
mirers.
We must here close our extracts from a
book which, although full of repetitions and
useless detail, has afforded us much amuse-
ment.
100
TBAnS OP THE TRAPPBTS.
[Sept.
From the Oen tie man's M&g&zine.
TRAITS OP THE TRAPPISTS.
Thb Cardinal de Richelieu and the Mar-
quise d'Effiat (whose son, Cinq Mars, his
eminence soon after judicially murdered), on
the 9th Jan., 1626, met to hold as sponsors
at the baptismal font the young heir to the
almost ducal house of Bouthilier de Ranc6.
The infant received the Christian names of
his illustrious godfather, and the little Jean
Armand was endowed by the cardinal with
the sponsorial gift of the Abbey de la Trappe,
to be holden by him in " command,*' that is,
to take its profits and neglect its duties.
Let me here state, by way of parenthe-
sis, that of all the abuses in the Church of
France, there was none so outrageous as that
of the " commendams." In old times, when
war or pillage threatened an ecclesiastical
property or institution, it was the custom to
make overt he same, recommended (commen-
datum) to some noble powerful.'enough to pro-
tect it. This was a provisional arrangement
with the election of the titulary; but the
commmdatory drew the revenues, and men
became proud of being commendatories.
They were ready to pay for the office by as-
signing to the nominators a portion of the
income ; and, moreover, the papal sanction
always made an ultramontanist of him who
profited by the bargain. The cammendams
mcreased daily, and that most in times when
they ceased to be needed. "If an Indian
were to visit us," remarks Montesquieu, ** it
would take more than half a year, as he
walked over the trottoirs of Paris, to make
him comprehend what a commendam is." An
abb6 en commande was "in orders," without
being a priest, and might take a wife unto
himself, on condition of surrendering his
*' commande." If he did worse than marry,
such sacrifice was not required of him. At
all time^ the office might be retained by a
liberal payment. Indeed, the nobles who had
the power of appointing, derived a considera-
ble fortune from them. In the reign of Louis
XIII. the Count de Soissons heaped a dozen
of these offices on a single abbe, who retained
but a poor thousand crowns for his pay, and
retoraed many hundred thousand iilto the
coffers of his very religious patron. — But to
return to De Ranc6.
He was a marvellous boy, that Jean Armand
Bouthilier de Ranee ! He was yet in short
clothes when he puzzled the king's confessor
by asking him questions on Homer in Greek ;
and he published an edition of Anacreon,
with notes, at the same age (twelve years) as
Campbell made the translation of the
" Clouds" of Aristophanes, which was given
to the world by a two-penny subscription of
his school-fellows. The cardinal gave his
godson some valuable church preferment for
this piece of scholarship. Marie de Medicis
presented him with greatness in the form of
empty titles, and church and crown vied with
each other in showering down upon him
ecclesiastical privileges with much profit at-
tached, and sufficient to satisfy the ambition
of the most unconscionable of aspirants.
He was a marvel of a priest was this same
Jean Armand ! For once that he preached,
a thousand times did he conter JUurettei in
the willing ears of noble lady or village
maid. He dressed in fine linen and a world
of lace, wore red heels to his shoes, talked
euphuistic nonsense in the circle at Madame
de Rambouillet's, carried a sword on his hip,
and was ever ready to run it through the
body of the first man who dared but to " bite
his thumb" as he passed. He drank hard,
danced gracefully, swore round oaths, and .
made love irresistibly. He was grand master
in the court of folly, and was perhaps scarcely
out of his character when he espoused the
widow of Scarron to the grand monarque.
Compared with the orgies which scared the
good people on his estate at Veretz, those at
Medenham Abbey were puritanic righteous-
ness. The only symptom of seriousness given
by the master of the revel was in his addic-
tion to the study of astrology. If beneath
the shadowy splendor of the stars he regis-
tered many a perjured vow, he was as credu-
lous as the maids whom he deceived in the
promises he read in the constellations ; and,
if he was ardent in the pursuit of " maids
who love the moon," he was not less so in
1858.]
TRAITS OP THE TRAPPIBTS.
101
the study of the moon itself. And this time
he was not, indeed, in fall orders, and therein
he saw ample apology for his debauchery,
his duelling, his love of field-sports, and his
murderous cruelty to all who stood for a
moment between him and his inclinations.
In 1651, soon after his full ordination, he
refused the bishopric of Leon, in Brittany, for
the twofold reason that its revenues were
small, and that its distance from the gay
capital lent anything but enchantment to its
episcopal prospect. He walked abroad in a
perfect blaze of glory, such as tailors alone
can create for man. The summary of his
character may be found in an expression of
his own : " I preached this morning," said
he on one occasion, " like an angel, and now
I am going to hunt like the very devil !"
This demoniacal incarnation set the dimaz
to his crimes by seducing the Duchess de
Montbazon — no very difficult task ; but the
duke had been his benefactor. He was so
gentlemanlike in his vices that he might have
pleased that very nice man of the world, Lord
Chesterfield himself. If he lived ten years
m close intimacy with the duchess, he did all
he could not to shock the duke by forcing the
intimacy on his knowledge. Excellent man !
Mephistopheles could not have been more
devilishly complaisant.
The guilty duchess suddenly died of an
attack of measles. There is a legend which
tells of De Ranc6 having unexpectedly "beheld
her in her coffin ; it is somewhat apocryphal.
It is fact, however, that he rushed through
his own woods screaming her name, and hurl-
ing imprecations, like Ajax when defying
Heaven. He was shocked, but it was after
the fashion of Lady Jane Grey*s husband in
Dr. Young's poem. He bewailed his lost
delights rather than his mistress' destiny,
and his thoughts in presence of her body
rested upon incidents that had better have
been forgotten. He seriously tried to raise
the devil in order to procure the restoration
of the duchess to life. Failing in this, he
became half insane, and in one of his wildest
fita betook himself to a cast-off mistress of
Gaston of Orleans for ghostly advice. The
deposed concubine was sick of the world, and
she speedily made De Ranc6 share in her
sentiments. He went about with points un-
trussed, doublet unbuttoned, beard untrim-
med, and cruelly loose-gartered. ' He began
in this guise to excite admiration, and his
fanaticism assumed such an aspect that his
ecclesiastical superiors deemed nim a fitting
missionary to explore the wilds of the Hima^
laya. He deeply declined the office, and
hinted to the Bishop of Aleth that he thought
bis vocation was to turn hermit. The good
bishop said Satan himself had often done that,
and impelled others to do the like, but that
if he were a man with a manly heart there
was other work for him in the world than the
toil of eternally doing nothing. De Ranc6
took six years to make up his mind. At the
end of that time he defrauded his natural
heirs by selling his estates. The produce he
invested for the benefit of the abbey of La
Trappe, and, having obtained the consent of
the kmg and the authorization of the pope to
enter upon the '* regular" administration of
the institution of which he had hitherto been
only the titular superior, he proceeded to the
godless locality, restored the old, or rather
created an original, rigidity of rule, and very
much disgusted the few monks who still lin-
gered behind the dilapidated walls, and who
were given to sip ratafia rather than read
their breviaries. When De Ranc6 entered
upon his new duties at La Trappe he received
episcopal benediction at the hands of no less
a person than the Irish Bishop of Ardagh.
There were but seven monks in residence
at the monastery when De Kanc(6 assumed
authority there. He at once stopped their
playing at bowls, and they threatened to
horsewhip him. They were got rid of by a
pension of four hundred livres each ; and the
new abb6 added example to precept by soon
after burning all the love-letters he had re-
ceived from the Duchess de Montbazon, and
distributing daily alms and food to no less
than four thousand beggars ! He opened
the institution to all comers, and without
much questioning. Occasionally some, who
after admission repented of their course, and
became desirous of entering the world again,
were detained against their will ; and I can-
not help thinking that the abb6 himself, who
maintained a heavy correspondence and re-
paired not unfrequently to the capital, was
employed by the government to carry out its
vengeance against political offenders. The
regulations of the monastery would have made
a Sybarite faint at hearing them only read.
The hour for rising was the second after mid-
night. Silence was seldom broken, and the
brother who ventured to raise his eyes from
the ground, except when bidden, was guilty
of a great offence. Hard labor, hard fare,
and hard beds were allotted to the monks,
whose only hope of escape from them was by
death. The abbot himself lived simply, and
was no doubt a sincere roan ; but he had in
his household a "cellarer," and what that
official served at the abbot's own table is a
102
TRAna OF THE TRAPPISTS.
[Sept,
matter upon which I confess to be exceedingly
curious. If De Ranc6 had a table and flask
of his own, *so also had he a will and a de-
termination. He professed Jansenism — in
other words, he believed that man of his own
resolution could not walk in righteousness^
but that he needed the prevenient grace of
God to put him in that path, and enable him
thereon to make progress. The Jesuits and
Jesuitically-inclined popes held that where
man had a will to be righteous the grace
would follow to help him, and that such
divine grace could not well be efficacious
without the human will. No wonder that
De Ranc6 was only considered half a saint by
many of his co-religionists. It did not assist
him to better his reputation that he quoted
Horace and Aristophanes in his letters, and
that he corresponded with Bossuet, the Eagle
of Meaux. What merit was there in his de-
nunciation of all classical learning (which he
decried with a rabid earnestness that is imi-
tated in our days by the Abb6 Gaume), while
he cited the erotic and irreligious poets of
antiquity ? What was the worth of his works
to Rome when he sided with Bossuet in advo-.
eating the liberties of the Gallican church ?
Biecluse he was, and austere ; but in his se-
clusion, and amid the practices of his self-
discipline, he wrote to and was visited by
some very gay people. The Duchess of
Guiche enlivened his cell by many a visit, St.
Simon amused him with his court-gossip, and
Pelisson, the ex-Protestant, exhibited on his
table the accomplished spider which that ex-
emplary convert had laboriously educated.
When alone he wrote diatribes against the
learned Benedictines, and after these had
shamed him into silence he penned lengthy
apologies in support of the revocation of the
Edict of Nantes. The work he most ardently
pursued was one that has been taken up by
the Yeuillots and Cahills of these later times;
and he, was the first who qualified as a ^'glo-
runts idea" the union of all Homish powers
to annihilate the Satanic kingdom of Eng-
land! He hated marriage, even in laics, and*
denounced it sarcastically as a more severe
penance than any he had enjoined at La
Trappe. This was among his capital errors ;
yet he was rich in capital virtues too ; but
the contradictions in his character were very
many. .His latter years were years of dignity
and perhaps usefulness, and he finally died,
in the quality of a simple brother of the
order, in the year 1700. Of the seventy-four
years of his life exactly one- half was spent in
the world, the other half in the cloister.
They who would become more fully ac-
quainted with the details of the life of this
singular man may consult Chateaubriand's
last and dullest work, published during the
viscount's, lifetime. Of the companions and
followers of De Ranc6 many interesting inci-
dents may be found, by those who have pa-
tience to dig for them, in the five weary vol-
umes, entitled " Relations de la Vie et de la
Mort de quelques Religieux de I'Abbaye de
la Trappe," published in Paris at the begin-
ning of the last century. In these volumes
we find that the brethren were sworn to im-
part even their thoughts to the abbot. They
who did so most abundantly appear to have
been most commended in very bad Latin ; and
this and other acts of obedience were so dear
to Heaven that when the authors of them
stood at the altar their less eager brothers
beheld their persons surrounded with a glory
that they could bardly dare to gaze upon.
The candidates for admission included, doubt-
less, many sincerely pious men ; but with
them were degraded priests, haunted murder-
ers, run-away soldiers, robbers, and defraud-
ers, who could find no other refuge, and on
whose heels the sharply-pointed toe of the law
was most painfully pressing. All that was
asked of these was obedience. Where this
failed, it was compelled. Where it abounded,
it was praised. Next to it was humility.
One brother, an ex-trooper, reeking with
blood, is lauded because he lived on baked
apples, when his throat was too sore to admit
of his swallowing more substantial food !
Another brother is compared most gravely
with Moses, because he was never bold enough
to enter even the pantry with his sandals on
his feet. Still, obedience was the first virtue
eulogized — so eulogized, that I almost suspect
it to have been rare. It was made of so much
importance that the community were informed
that all their faith and all their works, with-
out blind obedience to the superior, would
fail in securing their salvation. Practical
blindness was as strongly enjoined, and he
who used his eyes to least purpose was ac-
counted as the better man. One brother did
this in so praiseworthy a way that in eight
years he had never seen a Cfiult in any of his
brethren. It was not this son of blindness
that De Ranc6 required, for he encouraged
the brethren in the accusation of one another.
More praise is given to the brother who in
many years had never beheld the ceiling of
his own cell ; and vast laudation is poured
upon another who was so little accustomed to
raise his eyes from the ground that he was
not aware that a new chapel had been erected
in the garden until he broke his head against
1853.]
TRAITS OF THE TRAPPISTS.
103
the wall. On one occasion the Duchess de
Guiche and a prelate visited the monastery ;
after they had left, a monk flung himself at
the abbot's feet, and confessed that he bad
during the visit ventured to look at the face
— " Not of the lady, thou reprobate !" said
De Ranc6 : — ** Of the aged bishop !" gasped
the monk. A course of bread and water
compensated for the crime. Some of the
brethren illustrated what they understood by
obedience and humility after a strange fash-
ion. For example, there was a rude basket-
maker who had been received, and who was
detained against his will, after he had ex-
pressed an inclination to withdraw. His
place was in the kitchen. The devastation
he committed amongst the crockery was
something stupendous, and not, I suspect,
altogether unintentional. However this may
be, he was not only continually fracturing the
Delft earthenware dishes, but incessantly
running to the abbot, and from him to the
prior, from the prior to the sub-prior, and
from the sub-prior to the master of the nov-
ices, to confess his fault ; and then to his
kitchen again, once more to smash whole
crates of plates, followed by his abundant
confessions, and deriving evident enjoyment
alike in destroying the property and assailing
with noisy apologies the officers of an institu-
tion which he was resolved to inspire with a
desire of getting rid of him. In spite of forced
detention there was a mock appearance of lib-
erality, and at monthly assemblies the brethren
were asked if there were anything in the ar-
rangement of the institution and its rules which
they would desire to have changed. " They
had only to speak." True, but, as they
knew what would follow upon expressed ob-
jection, every brother held his peace.
If death were the suicidal object of many,
the end appears to have been generally at-
tained with speedy certainty. The superiors
and a few monks reached an advanced age,
but few of the brethren died old men. Con-
sumption, inflammation of the lungs, and
abcesses — at memory of the minute descrip-
tion of which the very heart turns sick — car-
ried off their victims with terrible rapidity.
Men entered, voluntarily or otherwise, in
good health. If they did so, determined to
achieve suicide, or were driven in by the gov-
ernment with a view of putting them to
death, the end soon C^me, and was, if we
may believe what we read, welcomed with
alacrity. After gradual, painful, and unre-
sisted decay, the sufferer saw, as his last
hour approached, the cinders strewn on the
ground in the shape of a cross, a thin scatter-
ing of straw was made upon the cinders, and
that was the death-bed upon which every
Trappist expired. The body was buried in
the habit of the order, without coffin or
shroud, and was borne to the grave in a cloth
upheld by a few brothers. If it fell into its
last receptacle with huddled-up limbs, De
Ranee would leap in and dispose the uncon-
scious members so as to make them assume
an attitude of repose.
Every man, at least every man whose life
is narrated in the volumes I have named
above, changed his worldly appellation, on
turning Trappist, for one more becoming a
Christian vocation. A good deal of confusion
appears to have distinguished the rule of
nomenclature. In many instances when the
original names had impure or ridiculous sig-
nifications the change was advisable ; but I
cannot see how a brother became more cog-
nizable as a Christian by assuming the names
of Palemon, Achilles, Moses even, or Dorothy!
*' Theodore" I can understand, but Dorothy^
though it bears the same meaning, seems to
me but an indifferent name for a monk, even
in a country where the male Montmorencies
delighted in the baptismal prefix of " Anne."
None of the monks were distinguished by
superfluous flesh. Some of them were so thin-
skinned that sitting on hard chairs their bones
fairly rubbed through their very thin epider-
mis. They who so suffered, and joyfully,
were held up as bright exam pies of godliness.
This reminds me of Voltaire's famous Faquir,
Bababec, who walked the world naked, car-
ried sixty pounds of chain round his neck, and
never sat down but upon a wooden chair,
covered with nails, the points upwards ! The
dialogue between the Faquir and Omri is
really not widely discordant from the senti-
ments in the old Trappist biographies, Omri
asks if he has any chance of ever reaching the
blessed abode of Brahma. " Well," answer!
Bababec (I am quoting from memory,) " that
depends very much upon circumstances ; how
do you live ?" " I try," answers Omri, " to
be a good citizen, father, husband, and friend.
I lend my money without usury, I give of my
substance to the poor, and I maintain peace
among my neighbors." "Do you ever sit
upon nails with the points upwards?"
•' Never." ." Well, then, I am sorry for
you," answers the Faquir, " for till you do,
you have no chance of getting beyond the
nineteenth heaven." Do not let us be too
hasty either to censure or to ridicule. Where
there is gross error, great sincerity may
abound. Faquir and Trappist . thought as
they had been taught to think:
1 -xr^
104
TRAITS OF THE TBAPPISTS.
[Sept.,
Thompson, wbo has barely concladpd the
Bampion Lectures at Oxford for 1853, has
told us in one of them, that even the sincere
worshippers of Baal may have been more tol-
erable m the sight of God than intellectual
Christians who, having a right understanding
of the truth, neglect the duties which that
truth enjoins them.
There is, however, matter for many a sigh
in these saffron-leaved and worm-eaten tomes
whose pages I am now turning over. I find
a monk who has passed a sleepless night,
from pain. To test his obedience, he is or-
dered to confess that he has slept well and
suffered nothing. He tells the He, and is
commended. Another confesses his readi-
ness, as Dr. Newman has so recently done,
to surrender any of his own deliberately
made convictions at the bidding of his su-
perior. ** I am wax," he says, " for you to
mould me as yon will ;" — and his utter sur-
render of self is commended with much
windiness of phrase. A third, involuntarily,
as it were, remarking that his scalding broth
is over- salted, bursts into tears at the enor-
mity of the crime involved in such a com-
plaint ; and praise falls upon him more
thickly than the salt did in his broth.
" Yes," says the abbot, " it is not praying,
nor watching, nor repentance, .that is alone
asked of you by God, but humility and
obedience therewith, and first obedience."
To test the fidelity of those professing to
have this humility and obedience, the most
outrageous insults were inflicted on such as
in the world had been reckoned the most
high-spirited ; and it is averred that these
never failed. They kissed the sandal raised
to kick, blessed the hand lifted to smite
them. A proud young officer of Mousquc-
taires, of whom I have strong suspicions that
he had embezzled a good deal of his ma-
jesty's money, acknowledged that he was the
greatest criminal that ever lived, but he
stoutly denied the same when the officers of
the law visited the monastery and accused
him of fraudulent practices. This erst
young nobleman, in his character of Trap-
pist, had no greater delight than in bein^
allowed to clean the spittoons in the chapel,
and provide them with fresh saw-dust !
Another, a young marquis, performed with
delight a servile office of a still more offen-
sive character. The monk was the flower of
the fraternity. He was given to accuse him-
self, we are told, of all sorts of crimes, not
one of which he had committed or
was
capable of committing. ^' He represented
matters so ingeniously," says De Ranc6, who
on this occasion is the biographer, "that
without lying he made himself pass for the
vile wretch which in truth he was not." He
must have been a clever individual! He lied
like truth.
When I say that he was the flower of the
fraternity, I probably do some wrong to the
Count de Santim, who, under the name of
Brother Palemon, was undoubtedly the chief
pride of La Trappe. He had been an officer
in the army, without love for God, regard for
man, respect for woman, or reverence for
law. By a rupture between Savoy and
France, he lost the annuity by which he
lived ; and, as his constitution was hope-
lessly shattered at the same time, he took to
reading, was partially converted by perus-
ing the history of Joseph, and was finally
perfected in the half- worked conversion by
seeing the dead body of a very old and very
ugly monk assume the guise and beauty of
that of a young man. These were good
grounds; but the count had been so thorough
a miscreant in the world, that they who
lived in the latter declined to believe in the
godliness of Brother Palemon ; thereupon he
_waa exhibited to all comers, and he answered
every question put to him by pious visitors.
All France, grave and gay, gentle and sim-
ple, flocked to the spectacle. 'At the head
of them were our James the Second and his
illegitimate son. The replies of Palemon to
his questioners edified countless crowds —
and he shared admiration with a guileless
brother who told the laughing ladies, who
flocked to behold him, that he had sought
refuge in the monastery because his sire had
wished him to marry a certain lady, but that
his soul revolted at the thought of touching
even the finger-tips of one of a sex by the
first of whom the world was lost ! The monk
was as ungallant to Eve and her daughters
as Adam was unjust to her who dwelt with
him in JParadise.^
* FarindoD, the old royaliBt divine in the days
of King Charlea, sava, on the sdbject of Adam put-
ting the blame of his disobedience on the shonlder
of Eve, thus quaintly : '* Behold here the fint tan
ever committcxl, and behold our first fathdt Adam
ready with an ezcose as soon as it was oommitted.
He aoth not denj, but in plain terms doth confess,
that he did eat ; and eomedi^ *1 have eaten,' bj it-
self had been a wiee answer ; but it is eomedi with
mulier dedit^ * I did eat^' bat ' the woman gave it ;'
a confession with an extenuation, and such a con-
fession as is worse than a flat deniaL ' The woman
gave it me,' was a deep aggravation of the man's
transgression. It is but decUt, she gave it him, but
be was willing to receive it And that which
maketh his apology worse than a lie (t), and ren-
dereth his excuse inexcusable, ia^ that he removeth
1853.]
TRAnS OF THB TRAPPISTS.
lOo
I cannot close these brief sketehes without
remarking that among the professed brethren
of La Trappe was a certain " Robert
Graham/' whose father. Colonel Graham,
was cousin to Montrose. Robert was bom
in the ** Chateau de Mostoume,** a short
league (it is added, by way of help, I sup-
pose, to perplexed travellers) from Edin-
burgh. By bis mother's side, he was related
to the Earl of Perth, of whom the Trappist
biographer says, that ''he was even more
illustrious for his piety, and through what
he suffered for the sake of religion, than by
his dignities of 'Viceroy,' High Chancellor
of Scotland, and Governor of the Prince of
Wales, now (1716) rightful King of Great
Britain.'* The mother of Robert, a zealous
Protestant, is spoken of as having " as much
piety as one can have in a false religion."
In spite of her teaching, however, the young
Robert early exhibited an inclination for the
Romish religion ; and at ten years of age the
precocious boy attended the celebration of
mass in the chapel at Holyrood, to the great
dbpleasure of his mother. On his repeating
his visits, she had him soundly whipped by
his tutor ; but the young gentleman declared
that the process was unsuccessful in persuad-
ing him to embrace Presbyterianbm. He
accordingly rushed to the house of Lord
Perth, " himself a recent convert from the
Anglican Church," and claimed his protec-
tion. After some family arrangements had
been concluded, the youthful prot6g6 was
formally surrendered to the keeping of Lord
Perth — by his mother, with reluctance ; by
his father, with the facility of those Gallios
who care little about questions of religion.
After Lord Perth was compelled to leave
Scotland, Robert sojourned with his mother,
in the house of her brother, a godly Pro-
testant minister. Here he showed the value
he put upon the instructions he had received
at the hands of Lord Perth and his Romish
chaplain, by a conduct which disgusted
every honest man and terrified every honest
maiden in all the country round. His worthy
biographer is candid enough to sav that
Robert, in falling off from popery, did not
become a Protestant, but an atheist. The
uncle turned him out of his house. The
prodigal repaired to London and rioted pro-
digally ; and thence he betook himself to
France, and even startled Paris with the bad
the fault from the woman on God himself. Not
the woman alone is brought in, but mulier quam
Tu dedisti. God indeed gave Adam the woman,
but He gave him not the woman to give him the
H>pl6* J)edU $oeiam wm Untatrieem?
J renown of his misdoings. On his way thither
through Flanders he had had a moment or
two of misgiving as to the wisdom of his
career, and be hesitated, " while he could
count twenty," between the counsel of some
food priests and the bad example of some
acobitp soldiers. The latter prevailed, and
when Robert appeared at the Court of St.
Germains Lord Perth presented to the fugi-
tive king and queen there as accomplished a
scoundrel as any in Christendom.
There was a show of decency at the exiled
court, and respect for religion. Young Gra-
ham adapted himself to the consequent influ-
ences. He studied French, read the Lives of
the Saints, entered the seminary at Means,
and finally re-professed the Romish religion.
He was now seized with a desire to turn her-
mit, but, accident having taken him to La
Trappe, the blas^ libertine felt reproved by
the stern virtue exhibited there, and in a mo-
ment of enthusiasm he enrolled himself a pos-
tulant, bade farewell to the world, and de-
voted himself to silence, obedience, humility,
and austerity, with a perfectness that sur-
prised alike those who saw and those who
heard it. Lord Perth opposed the reception
of Robert in the monastery. Thereon arose se-
rious difficulty^ and therewith the postulant
relapsed into sin. He blasphemed, reviled
his kinsman, swore oaths that set the whole
brotherhood in speechless terror, and finally
wrote a letter to his old guardian so cram-
med with fierce and unclean epithets, that
the abbot refused permission to have it for-
warded. The excitement which followed
brought on illness ; with the latter came re-
flection and sorrow; at length all difficulties
vanished, and ultimately, on the Eve of All-
Saints, 1699, Robert Graham became a monk,
and changed his name for that of Brother
Alexis. King James visited him, and was
much edified by the spiritual instruction
vouchsafed him by the second cousin of the
gallant Montrose. The new monk was so
perfect in obedience that he would not in
winter throw a crumb to a half-starved spar-
row, without first applying for leave from
his immediate superior. ''Indeed," says his
biographer, " I could tell you a thousand ver-
itable stories about him ; but they are so ex-
traordinary that I do not suppose the world
would believe one of them." The biogra-
pher adds, that Alexis, after digging and
cutting wood all day, eating little, drinking
less, praying incessantly, and neither wash-
ing nor unclothing l^mself, lay down — but to
pass the night without closing his eyes in
sleep ! He was truly a brother Vigilantius !
106
LAPLACE AKD BIOT.
[Sept.,
Tbe renown of this conversion bad many
influences. The father of Alexis, Colonel
Graham, embraced Romanism, and with an
elder brother of the former, who was already
a Capuchin friar, betook themselves to La
Trappe, where the reception of the former
into the church was marked by a double so-
lemnity— De Ranc6 dyin^i^ as the ceremony
was proceeding. The wife of Colonel Gra-
ham is said to have left Scotland on receipt
of the above intelligence, to have repaired to
France, and there embraced the form of faith
followed by her somewhat facile husband.
There is, however, great doubt on this point.
The fate of young Robert Graham was simi-
lar to that of most of the Trappists. The dead-
ly air, the hard work, the watchings, the scan-
ty food, and the uncleanliness which prevailed,
soon slew a man who was as useless to his fel-
low-man in the convent as ever he had been
when resident in the world. His confinement
in fact was a swift suicide. Consumption
seized on this poor boy, for he was still but a
boy, and his rigid adherence to the severe dis-
cipline of the place only aided to develop what
a little care might easily have checked. His
serge gown clove to the carious bones which
pierced through his diseased skin. The por-
tions of the body on which he immovably lay
became gangrened, and nothing appears to
have been done by way of remedy. He en-
dured all with patience, and looked forward to
I death with a not unaccountable longing. The
" Infirmier" bade him be less eager in pressing
forward to the grave. " I will now pray
God," said the nursing brother, ** that He will
be pleased to save you." "And I," said
Alexis, "will ask Him not to heed you."
Further detail is hardly necessary ; suffice it
to say, that Robert Graham died on the 21st
May, 1701, little more than six months after
he had entered the monastery, and at the
early age of twenty-two years. The father
and brother also died in France — and ^o end-
ed the Cousins of Montrose.
The great virtue inculcated at La Trappe
was obedience. The only means whereby to
escape Satan was bodily suffering. Salva-
tion was most surely promised to him who
suffered most. Of the one great hope com-
mon to all Christians the Trappists of course
were not destitute ; but that hope seemed
not to relieve them of their terrible dread of
the Prince of Evil, and his power. There is
a good moral in Cuvier's dream, which might
have profited these poor men had they but
known it. Cuvier once saw in his sleep, the
popular representation of Satan advancing
towards him^ and threatening to eat him.
"Eat me!" exclaimed the philosopher, as
he examined the fiend with the eye of a na-
turalist, and then added — " Horns ! hoofs !
— graminivorous ! ! — need n't be afraid of
him !"
1 1 ^> 1 1
From Hogg*! Initrnotor
LAPLACE AND BIOT.
An anecdote of M. Laplace, the celebra-
ted author of the ' Mecanique Celeste,' was
lately read before the French Academy by
Mons. J. B. Biot, one of Laplace's most emi-
nent pupils, and now, vre believe, filling the
chair of the mathematics. M. Biot terms
his paper, or memoir, an anecdote ; but it is
more a piece of entertaining scientific auto-
biography, illustrating the love of science,
hopefulness of heart, and magnanimity of na-
ture, of both pupil and tutor.
It is now fifty years ago (commences M.
Biot) since one of the greatest philosophers
France has produced took by the hand a
young and inexperienced student of the
mathematics, who had the presumption to
form the resolution of personally waiting
upon the great professor, 'although a com-
plete stranger, and requesting his examina-
tion of a crude essay connected with the
above science. At the time I speak of (1 803)
the academy hardly demanded more of young
students, than that they should at least show
jseal in whatever engaged their studies. I
was fond of the study of geometry, but like
other young men, lost a good deal of time in
1853. J
LAPLACE AND BIOT.
107
CRprieiously dallying with other sciences.
^Nevertheless, mj ambition was to penetrate
those higher regions of the mathematics on'
which the laws of the heavenly bodies could
be defined. But the works of the ancients
on this grand subject are abstruse, and na-
turally taxed a tyro's comprehension on the
threshold of his inquiries. At the com-
mencement of the present century* M. La-
place WAS laboring at the composition of a
work, now celebrated, which was to unite, in
a comprehensive form, the calculations of the
old astronomers as well as modern, and sub-
mit them to the test of new calculations. The
first volume of M. Laplace's book was pro-
mised to appear under the title of the 'Me-
canique Celeste,' it being then in the press.
This fact induced me to take a step which
was both precipitate and impertinent, al-
though it fortunately proved successful, and
opened the door of M. Laplace's studio to
me. I had the presumption to write to the
professor, requesting that he would permit
me to assist him in correcting the proof-sheets
of his celebrated work, while they were pro-
ceeding through the press. M. Laplace re-
plied to my letter politely, but excused him-
self from complying with its request, on the
plea that his calculations might become anti-
cipated in publication, by their being submit-
ted to a stranger. This refusal, reasonable
as it was, did not satisfy me ; and so greatly
did my zeal outweigh my sense of propriety,
that I made a second appeal to the learned
author, representing, that all I wished was
to test the amount of my own proficiency in
the mathematics, by having the opportunity
of inspecting and studying his valuable pages.
I stated, that my prevailing taste was to pur-
sue calculations of the abstruse order of his
book ; and that, if he granted me permission,
I would devote myself carefully to the task
of endeavoring to discover any typographi-
cal errors that might exist in his volume then
goingj through the press. My persistence
disarmed him ; and, m short, he sent me all
the proof-sheets, accompanied by an exceed-
ingly kind letter of encouragement. I need
not say with what ardor I devoted myself to
my task. I could well apply to my case the
Latin maxim — ' Violente rapiunt illud.'
At the date of this occurrence, I resided
at some distance from Paris ; but from time
to time I went thither, taking with me what-
ever I had got through of my revision, and I
certainly found opportunities for making er-
rata. At each succeeding visit, Laplace receiv-
ed me in the most encouraging and friendly
manner, examining my revisions attentively,
the while discussing with me, in the most con-
descending manner, my favorite topic of the
mathematics. His kind reception and deport-
ment won all my confidence. I frequently
drew his attention to what I thought were
difficulties in my studies, but he always help-
ed me over the stile condescendingly, although
his valuable time must have been somewhat
unfairly trespassed upon. But, in fact, La-
place, out of sheer good-nature, often pretend-
ed to consider questions of importance the
simplest propositions, which my inexperience
caused me to submit to him.
Shortly after I had become his regular visit-
or, and was received as a guest, or rather pu-
pil, I was so fortunate as to accidentally ofifer
a suggestion, which threw some new light on
the mode in which mathematical calculations
were to be made in correction of Euler's work,
*'De Insignia Promotione Method! Tangen-
tium." In Peterbbourg's scales, there are
classes of questions in geometry of a very
singular kind, which Euler has only partly
solved. The singularity of the problems con-
sisted in explaining the nature or true charac-
ter of an irregular curve, of an almost shape-
less form to any eye but a mathematical one.
His description of irregular curves is so crook-
ed, and full of minor and mixed irregularities
of shape, that it is quite capable of confusing
a beginner in the mathematics in his attempts
at rendering it amenable to mathematical prin-
ciples and rules. It presented to me a pro-
blem which no one had, I believed, fairly
solved, Euler and Laplace inclusive, and it
was important enough to engage my special
attention and severest application.
It is not necessary that the translator
should follow M. Biot's explanations of his
actual method of solving the problem, since
they are extremely difficult to explain within
moderate limits either of space or patience ;
suffice, that, having dived to the profoundest
depths of the science, he says be rose up
possessed of the Eureka — viz., in certain
unique analytical and symbolical equations, by
which occult means he solved the problem
in question.
My calculations (pursues M. Biot) were
duly and patiently gone into and finished,
their object being to explain the nature or
characteristics of this irregular curve. The
symbols or hieroglyphics I chose to employ,
for want of any better, covered many folios
of foolscap, and finally I submitted my man-
uscript to my excellent tutor. He examined
it with manifest surprise and curiosity, and
appealed much pleased with the production.
The next day he told me that I must make
108
liAPLAOE AND BIOT.
[Sept.^
a copy of mj memoire, for the purpose of
its being laid before the Academy, and that
he would introduce me as the author of an
original paper on the mathematics, which I
was to read. This was an honor I did not
even think of, and I felt in doubt whether I
ought to accept it ; but the judgment of La-
place being so strongly in behalf of my doing
so, I acted upon his advice, and prepared
myself for the coming ordeal.
' I presented myself at the Academy the
following day accordingly. By permission
of the president, I proceeded to draw upon
the large black table, used for ocular demon-
strations, the figures and formula I was desir-
ous to employ as modes of explanation before
an auditory. When the opportunity was af-
forded me to commence, the table at which I
stood was immediately surrounded by the
geometricians of the Academy. Gener^
Bonaparte, then just returned from Egypt,
was one of those seated amongst them. I
overheard l^apoleon, in conversation with M.
Monge, a celebrated academician of the day,
express his interest in the debut of one who,
like himself, had been a student in the Poly-
technic School. This was a gratifying circum-
stance ; but, to my surprise, Bonaparte pre-
tended to anticipate the contents of my paper,
by exclaiming aloud to Monge, who sat near
him — " What ! surely I know those figures
again ; I have certainly met those symbols be-
fore ! " I could not help fancying, that the
general was extremely premature in thus de-
claring knowledge of what no one save M.
Laplace had any opportunity of examining,
at least by my consent ; but, occupied as I
was, every other thought gave way before the
one great aim I had m view, to explain my
calculations in correction of Euler's problem.
In my agitation, I neither thought of Napo-
leon's military greatness nor hb political pow-
er ; consequently, his presence on those ac-
counts did not trouble me much. Neverthe-
less, Bonaparte's well-known talents as a geo-
metrician, which had been not only exercised
inthe Polytechnic School, but on a wider and
bolder scale during his military career, par-
ticularly in fortification, joined to his well-
known quickness and foresight, were sufficient
to make me pause ere I attempted to com-
municate matters, in the study of which I might
prove, after all, but a mere tyro. However,
It was only the hesitation of a few minutes.
The thought that Laplace had been my ad-
viser re-assured me. I proceeded with my
demonstrations, and soon found myself in the
midst of them, explaining very freely, and I
believe, also, as clearly, the nature, point, and
results of my researches. On conclusion, I
received numerous assurances from the aca-
demicians that my calculations possessed con-
siderable scientific value. Laplace, Bonaparte
and Lacroix, were appointed adjudicators upon
my contribution to the Academy, and they ac-
corded me the usual honors of a successful
memoire.
After the seance, I accompanied M. Laplace
to his residence ; he very openly expressed
his satisfaction at the neatness and finish (these
were his words) of my demonstrations, and
he said his pleasure was greater still, from
my having had the good sense to take his ad-
vice, and not hazard too much to theory. But
I was quite unprepared for what was to come.
When we reached home, Laplace invited .me
to come at once into his study, " for," said he,
'* I have something there to show you that I
am sure will interest you." I followed him, and
he made me sit down in his fauieuil, while
he rummaged amongst his keys for one which
belonged to a cupboard that, he asserted, had
not been opened for years. Out of this cup-
board he took a roll of yellow and dusty pa-
pers, which he carried to the window, threw
up the sash, and then began energetically
beating the manuscripts against the wall, in-
tent, apparently, on divesting them of the
dust and spiders which had made the writ-
ings their resting-place. At length the pa-
pers were in a condition to be deciphered ;
and Laplace put them before me, to make
what I could of the figures inscribed upon
the old manuscripts. I had gone, however,
but a little way in my examination, when
(conceive my surprise at the discovery) I found
that the mouldy papers contained all my pro*
blema, and those also of Euler, treated and
solved even by the identical method I had be-
lieved myself to have alone discovered 1
Laplace informed me, that he had arrived
at the solution of most of Euler's problems
many years ago, but that he had been stop-
ped in his calculations by the same obstacle
of which he had warned me — the fear of carry-
ing theory too far. Hoping to be able to re-
concile his doubts sooner oY later, he had put
the calculations aside, and had said nothing
about them to any one, not even to me, not-
withstanding my having taken up the same
theme, and attempted to foist my wonderful
symbols upon him as a novelty/ I cannot
express what I felt during the short hour in
which Laplace laid before me these proofs of
his professional talents and the magnanimity
of his nature.
The success of my paper was everything
to me ; but, had it pleased Laplace's humor
1653.]
POPUIiAS EDUCATION IN THB UNITED STATES.
109
to have questioned its originality before the
Academy received it, I should have lost heart
altogether, and never dared again to put for-
ward any claims of mine to being an original
mvestigator in science. Professional abnega-
tion is seldom enough practised in trifling mat-
ters, much less in great ones, like that I have
adduced to the honor of Laplace. But, be-
sides the liberality of the act of keeping his
work a secret from me until it could do me
no harm, the professor exercised throughout
such delicacy towards me as a humble stu-
dent, that it won my deep respect. My ca-
reer, ever since the day he took me by 'the
hand, and presented me to the most eminent
learned society of France, has been one of
success — success, I fear, far bejond my merits*
But, under Heaven, it is Laplace I have to
thank for all, and for the honorable station
I have been permitted to attain. To him I
owe a debt of gratitude I can never adequate-
ly repay. The extent of my power is to make
these general acknowledgments of his great
worth, and to offer this public testimony to
my apprieciation of his rare talents. His in-
fluence upon the progress of physical as well
as mathematical science has been immense.
During fifty years, nearly all those who have
cultivated such studies, have gone for instruc-
tion to the works of Laplace; we have been
enlightened by his discoveries, and we have
depended considerably upon his labors for
any improvements our own works possess.
There are few now living who were the as-
sociates of Laplace ; but the scientific world
must ever do homage to his genius.*
■♦♦"
-♦♦i
From the Edinbargh Review.
POPULAR EDUCATION IN THE UNITED STATES.
Thb man still lives who can remember the
United States of America as the humble de-
L Fifteenth Annual Report of the Board of
Eaueaiion : toaether mth the Fifteenth Annual
JUport of the Secretary of the ioard, Boston,
IfoMOchiuetts : 1862.
2. Bevised Statutes of Maeeaehusetti, 1837.
8. Report of the Vambridge School Committee,
1862.
i. Report on the Organization of the Primary and
Orammar School Committee, Boston : 1852.
6. Annual Report of the Superintendent of Com-
mon SehooU of the State of New York, 1861.
6. Report of Committee of the Board of Education
on the System of Popular Education in the City
of New York, May 28, 1861.
7. Annual Report of the Regents of the University
of the State of New York, 1861.
8. Seventeenth Annual Report of Superintendent
of Common Schools of Pennsylvania for the year
ending June^ 1860.
9. Thirty-third Annual Report of the Controllers
of Public Schools of the City and County of
Philadelphia. 1861.
10. Biennial Report of the Superintendent of Pub-
lic Instructionfor the State of Iowa, printed for
the use of the General Assembly. 1850.
11. Reports on the Public Libraries of the United
States of America, January 1, 1860. By
Chabibb C. Jxwstt, Libramn of the Smithsonian
Instttute.
12. 7%e Educational Institutions of the United
States; their Character and Organixationi
Translated from theSwedislTof P. A. Sibjxstbox,
M. A., by Fbedxkioa Rowa^v. In 1 vol. 12mo.
London: 1868:
pendencies of Great Britain. A few remote
colonies fringing the shores of the Atlantic
hemmed in by mountains and forests had
made little impression on the wilderness.
Almost without roads, a mere bridle path
sufficed for their weekly mail. No banks nor
monied institutions gave aid to cpmmerce.
Agriculture resorted to the rudest tools. A
small class of vessels confined to the coasting
trade, the fisheries, or an occasional voyage
to the West Indies or Europe, formed their
shipping. Manufactures and the mechanic
.arts were in their cradle. A little molasses
was distilled into rum. A few coarse cloths
were made in the handloom, and so inferior
were the sheep that a traveller predicted
broadcloth could never be manufactured.
Some iron had been melted with charcoal,
but furnaces and forges languished under
jealous Governor^. Ihe vast beds of coal
which underlie the Middle States were un-
known, and cotton, the great basis of modern
manufactures, had not blossomed in the Colo-
nies. The policy of the mother country was
to make marts for her merchants, and to re-
* On M. Biot has descended the manUe of Laplace.
He is reputed to be the greatest living mathemati-
cian in France. He is a member of the Institute
and Academy of Sciences, and an honorary member
of the French Academy of the Bellea-lettres.
110
POPULAR EDUCATION DT THE UNITED STATES.
[Sept.,
strict the Colonies to the cultiyation of tobac-
co» indigo, rice, and to breadstuffs, and the
shipment of these staples, with staves, lum-
ber, and naval stores, to the mother country.
These articles were dispensed by England to
the residue of Europe.
The population of these colonies was less
than 8,000,000 ; and their chief sea-ports,
Boston, Newport, New York, and Philadel-
phia, contained each from ten to twenty
thousand inhabitants.
But the colonists, though poor and indebt-
ed to the British merchants, had carried with
them from their native land an inalienable
love of freedom; were tenacious of their
rights, and resolute in their opposition to ex-
cise and stamp acts. They spurned the idea
of taxation without representation. England
was sadly misguided ; a seven years' war en-
sued. The British arms, often victorious,
achieved no permanent success, and were
finally foiled by an endurance never surpassed.
The colonists prevailed, but their success was
almost ruinous. At the close of a protract-
ed war they found their country impoverish-
ed, their Union dissolving, their sea-ports
desolate, their ships decayed, and the flower
of their youth withered in the field or in the
prison-ship. . From this period of gloom and
exhaustion little progress was made until the
adoption- of the Constitution in 1788, and the
funding of the public debt under the wise ad-
ministration of Washington.
We now begin a new era. Let us consid-
er what advance the United States have made
from this dawn of the nation in the sixty
years which have ensued. The country has
shown a renovating power. The flood of
population has swept over the Alle^hanies,
crossed the blue Ohio and Father of Waters,
followed the shores of the great lakes, and is
rolling up the Missouri of the West. Its ad-
vancing tide has already enlivened the coasts
of Florida and Texas, and reached the shores
of Oregon and California. The thirteen
States have swelled to thirty-one, and the
national territory now covers 3,000,000 of
square miles, mostly adapted to cultivation.
A prolific and almost exhaustless soil in-
vites the Western husbandmen.
The implements of husbandry, improved by
thousands of patents, have adapted them-
selves to a country in which land is cheap
and labor dear, and some of them compete
successfully with English tools in foreign
markets.
.Cotton has be^n acclimated, and gives
yearly its 3,000,000 of bales. Tobacco yields
its 170,000 hogsheads, and sugar, of recent
introduction, a similar amount. Such is the
capacity of the country for bread stufis, that
the failure of a crop in Europe draws out a
supply not only sufficient to check the march
of famine, but to baffle all previous calcula-
tions. Manufactures have become firmly
rooted. The manufacture of iron annually
reaches to 600,000 tons. Not less than
700,000 bales of cotton are also consumed in
the country, if we may rely on the late census.
Not only do short-horn Durhams graze on
the plains of the Ohio, but the Spanish and
French merinos aqd Saxon flocks have been
imported, and the native race been gradually
improved.
The home manufacture now consumes
52,000,000 of pounds of native wool, besides
large imports of foreign from Turkey, Bue-
nos Ayres, and Africa. A single State man-
ufactures boots and shoes to the amount of
6,000,000^. sterling, and exports glass-wares,
cotton goods, and wooden ware to India,
South America and the Mediterranean.
Singular as it may appear, the United States
now draw some of their raw materials from
Great Britain. Large shipments of skins and
hides are often made from London and Liver-
pool, to be tanned into leather by cheap and
expeditious processes in the hemlock forests
of New York.
Before the Revolution an American book
was a rarity ; but now rags are imported
from England and Italy, converted into paper
by patented machines, and circulated in books
and journals through North America. Some
of these journals issue 50,000 copies daily,
and there are publishers who find an annual
vent for 150,600 copies of geographies and
arithmetics. It is doubtless true that leas
attention is given in the States to more cost-
ly and delicate products of art than in Europe;
but it is also well understood, that many
of the most expert manufacturers declined to
send their goods to the London Exhibition,
for they preferred the home market to the
European, and wished to invite no rivalry in
goods suited to the States.
The late census exhibits the progress of
the mechanic arts throughout the Union. In
other departments the United States have
not been dormant. While Mexico has for
sixty years either receded or remained sta-
tionary in the population of its states and ci-
ties, the United States have increased from
3,000,000 to 26,000,000, and now exhibit an
annual accession of 1,100,000 people.
The city of New York, with its suburbs,
presents 700,000 inhabitants ; Philadelphia,
500,000 ; Boston, with its environs, 300,000 ;
1853.]
POPULAR EDUCATION IN THE UNITET) STATES.
Ill
and Baltimore nearly 200,000 ia one compaot
body. Cincinnati and New Orleans, respec-
tively, exceed 100,000 ; and St. Louis, Lou-
isville, Pittsburg, Albany and BuiSalo follow
close in their rear.
The country is threaded by numerous post
roads, interlaced by 13,000 miles of railway,
and still more closely united by a greater
length of telegraph wires. By means of
these, a message can be sent hundreds of
miles for a shilling, and the merchant at New
Orleans can in the same day charter ships at
New York ^ or Boston, and order their car-
goes from St. Louis or Cincinnati ; while the
orator addresses in the same hour audiences
in all the large cities of the Union.
The mails, accelerated by steam, bear let-
ters from Savannah to Eastport for a stamp
costing little more than the penny postage of
England. The foreign trade exhibits an ag-
gregate of 80,000,000/. sterliog of imports
and exports. The inland commerce exceeds
the foreign, while the shipping at this mo-
ment, December 1852, amounts to 4,000,000
of tonnage, and is annually growing at the
rate of 300,000 tons.*
Banking houses and insurance companies
are established throughout the Union.
Steamers throng the. coast and rivers to the
amount of 400,000 ton;), and are claimed as
an American invention. In other respects,
the advance of this nation is interesting to
England. The United States, not content
with the vast emigration they naturally ab-
sorb, have borrowed at least one- third of the
sailors of the British nation, and placing
them before the mast, officer their ships with
young Americans. They then navigate them
with half the crews employed by other na-
tions, viz., with two or three men only to the
100 tons, command high freights, and per-
form their voyages with certainty and dis-
patch. They have copied, too, the railway,
almost as soon as England had invented it ;
and have not only given it a wide diffusion,
but import from England a large part of
their rails, and then manage their own ways
with less expense, with more profit, and with
lower charges than are customary in Eng-
land. By what appliances has this nation,
* 'Registered, enrolled, and licensed tonnage of
United Statei^ Jane dOth, 1850 . . . 8,535,454iS
ditto Jane 80tb, 1851 . . . 8,772,4891^
Veflsels bailt in the United States^ year ending
Jnne SOtli, 1S50, 1860: tonnage . . . 272,218im
ditto Jane 80th, 1851, 1367: tonnage 298,208ioo
ditto ditto 1852, 1448 : tonnage . 851,494
See U. 3. doeamenta^ Commerce and Kavi^tion,
1852 and 1858.'
in a little more than half a century, thus
emerged from poverty and weakness, ab-
sorbed and civilized the outcasts of Europe,
and been able to achieve such remarkable
changes?
The inquiry is ona of no common interest
to the world. Should the population of the
United States progress for one century more
as it has done for the past sixty years, and
the Union continue, the number of its inhabi-
tants ip^ould exceed 300,000,000, Such a
people, fronting on two oceans, with a tem-
perate cKmate and vast expanse of country,
must exert, under any circumstances, an in-
creasing influence over the globe. What
agencies are at work to shape and temper
that influence ? The progress of the United
States of America is often ascribed to their
form of government ; this combines many
features of the English, and is borrowed in
part from the institutions of England. It
has doubtless aided their growth, although it
does not uniformly draw into the public ser-
vice the highest order of character. But re-
publics have neither stability nor safety, un-
less founded on virtue and intelligence. We
have seen the republics of Mexico and La-
plata alternating with despotism ; and the re-
p blio of France revolutionized in a night.
We must look behind the Constitution of the
United States at the knowledge and virtue
which characterize their citizens, at the cul-
ture and training which foster those indis-
pensable requisites.
Education is not indissolubly connected
with any frame of government. It may be
cherished and flourish under a limited mon-
archy or a republic. It is requisite for the
full development of each. And while efforts
ai*e made to extend it in England, it may
not be amiss to inquire how far it has been
cultivated, and what shape it is ussuraing, on
the other side of the Atlantic. If the plant
shows a novel hue or more vigorous growth
West of the Atlantic, the system of the
Western gardener demands attention. And
if we find there unprecedented results from
the action of mind on matter, we may well
ask, what has roused that mind to action .?
What has given an impulse and direc-
tion to its movements? Let us take a brief
view of education in the United States.
Many of the early settlers of New Eng-
land and the Middle States were men of let-
ters : they carried with them a love for learn-
ing to the wilderness. They considered it
essential to their progress, and founded
schools and colleges as soon as they had
gained a foot-hold in the country. Schools
112
POPULAR EDtJOATION IS THE nNITBD STATES.
[Sept.,
soon multiplied ; colleges were established in
Massachusetts, Connecticut, and New Jersey.
The fame of Harvard, Yale, and Princeton
reached the* mother country before the Re-
volution, and found many benefactors in the
British States. • In these colleges were rear-
ed some of the prominent leaders in the Re-
volution, and many of the statesmen who
framed the Constitution.
The State of Massachusetts, one of the
oldest of the original thirteen, was particu-
larly active in the cause of letters. As early
as 1635 the public Latin school wasjounded
in Boston, and soon after, every town con-
taining 100 families was required to main-
tain a school, with a teacher competent to
fit youth for the University. Three colleges
were subsequently founded in Massachusetts.
The deep-seated respect for learning Is
evinced by the Constitution and laws adopted
by this State. Bv its constitution (cap. v.
sec. 2.) it is made the duty of the magistrates
and legislators, ' To cherish the interests of
literature and science, and all seminaries of
them, and to countenance and inculcate the
principles of humanity and general benevo-
lence, public and private charity, industry
and frugality, honesty and punctuality in
their dealings, sincerity and good humor, all
social affections and generous sentiments
among the people.'
In accordance with the Constitution, the
revised statutes provide for a school, to be
opened at least six months annually, in each
town containing fifty householders ; for simi-
lar schools, and instruction in book-keeping,
surveying, geometry and algebra, in all towns
containing 500 householders ; and in towns
containing 4000 inhabitants, for the con-
tinuance of such schools for at least ten
months, with masters competent to teach
rhetoric, logic, history, and the Greek and
Latin languages.
By such statutes (chap, xxiii. sect. 7.)
provision is expressly made for instruction in
morals; and all teachers are required to
^ impress on the minds of the children and
youth committed to their care and instruction,
the principles of piety, justice, and sacred
regard to truth, love to their country, hu-
manity and universal benevolence, sobriety,
industry, frugality, chastity, moderation and
benevolence, and those other virtues which
are the ornament of human society.'
By sect. 8. of the same chapter it is pro-
vided that ''It shall be the duty of the resi-
dent ministers of the gospel, the select men
and school committee in the several towns,
to exert their influence, and use their best
endeavors that the youth of their town shall
regularly attend the schools established for
their instruction."
To defray the expenses of education no
specified tax is imposed,, and it remains op-
tional with each town to raise any amount
found requisite. But a school fund has been
formed, and no town can participate in the
income of the fund unless it raises by tax at
least one dollar and a half for every child
within itr limits, between the age of five and
fifteen years ; and the spirit of the citizens is
evinced by the fact, that the average sum
raised by voluntary tax for each child within
the age for education, is nearly threefold the
amount prescribed by statute.
Boston, the ancient capital of this State,
has ever taken a distinguished part in the
culture of learning. Its Latin school and
other institutions stood high before the Re-
volution, but have made great progress since.
Before this period, females did not partici-
pate in the benefits of the public schools ;
but in 1789 they were permitted to attend.
Down to 1817 pupils were not admitted to
the public schools until they had learned to
read ; but in that year primary schools were
opened for both sexes. Ip 1821 a public
high school was established in Boston, which
now contains nearly 200 pupils, under four
highly educated teachers, and gives instruc-
tion in drawing, book-keeping, elocution, the
higher mathematics, logic, philosophy, the
French and Spanish languages. The public
Latin school, with five able masters, and 195
pupils, prepares youth for the Universities.
A normal school accommodating 200 girls,
who have completed with success the course
of studies in the grammar schools, under the
instruction of five accomplished teachers,
qualifies every year nearly 100 graduates to
perform the duties of teacher in the schools
for the younger children.
Reading, spelling, arithmetic, and music
are taught in all the primary schools, and to
these branches are added in the grammar
schools, writing, geography, English gram-
mar, history, and exercises in writing the
English language for all the pupils and de-
clamation for the boys. In proportion to
her population, Boston expends annually a
larger amount of money for public schools
than any city in the United States. Boston
has now more than 1,200,000 dollars in-
vested in schoolhouses ; and with a popula-
tion of 138,000, has 22,000 in her public
schools, employs 350 teachers, and expends
annually more than 300,000 dollars for the
education of the people. All these schools
1858.]
POPULAR EDTJOATIOK DT THK UNITED STATE&
118
are free, and three oflScers are employed to
look after truant and idle children, and to
induce their parents to send them to school.
And yet Boston is aiming at a still higher
standard of popular education, and in order
to attain it employs a superintendent who,
in the language of the law dfefining his duties,
* shall devote himself to the study of the
school system, and of the condition of the
schools, and shall keep himself acquainted
with the progress of instruction and disci-
pline in other places, in order to suggest
appropriate means for the advancement of
the public schools in this city/
Under these heavy disbursements for edu-
cation, the city has made rapid progress in
wealth, commerce, and population, — has
taken the lead in manufactures, railways,
the India trade, and the improvement of
naval architecture.^ Its progress will apjpear
in the following table based upon official
documents :-^
1840.
83,979
1860.
138,788
Popalation of Boston
Population of Boston
and suburbs . 185»546 369,874
Assessors' valuation
of Boston . .$94,681,600 $210,000,000
Tonnage of Boston
per returns of 1842
^ and 1861 193,602 343,308
While the capital of the State has been
active in advancement of letters, the State
government has not been unmindful of its
duties under the constitution and laws. Aid
has been given by liberal grants to the uni-
versity and colleges ; three normal schools
for the education of teachers have been
established at the public expense. A Board
of Education has been created, composed of
the principal officers of State, with a work-
ing secretary and two agents who traverse
the State, and draw attention by addresses
and conference with teachers to school ar-
chitecture, the best modes of teaching, and the
importance of a higher standard of education.
Institutes, or meetings of teachers and
friends of education, are held in various parts
of the State, under the sanction of the Board
*
of Education, and a corps of professors em^
ployed to address them on the best mode of
miparting knowledge, and to lecture on
[ _ - - Mill 111
* The Boston dipper, "Sovereign of the Sea,"
a ship of 2200 tons, with a orew of 86 men, is re-
ported in the New York Joumal of May last, to
have made her passage from the Sandwich Islands^
around Gape Horq, to New York, in 80 days; and
in one day to have mn 480 milei^ or 18 miles per
honr. Another clipper, of 4000 tooB^ to carry four
masts^ was in Uaj last on the stocks at Boston.
YOI* XXX N 0. L
frammar, elocution, arithmetb, music, and
rawing. Professors Guyot and Agassiz are
now engaged in that duty. Four or five days
are devoted to each of these institutes, and so
popular and useful are these meetings, that
the cities and villages where they are held,
provide lodgings for the teachers at their own
expense, and are clamorous for their turns.
Under the stimulus thus given to educa-
tion, we are not surprised to learn, from th^
report of the Board, that in this small State,
with a harsh climate and sterile soil, with but
7,600 square miles of surface, and 1,000,000
of people, there were, in 1851, 3,987 schools,
or one for two square miles of surface, and an
annual eipenditure on schools, including
buildings, not far from 1,600,000 dollars, or
to learn the facts condensed in the following
table: —
BXTUAHSOF BIASSACBUSETTI.
1887. 1881.
No. of children m the
State from 4 to 16 184,896
No. of children in the
State from 6 to 16 196,636
Number of children
in nablic free
schools In summer . 179,497
Nnmber of same in
winter of aU ages .... 199,429
Average attendance
in winter 162,664
Number of teachers . 6,961 8,694
Average length of
school term 6 mo. 86 days 7 mo. 14 days.
Wages of male tea^
chers per month |26^ 9^^^
Wages of female
teachers pr. month fl 1 ^ ^l^h^
Average tax pr« child
of educational age,
assessed principal-
ly on property $%fff $A^^
Amount raised for
waees, fuel and
booKs, exclusive of
repairs and new
structures 9387,184 $916,389
Population of State
per census of 1840
and 1860 737,699 992,499
Assessors valuation
of taxable property
in the State for re-
turns of 1840 and
1850 $299,878,829 8597,986,996
Whole amount ex-
pended in public
and Dfivate schools
in Massachusetts
— exclusive of
buildings, in 1861 $1,363,700 63
Amount of public
school fund $1,000,000
8
114
POPULAR EDUCATION IN THE UNITED STATES.
[Sept.,
' It is «fl.sy to draw the inference from this
table, that the standard ot education has
been raised, the quality of teachers and teach-
ing improved, while the State has continued
to increase to a remarkable extent in popula-
tion, and still more rapidly in wealth.
During the period in question, this State,
which is devoted in a great measure to manu-
facturesy has absorbed between one and two
hundred thousand illiterate emigrants from
Ireland. *
In the schools of Massachusetts, no in-
struction is given in the tenets of any religious
denomination. The schools are usually open-
ed with reading a chapter of the Bible, and
a brief prayer, or address, from the master ;
but the duty of the master and committee to
inculcate morals is by no means forgotten.
It is prescribed by the fundamental laws, and
the attention paid to it may be inferred from
the following passages, which we cite from
the report of a scnool committee to their
constituents, in the little town of Winchen-
down, in Worcester county.
*The object of edncation is not merely to
teach the pupil to read, to learn the news of the
day, to write, to cypher, to keep his accounts, but
to receive that thorough mental discipline which
may prepare him for any sphere in which he may
be callea to move ; that development of the mind
which will elevate and ennoble his aspirations ;
that cultivation of the faculties wbKb will awaken
a quenchless thirst for knowledge; that influence
on the mental powers which will incline them to
the truth, as delicately as the needle seeks the
pole. Its object is to make strong minds, coura-
geous hearts, prompt, active and energetic men.'
' In relation to obedience, diligence, stillness,
decorum, manliness of manners, respect ta][supe-
riors, the pupil should be disciplined most tho-
.ronghly.'
The committee conclude with this earnest
appeal, as applicable to England as to Ame-
nca —
* Shall not we, the moral guardians, the foster-
fathers of the children of the ignorant and de-
pendent, see that our wards, whom Heaven has
put into our hands, are provided for ?'
The report of the town of Cambridge in
Massachusetts takes the ground that, —
* Our wealth is in the mines of the intellect
that lie hidden in the popular body, and not in
gold or silver coin.* < To make this available, we
must labor not only to extend some education to
all, but to put the best education within the reach
of those who can turn it to the best account.'
' No wastefulness is so mischievous as this, to
leave the high faculties to run to waste.*
^Onr duty is *fo awake a just conception of
what is exalted in feeling and conduct, and an in-
extinguishable love of moral purity and intellec-
tual culture." The great objects of school edu-
cation, are to give children such habits, tastes,
and ideas, as will strengthen them against the
temptations to which they are exposed, and form
their characters for further progress.'
When such sentiments and views guide
the managers of the schools, may not the
Catechism be safely left to the religious in-
structor ?
One more extract must suffice. A Boston
committee gives us some light on the effect
of schools on the population of the eity, one
half of which now consists of emigrants from
Ireland and their children. 'By these
schools much has been done to convert the
stagnant pools of ignorance and vice into
pure and healthful fountains of knowledge,
whose life-giving power pervades and pene-
trates all portions of society.'
A noble library, just founded in Boston by
Mr. Bates of London, of the house of Baring
Brothers, and a native of Massachusetts, will
aid and extend the influence of the schools.
The great State of New York, the most
populous in the Union, has since 1825, when*
the Erie canal was built, paid marked atten-
tion to education.
De Witt Clinton gave an impulse to both.
New York has gradually been accumulating
large funds for the advancement of letters,
and annually increasing its appropriations for
that object. Under the auspices of the State,
several colleges and universities have been
founded, eleven of which report to the State
in 1851, that 1801 students are in attend-
ance. One hundred and sixty academies also
report their pupils as 15,947, their perma-
nent endowments at $1,694,660. They give
the salaries of their teachers as $247,341,
and theit' libraries as containing 72,568 vol-
umes.
The superintendent of the common free
schools reports the entire number of school
.districts as 11,297, and the entire expenditure
for 1849, on the free schools of the State,
as $1,766,668. We have condensed from
several reports the following summary.
Population of the State in 1850
ditto 1840
Number of children between the
ages of five and sixteen years in
the State, 1850
Number of children of all ages
taught during the year
3,097,394
2,428,941
735,188
794,500
1858.]
POPULAB EDIJOATION IN THE UNITED STATES^
115
Whole amoiint of money expended
in common schools, incladini;
baildingfs, salaries, fuel, and
books in 1849
Amount paid. for bnildings, fuel,
&c., included in anra aix>ve
Amount contributed by State from
general tax and income of lauds
Income of school funds, 1849
Number of volumes in district
school libraries
Average length of school term,
1849, eight months.
Whole amount received and ex-
pended in common schools in
1825, but
91,766,668
$398,097
$906,822
$302,524
1,449,950
$265,720
The State of New York, as will appear
from the above, is fast increasing its outlay
on schools, and has liberally provided a li*
brary for each district. The State has also
established normal schools, which are tend-
ing to improve the teachers, and raise the
standard of qualification for office through-
out the State.
Teachers' institutes have been authorized,
and will soon be commenced. A school
journal has also been established, which serves
as the official channel of communication be-
tween the superintendent and the officers of
the district, and contributes to the improve-
ment of the system of public instruction.
The library and journal, as appendages of
the common shool, are apparently peculiar
to New York.
With respect to new sites and structures
for school- houses, the superintendent reports
that an increased regard to the comfort, con-
venience, and health both of pupils and
teachers and to refined taste, have been mani-
fested. He recommends enlarged sites for
school -houses, the introduction of tasteful
shrubbery, useful and ornamental plants, and
while providing for wholesome exercise, would
make some provision for developing those
higher faculties of our nature, which can ap-
preciate the beautiful, tasteful and orna-
mental.
The city of New York, the commercial
centre of the New World, is making pro-
gress in her schools. A few years since they
were inferior to those of New England ; but
of late years its most able and influential citi-
sens have taken them in charge, and nipid
improvement has been made. Normal
schools have been established, evening schools
have begun to instruct the adult emigrants,
who land there from Ireland and Germany
without the rudiments of knowledge, and a
free academy has been opened to teach the
bigber branches and the ancient languages to
the most distinguished graduates of the gram-
mar schools. The following table gives the
statistics of the schools. We would remark,
however, that some deduction must be made
from the aggregate number of scholars on
the registers of the city and State of New
York, as those who remove from district to
district during the year, are sometimes twice
entered on the register.
Whole number of children in the city
betwf'en five and fifteen years of
age, January, 1850 . . 90,145
Whole number entered on register in
schools daring the year 1849 of all
ages * 102,974
Number in free academy . 382
Number in evening schools . 3,450
Number in private, church, and other
schools 18,250
Amount paid for teachers* salaries,
1850 . . . $274,794
New buildings * . . . $32,000
Repairs $18,660
Sites $41,680
Cost of evening schools . . $16,621
Cost of free academy $16,270
Entire cost of free schools $400,029
Population of city proper, 1850 515,347
Ditto 1840 312,710
In the schools of the city and State of New
York, the exercises are usually begun by
reading a passage from the Bible ; but no
favor is shown to any religious denomination.
The degree of moral culture afforded by these
schools — their influence over the community,
and the favor with which they are regarded,
may be inferred from the extract we subjoin
from the annual report of the superintendent
of common schools to the legislature for 1850,
page 19.
'The idea of universal education is the grand
central idea of the age. Upon this broad and
comprehensive basis all the experience of the past,
all the crowding phenomena of the present,
and all our hopes and aspirations for the future,
must rest. Oar forefathers have transmitted to
us a noble inheritance of national, intellectual,
moral and religious freedom. They have con-
fided our destiny as a people to our own hands.
Upon our individual and combined intelligence,
virtue, and patriotism, rests the solution of the
great problem of self-government. We should
be untrue to ourselves, untrue to the memory of
our statesmen and patriots, untrue to the cause of
liberty, of civilization and humanity, if we neg-
lected the assiduous cultivation of those means
by which alone we can secure the realization of
the hopes we have excited. Those means are
the universal education of our future citizens
without discrimination or distinction. Wherever
in our midst a human being exists with capacities
116
FOPUXiAB EDUCATION IN THE UIOTED STATES.
tflept.
and facnlties to be developed, improved, culti-
vated, and directed, tlie avenaes of knowledge
should be freely opened, and every facility af-
forded to their nnrestricted entrance* Ignorance
should no more be countenanced than vice and
crime. The one leads almost inevitably to the
other. Banish ignorance, and in its stead intro-
duce intelli^nce, science, knowledge, and in-
ereasingj wisdom and enlightenment, and yon
remove in roost cases all those incentives to idle-
ness, vice, and crime, which produce such frightful
harvests of retribution, misery, and wretchedness.
Educate every child ^'to the top of his faculties,'*
and vou not only secure the community against
the depredations of the ignorant and the criminal,
but you bestow upon it, instead, productive
artisans, good citizens, upright jurors and magis-
trates, enlightened statesmen, scientific disco-
verers and inventors, and the dispensers of a
pervading influence in favor of honestv, virtue,
and true goodness. Educate every child physi-
cally, morally, and intellectually, from the age of
four to twenty-one, and many of your prisons,
penitentiaries, and almshouses will be converted
into schools of industry and temples of science ;
and the amount now contributed for their main*
tenance and support will be diverted into far more
profitable channels. Educate every child not su-
perficially, not partially, but thoroughly ; develop
equally and healthfully every faculty of his nature,
every capability of his being, and you infuse a new
and invigorating element intothe very life-blood
of civilization, an element which will difiuse itself
throughout every vein and artery of the social
and political system, purifying, strengthening, and
regenerating all its impulses, elevating its aspini'
tions, and clothing it with a power equal to every
demand upon its vast energies and resources.
'These are some of the results which must
follow in the train of a wisely matured and judi-
ciously organized system of universal education.
They are not imaginary, but sober deductions
from well-authenticated facts, deliberate conclu-
sions, and sanctioned by the concurrent testimony
of experienced educators and eminent statesmen
and philanthropists. If names are needed to
enforce the lesson they teach, those of Washing-
ton, and Franklin, and Hamilton, and Jefferson,
and Clinton, with a long array of patriots and
statesmen, may be cited. If facts are required to
illustrate the connection between ignorance and
crime, let the officers* return of convictions in the
several courts of the State for the last ten years
be examined, and the instructive lessons be
heeded. Out of nearly 28,000 jpersons convicted
of crime, but 128 had enjoyea the benefits of a
good common school education.*
The influence of education in New York is
still farther illustrated in a report of the
Board of Education of the city of New York
on the system of popular education^ May 28,
1851. The report appears to have been in
answer to a message of the mayor on the
increase of expense in the police, almshouse,
and school departments, which may be as- J
cribed doubtless to the great influx of foreign
emigrants. The report is a most able defence
of a system which has been found in New
York to give increased elevation to morals^
additional value to property, and higher
respectability and safety to the city.
* The mayor has associated the department of
common schools with those of the almshouse and
police. There are near and interesting relations
existing between these several departments. So
intimate indeed are these relations, and so imme-
diate and strong are the reciprocal influences
springing out of them, that the more you cherish
and sustain the one, the more von relieve the
other, and the more liberal an(f difiTusive your
system of education, and the more you contribute
for irs improvement and extension, the less you
will have to pay for the maintenance of the other
two departments.
*The more you subject all to the elevating',
refining, and conservative influences of a whole-
some, moral, intellectual, and industrial training,
the more you relieve your almshouses and police.
Extend education, and you diminish pauperism
and crime. Increase the number of scnoom, and
yon diminish in more than a corresponding de-
gree the number of those who are otherwise to
become the recipients of your charity, or the sub-
jects of your penal code. Between these alter-
natives you must decide. Can the choice in a
civilized and Christian community be either difli-
cult or doubtful, I will not say to the philanthro-
pist merely, but even to the taxpayer ?*
The city of New York continues to increase
its appropriations for schools ; 4nd its pro*
gress in the arts, commerce, wealth, and pop-
ulation attest their value.
The splendid library recently founded with
a bequest of half a million of dollars by Astor,
originally a poor German emigrant, will find
many readers in New York, and add much
to the attraction of the city.
On the southwest, New York borders on
Pennsylvania, a rich, central, agricultural
State, early settled by the Swedes, Germans,
and English Quakers. In 1682, William
Penn formed the first constitution of the
colony, and incorporated this clause into his
frame of government : ' Wisdom and virtue
are qualities which, because they descend not
with worldly inheritances, must be carefully
propagated by a virtuous education of youth.'
Although the value of education was thus
recognised by the first lawffiver of the colony,
his successors appear to have forgotten the
policy enjoined by their ancestors, and paid
little regard to it until the year 1831» when
the system of popular instruction was estab-
lished in the State.
At the outset, great diflicullies were en->
countered in the apathy of the German pop*
1858.]
POPULAB EDUCATION IN THE UNITED STATES.
11»
alatioD, BBd the want of competent teachers.
These were increased by the pecuniary em-
barrassments in which the state was involved
by the fail are of its banks, and the manage-
ment of the pablic works ; but gradually
these obstacles have been surmounted. The
State has recovered from its depression, re-
sumed the payment of the interest, and,
since 1844, annually appropriates 200,000
dollars in aid of the public schools. The
value of normal schools has also been recog-
nised, and several are now established.
The State has been divided into districts,
and each is required to assess taxes sufficient,
with its proportion of the public fund, to pro-
vide instruction for three or four months
yearly. We subjoin a condensed table of
the population, schools, and school expenses
of the State :—
Population of the State, 1850 . .
ditto 1840 . .
Number of children registered in
schools ID 1861
Number of children registered in
schods in 1836
Average length of short term, 1836
ditto 1861
Average salaries of male teachers
per month
Average salaries of female teachers
per month
Number of schools in 1861 . . .
ditto still required .
Entire expense of schopis . . . .
Amount in above items for struc-
tures
2,311,786
1,724,033
424,344
32,644
8 mo. 12 d.
6 mo. 1 day
$17.20
I10.16
8,610
674
$926,447.66
$263,741.06
In the brief period of sixteen years, the
pupils have increased thirteen-fold. The
term of instruction has been extended nearly
fifty per cent., and provision made to qualify
a superior class of teachers in normal schools.
Pennsylvania has not only secured its
schools, but has ascertained, by its experience,
that the most efficacious plan to educate a
community is to train the teachers, enabling
them to acquire knowledge, and the most
improved modes of imparting what they ac-
quire. The whole State is alive to the im-
portance of institutions affording ample means
for teachers to learn their duties before at-
tempting to perform them ; and those who
hare questioned the value of such institutions
are now their most ardent friends.
The superintendent of the schools, after
dilating on ^he importance of having good
teachers, and giving testimony to the value
and popularity of the normal schools, sub-
mits to the State a plan for an agricultural
college, for the gratmtous instruction of the
most promising youth, and estimates the an-
nual cost at 46,300 dollars.
Philadelphia, the commercial capital of
the State, and the second city in the Union,
anticipated the action of the State, but did
not commence its common school system un-
til 1818, or open its schools to the whole
community until 1836. In the last fifteen
years, however, it has laid the foundations
deep and wide, and is now making progress
in its free schools. No improvement escapes
its notice. The form, size, and classification
of its schools are subjects of study. The
most liberal provision is made for preparing
teachers in normal institutions.
Females are very generally employed in
the primary and grammar schools, with fa-
vorable results. This furnishes a most ap-
propriate occupation for women, besides re-
Qucing the cost of tuition. A high school
has been formed to receive the ilite pupils of
the grammar schools, and the qualifications
for admissions have been gradually raised,
and the studies advanced, until a collegiate
education is now given at the public expense,
and degrees of bachelors and masters of arts
are conferred on the graduates.
In this high school are employed ten pro-
fessors and two assistants. Five hunared
and five students are on the register. The
course is four years, and instruction is given
in the classics, French, Spanish, and the
higher mathematics, logic, elocution, and
philosophy in all its branches; chemistry,
navigation, and phonetics ; and all who enter
are obliged to pass a severe examination in
reading, writing, grammar, arithmetic, geog-
raphy, algebra, and geometry. The princi-
pal reporters of Congress are phonographic
reporters from this institution. We subjoin,
in tabular form, a brief view of the state of
education in Philadelphia : —
1840. ISfiO.
Population of Philadelphia 228,691 408,766
Number of school houses 16 60
ditto teachers 190 928
ditto scholars 19,000 48,000
Expenditures for schools $190,000 $336,000
The rapid growth of the State and its me-
tropolis in manufactures, commerce, build-
ings, population, and the useful arts, shows
that education has not checked their career ;
while the popular feeling which has been
awakened in its behalf, where apathy former-
ly prevailed, attests its beneficial influence.
We have thus cited three of the leading
States, and three of the principal cities of the
Union, to illustrate what progress the United
States have niade, and are still making, in
118
POPUIiAR EDUCATION IN THE UNITED STATEJPu
[Sept.,
education. But let it not be supposed tfiat
the subject is disregarded in other sections of
the Union ; although in some of the southern
States, where the population is sparse and
slavery exists, less zeal is evinced. Even
there the influence of the leading States is
widely felt, and a spirit of inquiry and rivalry
is awakened.
In Richmond and New Orleans measures
are in progress to improve their system of
free schools. In most of the western and
southwestern States, large reservations of
land have been made by Congress for the
purposes of education, which will soon be, or
already are, productive. The remote city of
St. Louis, in the border State of Missouri,
appropriates yearly 100,000 dollars to the
public schools — a sum greater in proportion
than the disbursemeut of New York ; and
even in Texas, where a few years since the
bowie-knife and revolver were used to settle
all difficult questions, the Journal of Com-
merce apprises us that schools exist in every
county, and nearly 200 churches are in pro-
gress. So many States are now embarked
in education, and such is the current in its
favor, that none can resist the force of public
opinion. The school rises in the forest, and
is but the precursor of the spire and belfry
of the village church. Religion, if it maj
not guide, is a close attendant upon the
schools of America.
On the western frontier of the Union on
the bank of the Mississippi lies the frontier
State of Iowa, one of the youngest members
of Ihe confederacy. The adventurous settlers
have but just built their cabins and marked
out their shire towns and villages, but they
have carried with them the love for learning ;
and on those prairies where the Indian but
yesterday figured in the war-dance, of chased
the buffalo, the philosopher now plans a sys-
tem of moral ana intellectual culture.
A superintendent of schools has already
been appointed, and education provided for
by an organic law. The central government
here, with wise liberality, reserved for edu-
cation a million and a half acres of land, val-
ued at two to three millions of dollars. A
portion is already productive. Public provi-
sion has been made for the instruction of the
deaf and dumb. A treatise by Mr. Barnard
on school architecture is circulated at the
public expense. Three colleges have been
founded. Two normal schools have been in-
stituted ; district schools have been com-
menced ; the old theory that the parent and
schoolmaster were responsible for the educa-
tion of the child has been exploded, and the
State is held responsible for the education of
its youth.
Such are the state and prospects of edu-
cation on the very verge of the wilderness,
more than 1200 miles from tide water, in a
State which numbered but 43,000 people in
1840, and but 192,000 souls by the late
census.
After this glance at particular States and
cities, the reader will not be surprised at the
results which we condense from Mitchell into
the following summary. The returns em-
brace States containing more than two-thirds
of the inhabitants of the Union. The others
have not yet published their returns:
Number of children in States mak-
ing returns of educational age
Number of children attending pub-
lic schools in same ....
Annual expenditure on public
schools in same
Number of students in colleges,
law, and medical schools . .
Number of volumes in public libra-
ries of the United States . . .
ditto colle^ libraries
Amount of public Bchool funds be-
side land
Population of the United States,
Estimated population, December,
1862 •
3,723,766
2,967,741
$7,086,693
18,260
3,954,375
846,465
$17,967,662
23,266,972
26,000,000
The z^ for education in the United States
has passed their bordeVs, already animates
Upper Canada, and is gradually penetrating
the provinces of Lower Canada and Nova
Scotia. Normal schools have been for some
time in progress in Upper Canada, and will
soon find countenance in the other provinces.
The comparative progress of these colonies
may be inferred from the annexed table :
Canada, West, 1849, population . . 803.566
« •* " children in
public schools 161,891
Canada, West, 1849, paid for
salaries $330,720
Canada, East, 1849, population . . 768,344
Canada, East, 1849, children in
public schools 73,651
Canada, East, 1849, public grant . . $50,772
Nova Scotia, 1849, population . . . 300,000
Nova Scotia, 1849, children in
public schools ..*.... 30,631
Nova Scotia, 1849, annual ex-
pense for same $136,286
While the upper province of 6anada rea-
dily adopts the school which has borrow-
ed from the improved system of Ireland, the
French inhabitants of the lower province cling
more tenaciously to their ancient usages and
1858.]
POPULAE EDUCATION IN THE UOTTED STATESu
119
habits. Railways, hoirever, are fast inva-
ding the provinces, and will soon bring them
in contact with iheir more mercurial neigh-
bors, and obliterate their prejudices.
Our glance at education m the Transat-
lantic States leads us to some important re-
sults. We glean from it, not only the facts
that more than 3,000,000 of pupils attend
the public fre^ schools, and that large funds
are accumulating for the purposes of educa-
tion, but we deduce more interesting conclu-
sions. It is obvious that the system of pub-
lic instruction has taken firm hold of the pub-
lic mindj and is eminently popular and pro-
gressive ; that it is pervading the entire coun-
try, and assuming a higher tone and charac-
ter.
There is a determination in America to
unite the thinking head with the working
hand, and to elicit all the talent of the coun-
try. The system of public schools drew
Daniel Webster from obscurity to guide and
enlighten his country ; and more Websters
are required. The respect for education dis-
plays itself in the embellishment of the
grounds of the country schools. In place of
the low and comfortless school-room, brick
structures are now reared in the large towns,
seventy feet in length by sixty in width, and
four stories high, well ventilatd, and warmed
by furnaces. Tiie books are improved, and
libraries provided. The local committees
give place to able superintendents and boards
of control. Music is added to the studies, —
schools of design are established, — normal
schools to prepare teachers, are provided.
Institutions are started to educate the deaf,
dumb, blind, and idiotic : all these are at the
public charge. Academies and colleges fol-
low, and schools for arts, law, medicine, and
divinity succeed ; and to stimulate the whole,
teachers' institutes, school journals, and
agents are employed by the State to disse-
minate information, and fan the public enthu-
siasm. Appeals are constantly made to the
public to suffer no waste of talent or intellect;
to give the luxury of learning to the class
doomed to toil, and to counteract the bad
influences of the home of the illiterate emi-
grant by the attractions of the school.
Under these incentives the taxes for schools
are cheerfully paid, and education progresses.
What are its effects ? Do we not see them
in the quickened action of the American
mind, in its more rapid adaptation of means
to ends ; in the application of steam, and the
great water power of the country, as a sub-
stitute for labor ; in teaching it to move the
spindles, the loom, the saw, drill, stone-cut-
ter, and the planing, polishing, and sewing
machines ; in replacing the living man and
woman by steam carpet looms and artificial
reapers ; in teaching the locomotive and car
to surmount steep acclivities, and wind round
sharp curves at trifling expense; in design-
ing new models and new modes of construct-
ing, rigging, and steering ships upon the sea,
diminishing the crews while doubling the
speed and size of the vessel ; inventing new
processes for spinning and bleaching; new
furnaces for the steam engine, and new
presses for the printer ?
A few years since, the question was asked
by a distinguished divine, ' Who reads an
American work ?' The question now is,
' Who does not read an American book, jour-
nal, or newspaper ?' The trained soldier can
effect more than the raw recruit, and the
skilled artisan more than the rude plough-
boy. Disciplined America can entrust the
guidance of her mechanism and the teaching
of her children to the trained female, and
devote the strength and talent of the male
to agriculture, navigation, construction, and
invention. Temperance seems to follow in
the train of education. Thirty years since,
spirits were used to excess in many of the
States. A marked change has occurred as
education has advanced, and now in sojne
States the sale of spirits is almost disconti-
nued. The saving thus effected more than
counterbalances the whole cost of education.
The effect of education on morals is well
illustrated by the progress of Massachusetts
in one branch of manufactures, that of boots
and shoes. While in some countries the
manufacturer dares not entrust the materials
to the workmen at their houses, in this State
the artisans are scattered in their rural homes,
the materials sent to them with entire con-
fidence, and returned weekly ready for the
market. Among other great branches of in-
dustry, this now amounts annually, in this
little Stete, to 6,000,000/. sterling.
In this same State, in the face of a large
immigration of laborers from Ireland^ and
liberal outlay for their shelter, pauperism has
been virtually receding. We learn from
Hunt's Merchants' Magazine for June, 1851,
that in the twelve years preceding, in that
State, population had increased 40 per cent.,
wealth 120 per cent., and the cost of pau-
perism but 38 per cent., although 2,880
foreigners were aided in 1847, and 12,384
received assistance in 1850. ''Thi^ in
twelve years," the writer remarks, " the
cost of maintaining the poor, distributed per
capita upon the population, has fallen from
120
FRENCH LTTERATCTRE.
[Bepl.,
44 cents per head to 43, and the percentage
on property has been actually reduced one-
third. Native pauperism is comparatively
diminished, and the principal draft on the
charity of Massachusetts is the temporary
aid given to the foreign emigrant."
We learn by the census returns lately pub-
lished, that in 1850 the whole number of
churches and meeting-houses in the United
States was 36,011, containing 13,849,896
seats, or room for three- fifths of the existing
population. In this growing country nearly
one-fifth of the inhabitants are under the age
of six ; and if we deduct those who from sicK-
ness, extreme youth, old age, or domestic
duties, are unable to worship together, this
must be a very liberal provision. By the
same returns we find the whole number of
foreigners in the country was 2,210,828, or
less than one-tenth the entire population;
and while the annual expense for paupers
was but 600,000/., the permanent foreign
paupers were )3,437, and the native 36,947
only. With respect to crime the ratio is still
more striking. Of 27,000 crimes in the
United States during 1850, no less than
14,000 were committed by foreigners. In a
country whose natives are educated, more
than half the crimes are traced to illiterate
foreigners, forming less than one- tenth of the
whole population.
It seems, then, to be established in Ameri-
ca, that general education increases the effi-
ciency of a nation, promotes temperance, aids
religion, and checks pauperism; while all
concede that it diminishes crime. Why
should its effects be different in England, and
why should we not find in education a cheap
ana most admirable substitute for prisons and
penal colonies ? If in America holders of pro-
perty sustain education, because they insure
their own safety, and the security of their
fortunes, by the instruction of the masses.
why should not the same results attend edu-
cation in England ?
Ag^in, if America, with all her accessions
from natural growth and immigration, cannot
afford to lose the mines of intellect hidden
in the popular masses ; if she is not rich
enough in intellect to suffer their faculties to
run to waste, can England, comparatively
stationary in growth and population, afford
such loss ?
The future contests of nations will not be
confined to warlike encounters. They will
be in the field of science and arts, and that
nation will attain to th^ highest distinction
which shall excel in the arts of peace. If
other nations are cultivating and developing
the human intellect, let not England be dis-
tanced in the course. She can appreciate the
effective force of the skilful artisan, the dis-
ciplined soldier, and trained athlete. Will
she not appreciate the value of the disciplined
mind, of educated labor? Do* not her posi-
tion, climate, and wealth enable her to wield
them with the most advantage ? If the hum-
ble citizen of a village in America considers
himself the foster father of the children of
the poor, the natural guardian of those Hea-
ven has intrusted to him, and under moral
obligations to educate his wards, will the
philanthropists of England exhibit less bene-
volence ? And is there any country in which
the natural powers of the mind offer a more
favorable field for cultiva^on — ^in which edu-
cation is likely to yield a more plentiful har-
vest— than England? We have so lately
given a full consideration to the subject of
popular education in this country, that we
need not here dwell upon its importance;
we will only add our conviction, that when-
ever the conflicting religious views which
now impede its extension shall have been
reconciled, no difficulties of a merely econo-
mical character will prove insuperable.
■**•
«♦♦-
French LrrKRATURK. — ^The Athenceum, re-
viewing (with much ability) the literary char-
of the past year, remarks that France is, for
the moment, blotted out from the list of lite-
rary nations. " All the muses are silent on
her soil. Her poets are exiles — ^her wits and
orators silent. Her historians, with one bold
and noble exception, are abashed and idle."
What is true of literary France is true in its
degree of almost every other country on the
continent of Europe. " In Prussia, the
Muses have been gagged — as Freiligrath
would tell us, did we need his word for such
a fact ; — in Austria they have been sent to
jail ; — in Italy they have been shot in almost
every market-place."
1853]
POLITICAL SATIBIS UmDER OBSORGB THE THISD.
121
From the Betroipectire Bevi«w.
POLITICAL SATIRES UNDER GEORGE THE THIRD.*
Thb literature of politics is a Tery dbtinct
and a very peculiar one, aud is not undeserv-
ing of our attention ; for, though full of ex-
aggeration and falsehood, it alone gives us an
bsight into an important part of historical
knowledge, that of contemporary political
sentiment, and it often throws a light on po-
litical motives and causes for which we may
look elsewhere in vain. It is a literature
which, wherever it exists, strongly marks the
independence of the people, and the freedom
of the press, yet it varies much, according to
times and circumstances. In England, umler
the commonwealth it was a bitter war of con-
troversial pamphlets ; after the restoration it
degenerated into mere personal slander and
defomation ; and this character was unfortu-
nately more or less preserved until the com-
mencement of the present century. With
George II. political caricatures began to be
numerous and influential, and these and po-
litical satire took a grand development under
the eventful reign of George III. Use breeds
familiarity, and we derive a strong argument
in favor of the freedom of the press from the
contrast between the extraordinary influence
of such productions in the age when the gov-
ernment tried to overawe the press, and their
utter harmlessness at present, when the press
b altogether unshackled. When we cast a
retrospective glance over the political writings
of diffisrent ages, we cannot but feel the great
worthlessness of this literature in general, as
a literature, but at times — moments of extra-
ordinary excitement — a few political writings
* The Rolliadt ^« *Wi Pa/rU; Probaiianary Odei
for the Zauremisshfp ; and PolUieal Mieeellaniee :
wUh CfiHeienu and Illuatrationt, Bevieed, ear-
rected, and enlarged by the Original AtUhort. Lon-
don: Printed for J. Bidgwsv, York Street^ St.
Jamea^B Square. 1796. (8vo, ionrth edition.)
Poetry of the Anti-^/acohin : eomprieing the cele-
brated Political and Satirical PoenUf Parodiee, and
Jeux'd'eaprit of the Right Hon. George Canning^ the
Marl of JAverpoolf Margie WelUtley, the Right
Hon. Jt, H. Prere, Q. Ellis, Esq., W, Oifford, Esq.,
and othere. New and Revised Edition, with Expta-
naiory Notes. [Edited by CHAaun Edmokds.]
London: G. Willu^ Great Piazza, Covent Garden.
1852. (12nio.)
have appeared which deserved to be remem-
bered, and perhaps republished, although
even these are too temporary in their allu-
sions to admit of being made very popular
at the present day.
The sentiments of George III. were hostile
to the Whig party, which had so vigorously
supported die house of Hanover on the Eng-
lish throne, and the men who had been ac-
customed to guide the helm of the state with
small interruption since the revolution, were
bitterly provoked at the triumph of their op-
ponents. The reign of Bute was assailed m
a continual strain of coarse and indecent
abuse, which deserved only to be forgotten.
The Whigs again obtain a temporary tri-
umph. We pass over the period of the
American war, which was followed by the
coalition ministry of North and Fox. Then
came the India bill, back-stairs influence, the
overthrow of the ministrv» and the com-
mencement of the long ministerial career of
younff William Pitt. These events, and es*
pecially the Westminster election of 1784,
with the political activity of the beautiful
and accomplished Georgiana, Duchess of
Devonshire, and the defeat of Sir Cecil Wray
by Fox, drew forth an extraordinary number
of caricatures and political squibs. Many of
the latter exhibited more than usual talent,
but one among them gained a reputation
which -has outlived that of nearly all its con-
temporaries. John RoUe, one of the minis-
terial supporters, had acted a very prominent
part in the vexatious scrutiny set agoing by
the court, after the Westminster election, and
one of the cleverest of the Whig writers, a
young doctor of laws, named Lawrence, con-
ceived the idea of making him the subject of
a supposed epic poem, in which his descent
was pretended to be traced from Rollo, Duke
of Normandy. This supposed epic was only
produced in fragments, imbedded' in a witty,
and often very ludicrous critique, which first
appeared in consecutive chapters in the jour-
nals, but was subsequently collected together
in a volume, and went through rather nume-
rous editiooB.
122
FOUnCAL SATIRES UNDER GEORGE THE THIRD.
[Sept.,
The subject of the pretended epic is sup-
posed to be the invasion of England, by Duke
RoUo, who has a child by the wife of a Saxon
^ drummer, and in a secret visit to London, is
indulged by the soothsayer. Merlin, with a
vision of the future glories of his descendant,
Rolle, in the House of Commons. On this
canvass is engrafted a running satire on the
Tory ministers and their partisans, which is
often exquisitely refined and pungent. The
style of banter in which the critique is carried
on through page after page, may be best il-
lustrated by one or two examples. The first
is an extract from the description of the
king's chaplain, Dr. Prettyman : —
**Our author now pursues his herb to the pul-
pit, and there, in imitation of Homer, who always
takes the opportunity for giving a minute des-
cription of his persona: , when they are on the
very verge of entering upon an en^gement, he
gives a labored, but animated detail of the Doc-
tor's personal manners and deportment. Speak-
ing of the penetrating: countenance for which the
doctor is distinguished, he says,
" Abgus could boast an hundred eyes, 'tis true.
The Doctor looks an hundred ways with two :
Gimlets they are, and bore you through and
through."
*' This is a very elegant and classic compliment,
and shows clearly what a decided advantage onr
reverend hero possesses over the celebrated
j^^aXfJLo^ouXo^ of antiquity. [Addison is justly
famous in the literary world, for the judgment
with which he selects and applies familiar words
to great occasions, as in the instances :
" The great, the important day.
Big with the fate of €ato and of Rome."
" The sun grows dim with age," &c. &.c.
" This is a very great beauty, for it fares with
ideas, as with individuals ; we are the more in-
terested in their fate, the better we are acquaint-
ed with them. But how inferior is Addison in
this respect to our author !
** Gimlets they are," &.C.
** There is not such a word in all Cato ! How
well-known and domestic the image ! How specific
and forcible the application !"
The following passage illustrates the man-
ners of the young country members of the
House of Commcns, who lounged in the lob-
bies, while it strikes sideways at the habits
of inebriety of the prime minister : —
"The description of the lobby also furnishes
an opportunity of interspersing a passage of the
tender kind, in praise of the Fomona who attends
there with oranges. Our poet calls her Hucstb-
BiA, and, by a dexterous stroke of art, compares
her to Shiptonia, whose amours with Rollo forai
the third and fourth books of the Rollijj).
* Behold the lovely wanton, kind and fair,
As bright Shiftonia, late thy amorous care !
Mark now her winning smiles, and witching
eyes,
On yonder unfledg'd orator she tries !
Mark with what grace she offers to his hand
The- tempting orange, pride of China's land !'
'* This gives rise to a panegyric on the medical
virtues of oranges, and an oblique censure on the
indecent practice of our young senators, who
come down drunk from the eating-room, to sleep
in the gallery.
* O ! take, wise youth, th' Hesperian fruit, of use
Thy lungs to cherish with balsamic juice.
With this thy parch'd roof moisten ; nor con-
sume
Thy hours and guineas in the eating-room,
Till, full of claret, down with wild uproar
You reel, and stretch'd along the gallery, snore.'
^'From this the poet naturally slides into a
general caution against the vice of drunkenness,
which he more particularly enforces, by the in-
stance of Mr. Pitt's late peril, from the farmer at
Wandsworth.
' Ah ! think, what danger on debauch attends :
Let Pitt, once drunk, preach temp'rance to his
friends ;
How, as he wander'd darkling o'er the plain.
His reason drowned in Jeneinson's champaigne,
A rustic's hand, but righteous fate withstood,
Had shed a premier's tor a robber's blood."'
The back -stair influence, and the part
which the Marquis of Buckingham had acted
in it, provoked the following sarcastic pas-
sage : —
** It being admitted, that the powers of the hu-
man mind depend on the number and association
of our ideas, it is easy to show that the illustrious
marquis is entitled to the highest rank in the
scale of human intelligence. His mind possesses
an unlimited power of inglutition, and nis ideas
adhere to each other with such tenacity, that
whenever his memory is stimulated by any power-
ful interrogatory, it not only discharges a full
answer to that individual question, but likewise
such a prodigious flood of collateral kndwledge,
derived from copious and repeated infusions, aa
no common skull would be capable of containing.
For these reason«i, his lordship's fitness for the
department of the Admiralty, a department con-
nected with the whole cydopeedia of science, and
requiring the greatest variety of talents and ex-
ertions, seems to be pointed out by the hand of
Heaven ; — it is likewise pointed out by the dying
drummer, who describes, in the following lines,
the immediate cause of his nomination : —
* On the great day, when Buckingham, by pairs
Ascended, Heaven impell'd, the K -g's back-
stairs;
And panting, breathless, strain'd his lungs to
show
From Fox's bill what mighty ills would flow ;
1868.]
POLITICAL SATIRES UNDBB GEOBOE THE THIRD.
128
That 6oon, its source eorrupi^ opini&rCs thready
On India's deleterious streams wm'd shed ;
That Hastinjfs, Miinny Begun), Scott, must fall.
And Pitt, and Jenkinson, and Leadenhal! ;
Still, as with stammering tongue, he told his tale.
Unusual terrors Brunswick's heart assail ;
Wide starts his white wig from his royal ear.
And each particular hair stands stiff with fear.'
•* We flatter ourselveH that few of our readers
are so void of tar^te, as not to feel the transcen-
dent beauties of this description. First, we see
the noble Marquis mount the fatal steps **by
pairs,'* i. e. by two at a time ; and with a degree
of effort and fatigue : and then he is out of breath,
which is perfectly natural The obscurity of the
third couplet, an oftscurity which has been imita-
ted by all the ministerial writers on the India hill,
arises from a confusion of metaphor, so inexpressi-
bly beautiful, that Mr. Hastings has thought fit
to copy it almost verbatim, in his celebrated letter
from Lack now. The effects of terror on the
royal wig, are happily imagined, and are infinite-
ly more sublime than the " steleruntque cotjkc" of
the Roman Poet ; as the attachment of a wig to
its wearer, is obviously more generous and disin-
terested than that of ttie person's own hair, which
naturally participates in the gocid or ill fortune of
the head on which it grows. But to proceed.
Men in a fright are usually generous; on that
great day therefore the marquis obtained the pro-
mise uf the Admiralty. The dying drummer then
proceeds to describe the marquis's well-known
vision, which he prefaces by a compliment on his
lordship's extraordinary proficiency in the art of
lace-making. We have all admired the parlia-
mentary exertions of this great man, on every
subject that related to an art in which the county
of Buckingham is so deeply interested ; an art»
hj means of which Britannia (as our author hap-
pily expresses it)
' Puckers round nkked breasts^a decent trimming.
Spreads the thread-trade, and propagates oul
women ! ' "
These extracts will be enough to show the
character and style of the famous RoUiad,
which must be read through to be apprecia-
ted. Unfortunately, many of ita allusions
are to persons now so entirely forgotten, that
it would require a rather copious commen-
tary to make it generally understood.
Several other remarkable political satires
came out nearly contemporaneously with the
Rolliad. A vacancy in the laureatesbip,
which was filled by the well-known Thomas
Warton, gave occasion for the publication of
a collection of what were supposed to be
" Probationary Odes/' written in the names
of the ministers and leading men of the mi-
nisterial party, in the characters of candidates
for the vacant office. Some of them are ex-
ceedingly droll, and amusingly characteristic
of the pretended writers. The batch of ode
writers opens with Sir Cecil Wray, the de-
feated of Westminster, who was accused of
childish incapacity, and of having perpetra-
ted some attempts at poetry of a very laugh-
able kind. 'We need only give the opening
lines of the ode here fathered upon Wray :
« Hark ! Hark !— hip ! hip !— hoh ! hoh !
Wha)/a mort of bards are a singing !
Alhwjui— across^ below —
I 'nf. sure there's a dozen a dinging !
I hear sweet shells, loud harps, large lyres^ —
Some, 1 trow, are tun'd by sauirea —
Some by priests, and some by lords ! — while Joe
and I
Our bloody hands, hoist up, like meteors, on high !
Yes, Joe and I
Are em'lous — Why ?
It is because, great Cjesar, you are clever —
Therefore we'd sing of you for ever !
Si ng — sing — f»i ng — si ng
God save the King !
Smile then, Cjesar, smile on Wray !
Crown at last his poll with bay ! —
Come, oh ! bay, and with thee bring
Salary, illustrious thing ! —
Laurels vain of Covenl Garden,
I don't value you a farding ! —
Let sack my soul cheer,
For 'tis sick of small beer !" &«.
The Attorney-General (Pepper Arden), in
a truly legal ode, comes out strong on his do-
mesticities : —
** And oh ! should Mrs, Arden bless me with a
child,
A lovely boy, as beauteous as myself, and mild ;
The little Pepper would some caudle lack ;
Then think of Arden s wife,
My pretty 'plaintiff's life,
The t)est of caudle's made of best of sack !
Let thy dectu
But favor me
My hills and briefs, rebutters and detainers.
To Archy I'll resign
Without a/ee ot fine,
Attaekments, replications, and retainers !
To Juries, Benchy Exchequer, Seals,
To ChancWy Court, ani Lords, I'll bid adieu;
No more demurrers nor appeals;
My writs of error shall hejm'gd by you."
Major Scott is pre-eminently loyal, and
makes choice attempts at the sublime : —
*• Curs'd be the clime, and curs'd the laws, that lay
Insulting bonds on George's sovereign sway !
Arise, my soul, on wings of fire,
To God's anointed, tune the lyre ;
Hail ! George, thoo all-accomplished King !
Just type of Him who rules on high !
Hail ! inexhausted, boundless spring
Of sacred truth and Holy Majesty I
Grand is thy form, — 'bout five feet ten.
Thou well-built, worthiest, best of men !
Thy chest is stoat, thy back is broad, —
Thy pages view thee, and are aw'd !
124
FOunoAL sahbeb uitder oboroe the thibb.
[Sept.,
Lo ! how thy white eyes roll !
Thy whiter eyebrows stare !
Honest soul !
Thou*rt witty, as thou'rt fair ! "
The swearing and blustering Lord Chan-
cellor Thurlow 18 made equally to keep up his
character ; and his ode is so absolutely pro-
fane, that we can venture no further than the
commencement :—
" Damnation seize ye all,
Who puff, who thram, who bawl and squall !
Fir'd with ambitious iiopes in vain,
The wreath that blooms for other brows to ^in ;
Is Thurlow yet so little known ? —
Bv G— d 1 swore, while George shall reign,
The seals, in spite of changes, to retain.
Nor quit the woolsack till he quits the throne !
And now the bays for life to wear.
Once mure, with mightier oaths by G — d I swear !
Bend my black brows that keep the Peers in awe.
Shake my full-bottom wig, and give the nod of
law."
The weight of literary talent was now cer-
tainly on the side of the Whigs, and for se-
veral years their opponents smarted bitterly
under these satirical attacks. At length the
French revolution broke out, and the atro-
cities which accompanied it, and the sangui-
nary wars that followed, produced a reaction
in public sentiments in England. Still the
Tory ministers winced under the force of sa-
tirical talent which was bent against them,
until, in the autumn of 1797, George Canning
started the ' Anti-Jacobin Review/ which
was edited by Gifford, the author of the 'Ba-
viad' and 'Maeviad,' and which 'was written
by a knot of young Tory writers, of no mean
talent. Its object was to turn into ridicule
the French republicans, as well as those in
England who were supposed to favor their
sentiments, which the ministerialists insinua-
ted, included the whole liberal party. These
writers (including, besides Canning and Gif-
ford, John Hookham Frere, Jenkinson (after-
wards Earl of Liverpool), George Ellis, Lord
Clare^ Lord Mornington (afterwards Marquis
of Wellesley), and Dr. John Whitaker) " en-
tered upon their task with no common spirit.
Their purpose was to blacken their adversa-
ries, and they spared no means, fair or foul,
in the attempt. Their most distinguished
countrymen, whose only fault was their being
opposed to government, were treated with
no more respect than their foreign adversa-
ries, and were held up to public execration
as traitors, blasphemers, and debauchees.
So alarmed, however, became some of the
more moderate supporters of ministers, at
the boldness of the language employed, that
Mr. Pitt was induced to interfere, and, after
an existence of eight months, the ' Anti-Jaco-
bin' (in its original form) ceased to exist."
These are the words of Mr. Charles Ed-
monds, to whom we owe a very nice edition
of the only part of the ' Anti- Jacobin' that
will bear reprinting, its poetry. The poetry
of the ' Anti* Jacobin,' which comprises some
of the best effusions of the witty iirriters
mentioned above, was reprinted in a collec-
tive form soon after the 'Review' was dis-
continued; and, always sought after with in-
terest, the original edition had become a rare
book. Mr. Edmonds's reprint is not only
very carefully edited, but it is rendered in-
telligible to readers at the presiient day, by a
tolerably copious addition of illustrative
notes ; and this celebrated, though small, col-
lection is now placed so far within the reach
of every reader, that it is quite unnecessary
for us to enter into any detailed account of
it. We need only say, that it contains one
or two of the most celebrated pieces in oar
language, such as Canning's 'Friend of Hu-
manity' and the 'Knife Grinder,' the song of
^La Sainte Guillotine,' and others. The
' Loves of the Triangles,' and the ' Progress
of Man,' written for the purpose of ridicu-
ling Dr. Darwin's ' Loves of the Plants,' and
Payne Knight's * Progress of Civil Society,'
are among the cleverest parodies of modem
times. Tom Moore has said of the two
works to which we have been more especial-
ly calling attention : " 'The Rolliad ' and the
' Anti- Jacobin ' may, on their respective sides
of the question, be considered as models of
that style of political satire, whose lightness
and vivacity give it the appearance of pro-
ceeding rather from the wantonness of wit
than of ill-nature, and whose very malice,
from the fancy with which it is mixed up,
like certain kinds of fire-works, explodes in
sparkles." The poetry of the * Anti-Jacobin*
deserved a reprint ; and we rejoice to hear
that Mr. Edmonds's first edition is already
sold, and that he is preparing another, to be
made more complete, by the addition of new
notes, and of an appendix. We would recom-
mend to him, afterwards, the ' RoUiad ' it-
self, which is, in many respects, superior to
the ' Anti- Jacobin' poetry, and a new edition
of which, with explanatory notes, would, we
think, be equally successfuL We believe,
indeed, that a ' Select Political Library,' of
a few of the choice works of this class, would
not be an unsuccessful undertaking.
18(3.]
WAINWBIOHT, THE MUHDEKER.
12ft
From Frtneii' Annals, ftc, of Life Insnrtne«.
WAINWRIOHT, THE MURDERER.
In 1830, two ladies, both yoang and both
attractive, were ia the habit of visiting vari-
ous offices, with proposals to insure the life of
the younger and unmarried one. The visi^
of these persons became at last a somewhat
pleasing feature in the monotony of business,
and were often made a topic of conversation.
Ko sooner was a policy effected with one
company than a visit was paid to another,
with the same purpose. From the Hope to
the Provident, from the Alliance to the Peli-
can, and from the Eagle to the Imperial, did
these strange visitors pass almost daily.
Surprise was naturally excited at two of the
gentler sex appearing so often alone in places
of business resort, and it was a nine days'
wonder.
Behind the curtain, and n^rely appearing
as an actor, was one who, to the literary
reader, versed in the periodical productions
of thirty years ago, will be familiar under the
name of Janus Weathercock ; while, to the
student of our criminal annals, a name will
be recalled whbh is only to be remembered
as an omen of evil. The former will be re-
minded of the "London Magazine," when
Elia and Barry Cornwall were conspicuous in
its pages, and when Hazlitt, with Allan
Cunningham, added to its attractions. But
with these names it will recall to them also
the face and form of one with the craft and
beauty of the serpent ; of one too who, if he
broke not into '' the bloody house of life,"
has been singularly wronged. The writings
of this man in the above periodical were very
characteristic of his nature ; and under the
nom de guerre of Janus Weathercock, Thomas
Griffith Wainwright wrote with a fluent,
pleasant, egotisticiil coxcombry, which was
then new to English literature, a series of
papers on art and artists. An habitui of the
opera and a fastidious critic of the hcdlety a
mover among the most fashionable crowds,
into which he could make his way, a lounger
in the parks and the foremost among the visi-
tors at our pictorial exhibitions, the fine
person and superfine manners of Wainwright
were ever prominent. The articles which he
penned for the " London/* were lovingly il-
lustrative of self and its enjoyments. He
adorned his writings with descriptions of his
appearance, and — an artist of no mean abili-
ty himself — sketched boldly and graphically
'^ drawings of female beauty, in which the
voluptuous trembled on the borders of the
indelicate ;" and while he idolized his own,
he depreciated the productions of others*
This self-styled fashionist appears to have
created a sensation in the circle where he ad-
ventured. His good-natured, though " pre-
tentious" manner; his handsome, though
sinister countenance; even his braided sur«
tout, his gay attire, and semi-military aspect,
made him a favorite. " Kind, light-hearted
Janus Weathercock,'^ wrote Charles Lamb.
No one knew anything of his previous life.
He was said to have been in the army — ^it
was whispered that he had spent more than
one fortune ; and an air of mystery, which he
well knew how to assume, magnified him into
a hero. About 1825, he ceased to contribute
to the magazine ; and from this period, the
man whose writings were replete with an in-
tense luxurious enjoyment, — ^whose organi-
zation was so exquisite, that his love of the
beautiful became a passion, and whose mind
was a significant union of the ideal with the
voluptuous — was dogged in his footsteps by
death. It was death to stand in his path —
it was death to be his friend — it' was death
to occupy the very house with him. Well
might his associates join in that portion of
our litany which prays to be delivered "from
battle, from murder, and from sudden detUh*^
for sudden death was ever by his side.
In 1829, Wamwright went with his wife
to visit his uncle, by whose bounty he had
been educated, and from whom he had ex-
pectancies. His uncle died after a brief ill-
ness, and Wainwright inherited his property.
Nor was he long in expending it. A fur-
ther supply was needed ; and Helen Frances
Phoebe Abercrombie, with her sister, Made-
line, step-sisters to bis wife, came to reside
with Wainwright; it being soon after this
that those extraordinary visits were made at
120
WAINWRIGHT, THE MUBDEBER.
[Sept,
the yarious life offices, to which allusioo has
been made. On 28th March, 1830, Mrs.
Wainwright, with her step-sister, made their
first appearance at an insurance office, the
Palladium ; and by the 20th April a policy
was opened on the life of . Helen Frances
Phoebe Aberorombie, a " buxom, handsome
girl of oneand-twenty," for 3000/., for three
years only. About tne same time a further
premium was paid for an insurance with an-
other office, also for 8000/., but only for two
years. The Provident, the Pelican, the Hope,
the Imperial, were soon similarly favored;
and in six months from granting the first
policy 12,000/. more had been insured on the
fife of the same person, and still for only
two years. But 18,000/. wss not enough for
" kind, light-hearted Janus- Weathercock ;"
2000/. more was proposed to the Eagle, 6000/.
to the Globe, ana 5000/. to the Alliance ; all
of whom however had learned wisdom. At
the Globe, Miss* Abercrombie professed scarce-
ly to know why she insured ; telling a palpa-
ble and foolish falsehood, by saying that she
had applied to no other office. At the Alli-
ance, the secretary took her to a private room,
asking such pertinent and close questions,
that she grew initated, and said she sup-
posed her health, and not her reason for in-
suring, was most important. Mr. Hamilton
then gave her the outline of a case, in which
a young lady had met with a violent death for
the sake of the insurance money. '* There is
no one," she said in reply, '' likely to murder
me for the sake of my money." No more
insurances, however, being accepted^ the visits
which bad so often relieved the tedium of
official routine ceased to be paid. These ap-
plications being unsuccessful, there remained
18,000/. dependent on the life of Helen Aber-
crombie.
In the meantime Wainwright's affairs
waxed desperate, and the man grew familiar
with crime. Some stock had been vested in
the names of trustees in the books of the
Bank of England, the interest only of which
was receivable by himself and his wife ; and
determined to possess part of the principal,
he imitated the names of the trustees to a
power of attorney. This was too successful
not to be improved on, and five successive
similar deeds, forged by Wainwright, proved
his utter disregard to moral restraint. But
this money was soon spent, till everything
which ho possessed, to the very furniture of
his house, became pledged ; and he took fur-
nished apartments in Conduit street for him-
self, his wife, and his sisters-in-law. ^Imme-
diately after this. Miss Abercrombie, on pre-
tence or plea that she was going abroad, made
her will in favor of her sister Madeline, ap-
pointing Wainwxight sole executor, by which,
in the event of her death, he would have the
entire control of all she might leave. She
then procured a form of assignment from the
Palladium, and made over the policy in that
office to her brother-in-law. Whether she
really meant to travel or not is uncertain ; it
is possible, however, that this might have
been part of the plan, and that Wainwright
hoped, with forced papers and documents, to
prove her demise while she was still living,
for it is difficult to comprehend why she
should have voluntarily stated she was going
abroad, unless she really meant to do so. In
this there is a gleam of light on Wainwright*s
character, who, when he first insured the life
of Miss Abercrombie, might have meant to
treat the officers with a '* mudulent," and not
a positive death. Whatever her rOle in this
tragic dramt^ hdwever, it was soon played.
On the night which followed the assignment
of her policy, she went with her brother and
sister-in-law tp the theatre. The .evening
proved wet ; but they walked home together,
and partook of lobsters or oysters and porter
for supper. That night she was taken ill.
In a (bay or two Dr. Locock attended her.
He attributed the indisposition to a mere
stomach ^derangement, and gave some simple
remedies, no serious apprehension being en-
tertained by him. On the 14th December,
she had completed her will, and assigned her
property. On the 2l8t she died. On that
day she had partaken of a powder, which Dr.
Locock did not remember prescribing ; and
when Mr. and Mrs. Wainwright — who had
left her with the intention of taking a long
walk — returned, they found that she was
dead. The body was examined ; but there
was no reason to attribute the death to any
other cause than pressure on the brain, which
obviously produced it.
Mr. Wainwright was now in a position to
demand 1 8,000/., from the various offices, but
the claim was resisted, and being called on to
prove an insurable interest, he left England.
In 1835, he commenced an action against the
Imperial. The reason for resisting payment
was the alleged ground of deception ; but the
counsel went further ; and so fearful were the
allegations on which he rested his defence,
that the jury were almost petrified, and the
judge shrunk aghast from the implicated
crime. The former separated, unable to
agree ; while the latter said, a criminal and
not a civil court should have been the theatre
of such a charge. In the following December*
1858.]
THE COOT OF INIQUITY.
127
tbe compftny gained a verdict ; and as the
forgery on the Bank of England had been dis-
covered. Wain wright, afraid of apprehension,
remained in France. Here his adventures are
unknown. At Bologne, he lived with an
English officer ; and, while he resided there,
his host's life was insured by him in the
Pelican for 5000^. One premium only was
paid, the officer dying in a few months after
the insurance was effected. Wainwright then
left Bologne, passed through France under a
feigned name, was apprehended by the French
police ; and that fearful poison known as
strychnine being found in bis possession, he
was confined at Paris for six months.
After his release he ventured to London,
intending to remain only forty-eight hours.
In an hotel near Covent Garden he drew down
the blind and fancied himself safe. But for
one fatal moment he forgot his habitual craft.
A noise in the street startled him ; incau-
tiously he went to the window and drew back
tbe blind. At the very moment " a person
passing by" caught a glimpse of his counte-
nance, and exclaimed, "1 hat's Wainwright
the bank forger.'^ Immediate information
was given to Forrester ; he was soon appre-
hended, and his position became fearful
enough. The difficulty which then arose
was, whether the insurance offices should
prosecute him for attempted fraud, whether
the yet more terrible charge in connection
with Helen Abercrombie should be opened, or
whether advantage should be taken of his
forgery on tbe bank, to procure his expatria-
tion for life. A consultation was held by
those interested, tbe home secretary was ap-
prised of the question, the opinions of the
Jaw officers of the crown were taken, and the
result was that, under the circumstances, it
would be advisable to try him for the forgery
only. Thb plan was carried out, the capital
punishment was foregone, and when found
guilty he was condemned to transportation
for life. • . . f
Tbe career of Wainwright is instructive.
From the time that he quitted the simple
rule of right, he wandered over tbe world
under influences too fearful to detail, and he
died in a hospital at Sydney under circum*
stances too painful to be recapitulated.
From Chamb«rs't Journtl.
THE COST OP INIQUITY.
It is a fact, in the history of Prussia, that
Frederick II* would never have inflicted upon
his country the evil of farming out his reve-
nues, had it not been that, while he had them
in his own hands, he was cheated so exten-
sively by bis subjects. For the same rea-
son, about the same time, the government of
the king of Great Britain in Hanover was
obliged to adopt the same oppressive mea-
sure. If we call tomind the anecdote of a
party of Frenchmen trying which could bring
the blackest charge againbt human nature,
when Voltaire, commencing with, '' There
was once a farmer-general, ' was admitted
by common consent to have already carried
the day — we may form some idea of the se-
verity of a punishment which consisted in
farming out a nation's revenues. But the
anecdote is merely a type of a class of trou-
bles which men are continually bringing upon
themselves by false doings and appearances.
Why is it that merit has such difficulty
in obtaining preferment? False pretension
stands in the way. Why is it that a truth
is so long in forcing its way amongst man-
kind ? Because it is so difficult to obtain
sound evidence in its favor, and distinguish
It from the hundreds of falsehoods which are
constantly contending with it for notice.
We know it as a certain fact of society, that
a man may come forward with the design of
offering bis fellow- creatures some great be-
nefit, and yet he will be received with dis-
trust, and checked at every turn, as if he
were a knave aiming at some sordid advan-
tage for himself. And the reason, we can
all see, is that selfish aims are so often con-
cealed under a philanthropic guise, that so-
128
THE 006T OF INIQUITT.
[9ept/
cietv is compelled to be upon its eoard
against even the fairest appearances of oene-
Tolence, until time has given a guarantee for
their genuineness.
Fictitious literature has no more favorite
point than that furnished bv the claims of
virtuous poverty treated witn coldness, and
left to neglect. Its heroes, manly bat out-
at-elbows — its heroines, amiable but outcast
— are always turned away from in an unac-
countable manner, to the indignation of all
readers of sensibility. People living in com-
fortable cottages are mysteriously addicted
to the unchristianlike practice of refusing ad-
mission to vagrants, just as the heavens are
about to break forth in a snow-storm. Coun-
try justices are invariably harsh towards the
respectable persons who come in equivocal
circumstances before them. These descrip-
tions, we can have no doubt, are a reflection
of what passes in actual life — only in actual
life there is never any reason for wonder about
the causes. Shabby vagrant people, and-peo-
ple who appear in equivocal circumstances
and without good credentials, are there so
commonly found to be bad, that no one stops
to think of possible exceptions. The few
good suffer because of the prevalence of ini-
quity in connection with those appearances.
Were there no transgressors of any kind in
the world, fiction would be entirely deprived
of this important province of its domain ; for
the wretched, under no suspicion, would then
be everywhere received with open arms, suc-
cored, and set on their feet again. Even the
superintendents of Unions would in that case
become genial, kindly men, quite different
from the tyrants which they always are in
novels ; or, rather, there being no longer any
human failings, there would be no longer any
poverty calling for public aid, and u nions
would go out of fashion.
Every one acquainted with business must
have occasion to observe how many transac-
tions of hopeful appearance are prevented by
the want of confidence. And even where
transactions take place, we constantly see
that something must be sacrificed, or some
inconvenience incurred, in order to guard
against possible default. Were there, on the
contrary, unlimited confidence between man
and man, no bargain or barter, great or small,
tending to mutual advantage and convenience,
would ever be prevented ; and all such ar-
rangements would be conducted on a footing
of the utmost economy. We cannot doubt
that the general happiness of society would
thus be greatly increased. Even those trans-
cendental blessings which are dreamed of by
the votaries of Socialism, what is to prevent
their being realized but the one little unfor-
tunate fact, that men are not yet prepared to
act upon perfectly upright and unselfish prin-
ciples ? They require to put all their indus*
trial operations into the form of a conflict^
rendering themselves at the best good-humor-
ed enemies to each other, and entailing fright-
ful misexpenditure of means, simply because
no one can entirely trust his fellows. If men
were disposed each to do his utmost for the
commonwealth, not caring for special bene-
fits to himself, it might quite well be that
the enjoyments of all would be increased,
and earth rendered only a lower heaven.
But how to bring them to this disposition — ^
and how to keep them at it !
As all the losses, inconveniences, draw*
backs, shortcomings of expected good, and
miserable failures and disappointments expe-
rienced in life from these causes, are capable
of being viewed in a positive aspect, it does
not seem at all unreasonable to speak of them
as forming an Iniquity Tax. There is, it may
be said, an Excise from the happiness of us
all, through the operation of our moral defi-
ciencies and misdoings, although it is not pos-
sible to state in any one instance its exact
amount. It is very hard that the faithful here
suffer for the unfaithful, the wise for the fool-
ish, the sober for the profligate ; but that is
only accordant with the great law of society
— that we are all more or less comprombed
for each other. The Iniquity Tax may be
viewed very much as we view what are call-
ed War Taxes. As these are strong reasons
for maintaining peace, so is the Iniquity Tax
a powerful motive for our doing whatever is
in our power to improve the national integri-
ty and advance truthfulness in all things.
An improved civilization is an improved eco-
nomy, with increased blessings for us all.
18M.]
OttLRATS CAKICATTJRE9.
129
Proih the Ret r otpec t i re Revietr.
GILLRAT'S CARICATUKESJ
The history of the plates engraved by Gill-
ray, as given in the octavo volume thus en-
titled, is not a little remarkable. For many
years, this celebrated artist resided in the
house of Mrs. Humphrey, the well known
publisher in New Bond Street, and after-
wards of St. James's Street, to whom he
was under a positive engagement, that all
his works should be exclusively her proper-
ly ; ibis engagement, however, — for the sake
of his insatiable desire for drink — he avoided,
by selecting new subjects, successfully dis-
guising his usual style and manipulation,
and upon such occasions he disposed of his
engraved plates to Mr. Fores, of Piccadilly.
Times went not well with Mrs. Humphrey
in latter years, and upon the plates that she
possessed, she obtained a loan of one thou-
sand guineas; unable to redeem them, an
offer of five hundred pounds had been refu-
sed,— that offier made by Mr. Bohn. A few
years more and Mrs. Humphrey died, — the
plates still unredeemed, and her executors,
no doubt in ignorance, disposed of them as
useless copper. They were, however, saved,
thanks to the present publisher, who, by the
merest accident, rescued them from destruc-
tion, and then procuring whatever else he
could, formed the extraordinary collection
now before us. ^
In early life, the father of James Gillray
was a soldier, born at Lanark, in Scotland,
in 1720 ; he lost an arm at the battle of Fon-
tenoy ; on his return to England he became
an out-pensioner of Chelsea Hospital, and
for forty years held the office of sexton at the
Moravian burying- ground there, where his
remains were deposited in 1799.
His son, young Gillray, made his first ap-
{)earance in this world in the year 1757, and
ike the illustrious Hogarth, began his career
a& a letter engraver. It may be presumed,
* The Works of Jamsb Gillbat, from the Original
Plates, with the addition of many Bubjectd not be-
fore coUeeted. Imperial folio. Bohn.
HIatorical and deforiptive aceonnt of the Garica-
toree of Jamu Gillsat, oompriaiog, a Political
and HumorouB History of the latter part of the
reign of George the Third. By Thomas Wright,
Em^., F. a A., and R. H. Bvamb, Esq. 8vo. Bohn.
▼OL. XXX NO. L
the monotony of such employment was ill
fitted to a temperament like his, for he de-
serted his employer. He is next heard of
as one of a company of strolling players, un-
dergoing various hardships, — such as this
course of life invariably entails, and made it
even much more precarious at that period
than now ; — this he quitted, and we find him
a student of the Royal Academy, — where
he must have pursued his studies with great
diligence, for at the age of twenty-seven,
many plates had left his burin, of great pictor-
ial effect and freedom,— "resembling," — says
his biographer, " much of the earlier manner
of Stothard." The • Village Train,' and the
'Deserted Village,* dated as early as 1784,
are not the works of promise, but of maturi-
ty in art, exceeding well engraved ; and about
this time also are his two admirable portraits
of William Pitt : he also engraved from Lady
Spencer's drawings, — from some caprice, —
it might be with the idea of mystifying, or
misleading, but he adopted fictitious names,
often in his early caricatures using J. S. in-
terlaced— ^the monogram of Sayer; and he
might thus unconsciously have been of
great service to Sayer in assisting him to
his pension ; for Sayer was either liked or
feared by Pitt sufficiently to obtain of that
minister a pension from the civil list for life.
Although his own caricatures were eagerly
sought for, Gillray ceased not his labors in
engraving from the works of others, as the
large plates of "The Delivery of the Pri-
soners from the Bastile," and the Marquis
Cornwallis Receiving the Royal Hostages, at
Seringapatam (after Northcote), prove;
though the latter may be considered the last
production of this class. Gillray knew the
art of lithography, and exercised it with con-
siderable ability ; he could also engrave on
wood, of which, specimens like the litiiograph
of the "Musical Party" are extremely rare;
one other power he acquired in an eminent
degree — he could draw : a quality most of
the engravers of the present day deem need-
leas, and hence their inferiority. Well would
it be for the student in the art to remember
that the freedom we so value in the works of
Sir Robert Strange, Bartolozzi, and of Ven-
9
130
GILLRAT'S CABICATURES.
[Sept.,
dramini, is the result of this same quality,
each having left him brilliant examples of
Jiis skill, especially the latter, which seem
not of late years to be held- at their proper
value.
That Gillray possessed poetical feeling as
well as delicacy of treatment, we would in-
stance the allegory of "Britannia between
Scylla and Charybdis ;"— of refined senti-
ment and exquisite finish, the charming full
length portrait of the Duchess of York is
evidence enough ; — for grandeur of concep-
tion, that crowded emblematical panorama,
called the " Apotheosis of Hoche," — ^is sin-
gularly successful; it is neither more nor
less than a grand historical picture display-
ing the horrors of the French Revolution ;
seated midwayx)n a rainbow, and surrounded
by a halo, is the figure of Hoche, playing upon
the guillotine, as though it were a lyre ; over
him and guarded by monsters, are the tables of
the commandments perverted — as, thou shalt
siealj — thou shalt commit mufder, &c, ; upon
the right are thousands of headless beings
kneeling before the commandments; on the
opposite side are groups, in vast multitudes,
bearing copies of blasphemous works, and
representing the vices and crimes of the Na-
tional Assembly ; below are plains deserted
— cities given to the flames, murder, suicide,
duelling, and carnage ; while plague, pesti-
lence, fire, and famine are dispersed through-
out the picture.
3ut it is with Gillray, as a caricaturist, we
have most to deal ; and it is only when com-
pared with all others who ever made it a pro-
fession, that we see how infinitely superior
he rises above them. ^ It is while wading
through a pile of those produced by Sayer,
the elaer Cruikshank, Rowlandson, and others,
that we can form a true estimate of Gillray,
and a consciousness that he stands alone.
It should also be remembered, that under the
first three monarchs of the house of Hano-
ver, politics drew into its vortex art as well
as literature ; the very passion for caricature
tended in a great measure to debase art. Al-
though Hogarth believed himself a great
historical painter, yet he escaped it not; Gill-
ray, as great as Hogarth, was drawn into it,
and he, it may with truth be said, was a
great artist thrown away upon politics; never-
theless, it is to that very greatness we owe
the high artistic qualities so prominent in all
of them. He it was who first gave John
Bull personal identity; we trace the old fel-
low through various forms and phases of cha-
racter, until he settled down into the jolly
top- booted old gentleman we now recognize
at once. " There is no species of humor," |
says Washington Irving, '' in which the Eng-
lish more excel than that which consists in
caricaturing and giving ludicrous appellations
or nicknames. In this way they have whim-
sically designated not merely individuals, but
nations ; and in their fondness for pushing a
joke, they have not spared even themselves.
Thus have they embodied their national odd-
ities in the figure of a corpulent old fellow,
with a stout oaken cudgel." True it is, there
is scarcely a person in actual existence, more
absolutely present to the public mind,
than that eccentric personage John Bull,
esquire.
One of Gillray's settled objects, and
which he prosecuted with great energy, was
to render the French revolution and the Na-
tional Assembly atrocious and disgusting
in the eyes of Englishmen, and at the same
time to make Napoleon the detestation of the
British people ; to effect the former purpose, he
pictures the sans-culottes as a hideous set of
fiends, cooking and gorging upon the bodies
of their murdered victims ; he illustrates ihe
execution of the French king under the title
of The blood of the murdered crying for ven-
ffcance, — and a fearful picture he makes of
it ; he gives a state banquet to Dumouriez,
with Fox in attendance serving up the decap-
itated head of Pitt on a salver for the repast
The exquisite care and finish Of the plates
give additional force and value to such satire.
There are four plates also, showing the con-
sequences of a successful French invasion,
and in them we find all that an Englishman
can love or cherish being destroyed or given
to the flames ; — the House of Lords disman-
tled, busts of the regicides made prominent,
the throne broken and cast aside, and in the
place of it the guillotine, St. Paul's on fire,
the king butchered ; the queen, ministers, and
judges huncr at the lamp posts; and in all
the invaders rioting in plunder and in mur-
der. No wonder then that the prejudice
which such productions were intended to ex-
cite should soon communicate itself to the
populace.
Anything that could foster a hostile feel-
ing be had recourse to, and thus we find
twelve plates of leading politicans, costumed
as though they were members of the National
Assembly, simply because they dared to
sympathize with the French people. No op-
portunity was neglected to ridicule Napoleon,
or to make him figure in a contemptible
light ; to this end are the whole events of his
life grossly exaggerated, and the wars with
France and Spain made fertile subjects for
the pencil of the satirist. The short peace
of 1802, and the war which followed, with
1853.]
GUXRAT'S OABICATITBE&
181
the fear and defiance of the Addington ad-
ministration, caused a vast number of carica-
tures to be issued, and these certainly some
of the most humorous. The Destruction of
the French Colossus is an extraordinary con-
ception.
Pitt he first treats as a Political Fungus,
rfting itself upon the crown, and though
does publicly flog him in the market-
place for increasing the debt and taxation of
the country, he afterwards, as if to make
amends, produced those beautiful allegories —
Light expelling darkness — Scylla and Cha-
rybdis, and the Destruction of the Faithful.
Gillary seems to have allowed himself no
respite from lampooning Burke, Sheridan,
Priestley, and Fox — the former of whom he
designated Foz*s Martyr, but the latter he
travestied into a revolutionist, often into a
villanous unshaven assassin, fit only for mur-
der ; and the prime mover of what it pleased
Gillray to call the seditious meetings at the
Crown and Anchor, — always in ecstacy at
our reverses, always in grief at our success.
When the news arrived of the victory of the
Nile, Pitt and Dundas are intoxicated with '
delight, — and wine ; but poor Fox has hung
himself in despair. When the king's carriage
was attacked, '* Fox and his gang*^ are the
instigators and the doers, — no employment
too vile for them. That the pencil \% at times
more powerful than the pen or oratory, there
can be no question ; and Fox felt it. " He
acknoledged," says Wright, in his ' England
under the House of l£inover,' " that his
India bill received its severest blow in public
estimation from the caricature of Carlo
Khan's Triumphant Entry into Leadenhall
Street." In illustration of object teaching,
or the force of such squibs, it may be re-
membered, that until a few months ago, no
man ever went to have his hair cut, but the
operator was sure to inform him it was
** getting thin on the top ;" slI length there
came a day, when a sleek-headed member of
the comb and scissors, in an unlucky and ill-
timed moment, ventured the same suggestion
to a choleric old gentleman ; at which the
said old gentleman, full of indignation, jumps
off his chair, exclaiming, <*How dare you,
sir, make any impertinent remarks upon my
personal deficiencies ? — thin on the top in-
deed 1 if you dare to say another word, sir,
I'll thin your top for you 1" Well, the bar-
ber fears to jeopardize his skull, so now we
'* hear it not."
Gillray was in the asenith of his power
while the impeachment of Warren Hastings
was pending, and the rapidity with which he
supplied the town with incidents that grew
out of the discussion is really astonishing ;
and, as might be expected, the king, the
queen, Burke, Fox, Sheridan, Pitt, add
Thurlow play important parts ; the facts and
the course pursued are thus briefly stated by
Mr. Wright :
** Hastings, who was supported by the whole
strength of the East India CompanVf and who
was understood to enjoy the kings favorable
opinion in a special degree, had calculated on the
support of his ministers, and everybody's astonish-
ment was great when they now saw Pitt turn
round and join his enemies. Hastings felt this
desertion with great acateness, and it is said that
he never forgave it. Some accounted for it by snp-
posinj; that Pitt and, more especially, Dundas
were jealous of Hastings' personal Influence, and
feared his rising in court favor ; and a variety of
other equally discreditable motives were, assigned
for this extraordinary change. The return of the
ex- governor's wife had preceded his own, and
Mrs. Hastings was received at court with much
favor bv Queen Charlotte, who was flfenerally
believed to be of a very avaricious disposUion, and
was popularly charged with having sold her
favor for Indian presents. The supposed patron-
age of the court, and the manner in which it was
said to have been obtained, went much further in
rendering Hastings an object of popular odinm,
than all the charges alleged against him by
Burke; and they were accordingly made the
most of by that class of political afiritators who
are more immediately employed in influencing the
mob. . . . The supporters of the impeachment
represented Hastings as another Verres called
upon by a modern Cicero (Burke) to answer for his
oppressive government of the provinces entrusted
to his care. A bold sketch of the orator was
published on the 7th of February, 1787 — ^the day
on which the proceedings against Hastings were
resumed in the House of Commons, under the
title of Cicero against Verres. Fox and North
are seen behind the eloquent accuser. In 1788,
the year of the impeachment, the caricatures on
this subject became more numerous. One by
Gillray, published Ist of March, under the title of
' Blood on Thunder fording the Red Sea,' repre-
sents Hastings carried in safety on the shoulders
of Lord Chancellor Thurlow through a sea of
blood, strewed with the bodies of mangled
Indiansr"
•
The volumes Are full of evidence to show
the advantage taken of this state of affairs,
and also show how he labored, like Dr. Wol-
cott, to bring royalty into contempt, and has
constantly portrayed the undignined person-
al appearance of both George the Third and
his queen ; he makes them perform the most
mean, contemptible, and servile offices for the
sake of saving money. By the following ex-
tract from the work already quoted, the pre-
vailing opinions will be gathered: — " The ex-
182
OaLRATS OAKICATUREB.
[Sept.
treme frugality of the king and queen in pri-
vate life, and the meanness which often cha-
racterized their dealings, had already become
subjects of popular satire, and contrasted
strangely with the reckless extravagance of
the Prince of Wales. As there was no visi-
ble outlet by which so much money could
have disappeared, people soon made a varie-
ty of surmises to account for King George's
heavy expenditure. Some said the money
was spent privately in corrupting English-
men, to pave the way to arbitrary power.
Most people believed their monarch was
making large savings out of the public money,
and hoarding it up either here or at Hanover."
It was said that the royal pair were so greedy
in the acquisition of money, that they con-
descended to make a profit by farming, and
the royal farmer and his wife figured about
rather extensively in prints and songs, in
which they are represented as haggling with
their tradesmen and cheapening their merchan-
dise. Pictures represent them as visiting
the shops at Windsor in person. Such be-
ing the popular feeling, the satirists of both
pen and pencil certainly fostered it to the
uttermost, as the repeated allusions testify.
Parsimony and avarice were the favorite
themes.
The way the lash was laid upon the prin-
ces is certainly something more than would
be permitted now-a-days ; the Prince of
Wales, for instance, without one redeeming
point,-^ever the associate of gamblers, drunk-
ards, and extravagance, — ever a voluptuary,
and the companion of Mrs. Fitzherbert, Lady
Jersey, Mrs. Robinson, and others ; his pro-
digality ever contrasted with the grasping
avarice of his parents, until, at last, we find
him soliciting alms, and retiring as the
Prodigal Son. The Duke of York is little
better than a poltroon, with his inglorious re-
turn from Flanders, — the Duke of Clarence
with his Wouski and Mrs. Jordan. Such
prints, however, are not at all consistent with
our present notions of decency ; and the
wonder is, so short a time ago as sixty years
since, they could have been exhibited in the
windows of the printsellers. The publisher
has wiselv placed them in a volume by them-
selves. It is with satires as with old plays,
. they hit the vice and follies of the times ;
and if they truly hit, its truth is often that
which we deplore. As the man no more re-
tains the feelings that he knew in boyhood,
than he retains the form, but changes with
his garments ; so is it with society, its man-
ners go with costume: we know a certain
▼ice was fashionable with such or such a
dress — for vices have their fashion, be it said
— and we can no more, however hard we
try, dissever gambling from patches and from
powder, than couple chastity with the cos*
tume of Sir Peter Lilly's time.
In a short notice of the life of Oillray pre-
fixed to the explanatory volume, his biogra-
pher states, " That Crillray was unfortunately
an example of the imprudence that so fre-
quently accompanies genius and great talent.
His habits were in the highest degree intem-
perate." Full fifty years ago, when Gillray
wrought, drunkenness and debauchery were
the prevailing vices of the period, into which
vice Gillray himself fell, notwithstanding his
continual delineations of its worst features.
Indeed, to such an extent did he carry his
carousal, that his mind became a wreck, and
insanity usurped the place of reason. To
him, to Morland, and a few others of the
same time, are we indebted, as far as art is
concerned, for the vulgarism — " all men of
genius are drunkards." At that period no
class in society escaped the prevailing rage :
intoxication became the delight and ambition
of most. The Fox Club and the six-bottle
men are notorious, and " as drunk as a lord"
passed into a proverb. But to suppose
drunkenness is a necessary attribute to genius,
is simply a slander upon the greatest gift the
Deity bestows upon mortality. Vulgar and
narrow minds up to the present hour will es*
pouse that cause, forgetting, in their limited
notions, the bright phalnax of glorious and
illustrious names that must rise up in judg-
ment against such falsehood. Great men in
some few instances have been drunkards, and
that's the easy part of greatness lesser minds
could imitate.
The historical and descriptive account by
Wright and Evans is of great value, as a key
to the folio volume. Compiled with much
judgment, it gives a brief and careful sum-
mary of the political events for nearly thirty
years, with short biographical notices of men
who played the most important parts during
that memorable and exciting period, as well
as a full explanation of every plate. The
least that can be said of the plates and the
volume to which reference is made, is that
they are good historical lessons. It informs
us, << Gillray had recently (1792) accompa-
nied Loutherbourg the painter into France,
to assist in making sketches for his grand
picture of the siege of. Valenciennes. After
their return, the king, who made great pre-
tensions to taste, desired to look at their
sketch. He was already prejudiced against
Gillray for his political caricatures, and not.
1858.]
GILLBAT'S CARICATITRES.
183
withstanding the rough style in which he
had made his spirited sketches of the French
officers and soldiers, he threw them down
contemptuously, with the more hasty ohser-
vation, 'I don't understand these caricatures !'
while he expressed the greatest admiration
at Loutherbourg's more finished and intelli-
gible drawings of landscapes and buildings.
Gill ray, who was mortified at the neglect
shown towards himself, and was not at this
time pensioned by the court, revenged him-
self by publishing the picture of the monarch
contemplating the features of the great ene-
my of kings, who was an object of particu-
lar abhorrence to George III., and observed,
' I wonder if the royal connoisseur will un-
derstand this."' The king is examining
Cooper's portrait of Oliver Cromwell; the
parsimonious manners of the monarch are
satirized in the save-all, by means of which
he uses up the last fragment of his candle,
— the face of the king is a highly-finished
miniature, as, indeed, a vast number of others
are ; the instance of the candle end is only
another instance of Gillray's attention to ac-
cessories and allusions which are at all times
so expressive and significant. Personal pe-
culiarities and actions never escaped him.
No wonder, then, that the king should dis*
like a man who had used his utmost ability
to make the public believe he was an avari-
cious fool, and who at that very time had
rendered the queen little less than odious,
by drawing a revolting picture of her in the
character of Sin, which had given great of-
fence to the court. We find as a peculiarity
but few parodies of other men's pictures
throughout his works ; he had no need to
borrow who knew no poveity of invention.
Whatever was uppermost in the public
mind was food for our caricaturist, costume,
coalition, or Catholic emancipation, music or
ministers, gout or gambling, for which latter
offence he places the Ladies Archer and
Buckinghamshire in the pillory, and is un-
ceasing in his onslaught. Judging from his
productions, our naval victories afforded him
great delight : like many others in the col-
lections, they are not caricatures. The issue
of paper money during the administration of
Pitt, and the split between Burke, Fox, and
Sheridan, are also fertile subjects with him ;
but every new incident, political or otherwise,
seemed to give birth to some new ideas.
About this period a caricature was published,
illustrative of the encroachmennts of Russia
upon Turkey — as in our own day ; England
offers her aid, and as it was doubtful what
the policy of France would be, a member of
the House of Commons is made to ask,
" where^9 France ;"-^this print by some ac-
cident found its way into the hands of a
small self-sufiicient orator in Devon; Lon-
don papers then were very rare. The cus-
tom was upon the Sunday afternoon to meet
upon the green before the village inn, and so
discuss the little news they had. Our orator
began, " Well ! so you are going to have
more taxes put upon you — that's Pitt's do-
^ ing^ that is — and you may pay them if you
like, mind, I sham't, that's all I've got to
tell you, that b: And what's it all for, I'd
like to know ? — to keep off the French — the
war with France ! — with France, by the
Lord I — ^with France ! Now d — me if /be-
lieve there U such a place /*' This was rather
a startling assertion, and so new, besides,
that hts hearers we're what he called '* flab-
bergasted"— they'd " neur thought o'that ;"
perhaps there wasent after all — at length
one standing by said, " Oh I yes ; but there
is, though.' " Is there ?" said our dema-
gogue. " You seem to know a good deal
about it, John ; where is it ?" Why, that
John " coudent tell ;" — so now, out came the
new imported print, and the blacksmith was
triumphant. There is no such place as
France.
184
THE LADY NOVELISTS OP GREAT BRITAIN,
[Sept.,
From the Gentleman's Magazine
THE LADY NOVELISTS OF GREAT BRITAIN.
Endless have been the theories which
writers in different periods have broached
respecting the proper work of women ; it is,
we believe, generally considered now to be a
yery tiresome subject. We do not' think
many men, or women either, doubt the dis-
tinctive character of the female mind — that
it is not made to do every sort of work that
man can or may do, at least not in the same
manner; but we cannot help suspecting that
the sooner all these nice questions — as ques-
tions, as matters of argument, of limitation,
rule, and dictation — are dropped, the better.
Men are never so near being nporally and
divinely right as when they content them;
selves with enjoying and ministering to what
is good with no theoretical reference to sex
at all; and woman is surely most womanly in
the highest sense, most gentle, fervent and
sincere, when she is thinking least about the
matter.
So with respect to the question of tohich
among women should write, and what they
should write, we have heard and read a large
amount of fluent nonsense, as it has appeared
to us — such as that wives and mothers may
write novels, but single women may not ; and
that, in short, all women whpse position in
society is, in the one respect of being unmar-
ried, isolated, should not increase that isolation
by such a self-centering thing as authorship of
any kind. On these and other similar discus-
sions we have only one remark to make —
ttat they really are very useless ; that when-
ever a woman feels she has something to say
whioh may do good, even to the lower ex-
tent of giving pleasure, she will generally
And means of saying it, and had much better
not be hindered. Mere cessation of author-
ship, we suspect, will do but little in correct-"
ing those tendencies of which authorship is a
sign. Let the novel, poem, or essay be writ-
ten, and let the public criticize it freely. Our
conclusion still fs that the grandest, wisest,
simplest thing man or woman can do is to
obey any strong, clear call of duty towards
God or man ; to express that which has been
brought home to the mind in a truthful, un-
exaggerative way, if it be a case in which
writing seems the most natural instrument
for the conveyance of what they have to say ;
to hope, humbly but firmly, that a few words
of theirs may be the inspirers of deeds— to
look indeed upon the smallest self-sacrificing
deed as worth more than many books — but
still hot to disparage any vocation — spoken,
written, or acted out.
As a general rule, we do not much wonder
that men have come to look with distrust on
woman's championship of social questions in
the way of argument. They do often, cer-
tainly, go beyond the mark. They are apt
to bring prominently forward all those mere
offsets from the main subject which a sound
lawyer or moderately wise man would leave
out of the discussion as apt to divert atten-
tion from the main point, and put clear logic
out of court. And then the bravery of
women, allied though it may be to many
noble qualities, is against them. When they
talk, as sometimes they do, in the most irri-
tating manner of man's cowardice, it ought
to be noted how often they themselves pro-
vokingly carve out new and hard work for
him bytheir own rashness and one-sidedness.
Taking willingly a credit — which men are
rather too ready to resign — of being more
religious than their brothers or husbands,
they do and say more things that put prac-
tical religion in jeopardy than those brothers
or husbands would ever dream of. In fact,
in matters of reasoning, the^i are really
harder upon their friends than their foes, for
the magnanimity of woman's nature makes
her peculiarly anxious to be generous and
candid to antagonists^ Hence we often find
her more liberal towards works of danger-
ous tendency than towards those which, hav-
ing a much securer foundation, are a little
straitened and narrow in their outward form.
One cannot but be struck, meanwhile, with
the great increase in quantity, and general
improvement in the quality, of novels written
by women. We are quite aware that every
sort of evil may steal into our houses under
the guise of an interesting fiction ; that broad.
1658.]
THE LADY NOTEXKTS OP GREAT BRITAIN.
136
coarse norels of the Fielding and Smollett
kind are not what we have to dread, bat
rather the insidious poison of false sentiment
or the noyelties of great assumptions, pass-
bg unquestioned because of the glare which
surrounds them. Nothing, however, of thi^
kind moves us from our belief that novel-
writing is quite one of the legitimate occupa-
tions of women. They cannot, indeed, fetch
up materials from the haunts into which a
Dickens or Bulwer may penetrate. They
may in vain try to grapple with the more
complicated diflScuUies of many a man^a posi-
tion and career ; but, as far as they go — and
often they can and do go far — they are ad-
nurable portrayers of character and situation.
They know — there is no denying it — a great
deal about men. Brothers, friends, husbands,
open to them widely, in many cases, the
doors of their hearts. They are allowed to
see much of that inner life. They see what
is merely small and conventional, but also
what is lofty and simple. And then how
much is the store of woman's ideas enlarged
by the mingling of other literatures with our
own ! The grave old Roman culture we
never wish to see neglected ; we feel its
value to the mind ; but an Englishwoman
most now, to some extent, be also European,
American, Asiatic, nay Australian. Nor can
she shut herself up here at home, except by
violence, in the Church-woman's, or the Dis-
senter's, or the Catholic's circles of thought.
With all these facilities — with the means
of high religious and moral cultivation within
her reach — with a public ready to read,
thankful to be amused — with no more than
a fair share of criticism to apprehend — why
should not woman write fiction admirably
well ? Bear witness to a woman's power,
most wonderful Consuelo ! Stand forward,
earnest, inspired, duteous, magnanimous
" Uncle Tom," and say what there is, what
long-standing system of wickedness, that may
not be shaken to its centre by the touch of a
woman's hand !
Nor can we agree to stop our ears against
the voices of the past. We remember the
beauty and deep pathos of Mrs. Inchbald.
We remember Jane and Anna Maria Porter,
who, when they left ordinary life behind, and
treated of characters safely removed from the
then English public by time and distance,
made the prettiest romances about them
imaginable. The general strain of Mrs. Opie's
novels we are compelled to own was feeble,
but she surely worked up some of her scenes
with an even terrible power, as in ** Murder
will Out," " The Ruffian Boy," and the ma-
I niac scene in " The Father and Daugl^ter."*
Mrs. Radcliffe, surely, that great dealer in
mysteries, was not useless in her day. Admi-
rable indeed is the adaptation from age to age
of outward supplies to man's inward wants ;
admirable the provision, in every period, of
material out of which imagination may shape
that which is needed to supply the real want
of a period ; and we should say that in
nothing is this shown more strikingly than in
the gradual clearing away of the unknown,
in proportion as the knowp world becomes
more various, more rich in stirring interests,
more likely to stimulate mental enterprise,
and strongly to influence the moral energies.
Mrs. Radcliffe's material world is gone ;
For now where may we find a place
For any spirit's dream 7
Oar steps have been ou every soil,
Oar sails on every stream.
In her day, castles and convents, and
mighty nobles and wicked monks and ab-
besses, could be planted in fiction all over
Switzerland and Italy ; tyrants might be tor-
turing vassals, and women might be buried
alive every day, for aught that could be
demonstrated to the contrary ; and peasants
were always dancing on the vme-covered hills.
Even nature had a trick or two played with
her. It was always full moon in Mrs. Rad-
cliffe's pictures ; she never did things by
halves. Now we should say that the then
living world of England was, on the whole,
the better for these things ; and that, judgin
by those novels of the time which portraye
actual English domestic life, it was better
that fiction should withdraw men and women
out of their own realities, and take its mate-
rials from a romantic and comparatively little
known world. Clara Reeve, and Mrs. Rad-
cliffe, and the authors of the Canterbury
Tales, did not merely shun polluting things,
but were themselves poetical and elevating.
We are half unwilling to mention Miss
Burney, whose talent we allow ; yet we must
confess that, in spite of applauding Dr. John-
son and plain literal George the Third, we
never can read a chapter of Evelina, or even
Cecilia, without disappointment and disrelish.
* 0d6 of those dearly beloved sisters of ours in
America, of whom we have recently been hearing
BO much, baa, we find, given death and burial to
our bright^ kindlj, happy friend (never bo happy
and kindly aa now), Mrs. Opie. The spire of ner
native town's cathedral ecaroely carried itself more
erectly than she when we aaw her. last, not bo veir
long ago. May ahe live on, unaffected by all
premature obituary articlea. for some peaceful years
I yet I
136
THE LADY NOVELISTS OF GREAT BRITAIN.
[Sept.
The common run of her characters is not
merely a local and coDV^Dtioaal one, but it
seems to us divested of those touches of truth
and nature which in the hands of higher
writers often dignify what is in itself mean.
Her portraits are portraits with little of soul ;
they are hopelessly low in tone, and deficient
in the higher traces of imagination. There
are exceptive passages in Camilla, though the
importation of Johnsonian sentences quenches
our dawning pleasure ; but the character of
Sir Hugh Tyrold, booby as he is, has in it
some very beautiful touches.
Time would fail us were we to enter on
the religious novels — on Coelebs, and the
£ reductions which followed, from the pen of
[iss Hawkins, Mrs. Brunton, and several
others. In quite another strain, Miss Ferriar
had exceeding great merit ; and we need not
do more than mention the names of Miss
Edge worth and of Jane Austen.
Let us move on to our own times. Here
the field is so extensive that our difficulties
of selection increase. Only to enumerate the
principal female novelists who have been at
work for the last twenty or twenty-five years
is something startling. In that time we have
had at least three or four able novels per
annum, not to mention others of respectable
promise. We have had Lady Dacre, Mrs.
Marsh, Mrs. Gore, Miss Martineau, Lady
Georgina Fullerton, Lady Ponsonby, Mrs.
Norton, Miss Mulock, Mrs. Gaskell, Currer
Bell, Mrs. S. C. Hall, the authoress of Mrs.
Margaret Maitland and of Adam Grseme,
Miss Jewsbury, Miss Elavanagh, and the un-
known author of Rose Douglass. As English
we may not lay claim to Mrs. Stowe — ^and
yet how much of Saxon origin in Unrle Tom,
and also in the clever novels of Elizabeth
Wetherell and her sister !
We could wish, however, that some of our
lady writers were not so damagingly rapid
and frequent in their gifts. Mrs. Marsh, for
instance, most of whose first volumes are
generally good, but who is so apt to fail as
she proceeds.
May we not venture to add that, as all
authors have power over their own works till
they are made over for good or evil to the
trader, they would be doing a good deed if
they would inform themselves beforehand of
the manner in which their productions are to
be sent into the market ? It cannot, we are
sure, be a matter of indifierence to'a sensitive
woman whether her name is to usher forth a
fair or a scanty allowance, in quantity and
quality, in proportion to price. It must
surely be painful to her if she knows that the i
eyes of readers are angrily wandering over a
wide margin, a straggling mode of printing,
and those other devices of which the public
is often made to complain, while remarkable
and very pleasing contrasts are occasionally
exhibited. Not wishing to make any invidi-
ous remarks on what we dUWke, we will only
give one instance of what we think commend-
able generosity to the public, in a tale en-
titled "The Heir of Redclyffe," recently pub-
lished in two volumes. We are not now
noticing its literary ability, and are quite
uninstructed as to its authorship, whether
male or female — it would do honor to any
pen ; but also it deserves to be singled out
for its generous allowance of matter — it con-
tains as much as four volumes o^our ordinary
novels, furnished at less than half the price.
Every one knows that the last glowing
summer inspired several of our best lady nov-
elists to write, and that we. in the past win-
ter and present spring, have been profiting
by their labors. Among the rest we should
have liked to read the name of the authoress
of " Deerbrook;" for though Miss Martineau
wanders widely (too widely) abroad, we
know that she loves and appreciates fiction,
and we feel the great, though somewhat
peculiar, merit of what she has accomplished
in that department. Looking in vain for her,
however, we must thankfully (though not
unquestioningly) receive what has been
given us by others.
The authoress of Jane Eyre, of Shirley,
and now of Vilette, stands in our minds very
much where she did. She may have become
a little more cautious — she does not so
deeply offend — but we cannot with truth say
that we think her tone higher. She does not
rise, as we hoped she would ; she is as fresh,
as suggestive, as full of originality as ever —
and an original book is rare enough in these
days to be highly prized. There are parts
of Shirley, the least popular of her works,
which show that she has more feminine per-
ception of character than either Jane Eyre or
Vilette betokens. Nevertheless, in Shirley,
even more than in the others, the predominant
impression is that it is unwomanly. Can the
authoress live among wives and mothers ?
Miss Mulock also has appeared again. Of
her no complaint can be made similar to that
we have just uttered ; all she writes is not
merely pure, but purifying. We do not
think she is possessed of the talent of Currer
Bell, but she is a beautiful, engaging, elevat-
ing writer. Her first novel, " The Ogilvies,"
did not, we think, promise very much ; but in
" Olive" there are noble scenes and exquisite
1859.]
THE LADY NOVEj4S9fI8 OF GREAT BRTTAm.
137
touches. Iq the whole range of our fiction,
nothing seems to ub more beautiful than the
picture of the artist and his unselfish, devoted
sister, or of the improving, gentle Mrs.
Rothesay, in this book ; and in *' The Head
of the Family," Ninian Greame and his Lind-
say, their guardian care of the young family
committed to their charge, the contrasts in
their position, as, one by one, their pleasures
and cares are withdrawn, are surely delightful
pictures. Miss Mulock errs, however, we
think, in dealing too much and too long in
secret loves and needless restraints. She
makes deep and silent attachment too much
the burden of her song ; and this is the
more curious, as she deprecates the false
morality thus induced, in "The Ogilvies."
A novelist should take care not to remind the
reader too often how soon and pleasantly a
tale miffht come to an end, but for these
foolish scruples and overstrained sacrifices on
the part of the heroes and heroines. In
''Agatha's Husband," the scrupulous con-
cealments of moneyed difficulties by a hus-
band from his wife, have the effect, we think,
of almost destroying the interest of both
characters.
There are two or three other novels of last
year, written by women, of which, had we
time, we should like to say something. The
American ladies, in particular, are coming
out delightfully in this department ; for in-
stance, " The Wide, Wide World," '* Quee-
chy," and " Glen Luna," are promising
books. The most striking of our English
female novels seems to us, however, to be
" Ruth," by the authoress of " Mary Bar-
ton."
It is impossible to deny that many good
people are aggrieved by '' Ruth." There is
no disguising, that a girl who has taken her
place among the fallen is finally raised to the
level of a real and most exemplary heroine.
This is the fact lying at the foundation of the
novel. By what management can this have
been made bearable to strict and severe
readers?
By no management at all, we should say.
It must, we think, be allowed to every
woman, be she novelist, or simply wife»
mother, and housekeeper, to have formed
some sort of opinion on cases of this kind
which may have come before her; cases in
which she may have witnessed various shades
of better feeling — have known of more or
less extenuating circumstances — have been
more or less convinced of the evil consequences
of unmitigated exclusion and severity. Now,
if one who has received a strong impression on
these points be, like Mrs. Gaskell, prompt to
clothe her thoughts in language, to tell oat
her feelings (because nothing seems to her so
directly to the purpose) in the form of h tale^
she does no more than give simple utterance
to her own aspect of a truth — she does not
exclude other views, other sides of a question
— she merely presents one real living picture,
which she justly thinks the world, in its
great purity and wisdom, may, if it is true to
nature^be the better for knowing. A strong
conviction of the evil of putting aside the
once frail, as beings who can scarcely be
named without danger of contamination — a
certainty that this swells the number of sin-
ners, and tends to corrupt society more and
more — is the one idea present to her mind, and
under it she writes. That some, and those
among very true lovers of their kind — very
excellent, admirable people, by no means
overstrained in their general views of moral
questions — should recoil from both the sub-
ject and Mrs.. GaskelKs way of treating it,
does not surprise us ; but we think their views
somewhat narrow and oppressive.
There is another part of the subject which
is very painful : from it, however, we may not
shrink; and, happily, there are good and
strong men who allow the injustice of merely
punishing the delinquents of one sex, how-
ever repentant, however desirous of return,
with perpetual exclusion — ^while not the be-
trayer only, but the actual deserter of the
betrayed woman is scarcely less welcomed by
society after than be/ore his ofience. Here
again then Mrs. Gaskell has strongly felt a
deep and painful truth, and has written under
its influence. *
This is the sum of the whole : the tale tells
by implication the author's views of the evil
of closing summarily the doors of mercy and
hope ; it points out the danger of driving
merciful people into falsehoods, and, at the
same time, the author shows, with all her
might, the short-sighted, confusing, evil nature
of all such expedients — how they detract
from the merit of a generous act, and by fixing
the censor's eye upon the means, steal away
for a time sympatny with the end. As for
the execution of the work, nothing really can
be more beautiful. Mrs. Gaskell s language
is the perfection of easy, simple, womanly
grace; her wit is irresistible. Nevertheless,
wc do not think her always alike successful
in the management of the story. We think
that it would have been more true to paint
Ruth as both more alive and less simple.
She ought not to have gone astray from stu-
pidity or from fear, but with all her poetic
138
THE LADY NOVELISTS OF GREAT BRITAIN.
[Sept.,
love of beauty should have been less passive,
more enkiodled — more of the woman, in short;
ensnared from within as well as from without,
though still possessed of a young heart's de*
licacy. At the same time we are far from
insensible to Mrs. Gaskell's difficulty. Had
Buth erred from passion rather than from
ignorance, scenes must have been constructed
in accordance with that view, and then we
should have had the usual objectionable
draggings through dangerous mazes of senti-
ment and suffering, which a pure writer
would of course much prefer shunning alto-
gether.
Passing to the more lengthy process of
poor Ruth's misery and recovery, if we were
asked to point out that part of the succeeding
^narrative which w'e could decidedly wish had
been otherwise framed, it would be the con-
tinuance of the deception on Buth's part,
after the scene on the sea-shore, in which her
seducer reappears. From this moment must
be datid her own independent mental and
moral efforts ; till then she has been a passive
instrument in the Bensons' hands, but now a
new life is breathed into her. She herself
resists temptation — she herself from this time
takes her destiny into her own hands ; and
grrowing out, then and there, with that new
existence, should have been born, we think,
an abhorrence of the lie, and a determination
to have the truth known at all cost. How
the story might have beerf told it is not for
us to say ; we have faith in the authoress, in
her rich resources and dramatic powers, and
believe she would have wrought out her con-
clusions with triumphant power; as it is,
though nothing can be more masterly than
'the scene on the actual discovery of the de-
ception, the character of Ruth is not raised
as it might have been if the disclosure had
been voluntary. She bears the treatment she
receives nobly ; but one cannot forget that it
is a compulsory endurance, however accepted
and improved.
It is impossible to notice all the opposing
opinions we have heard and read on other
parts of the narrative — we shall merely ad-
vert to one. It has been gravely said that
Buth should not have rejected her seducer's
late and desperate offer of marriage. From
that opinion we give our unqualified dissent ;
no stick woman, we think, could ever have
accompanied W4ih a man to the altar, there
to plight her solemn vows before God and
man.
Much exception has been taken to the
characters of both Benson and Bradshaw. We
have little sympathy in the ordinary objec-
tions made to either of them. They are fine
studies, and deserve most careful examina-
tion. Thurston Benson is a man of whom
many good people say that it is nearly im-
possible such a one could have been a party
ence on Others have early been nourished in
to deceit. They cannot surely have taken
into account all the antecedents. He ap-
pears at no part of his career to have
been a strong, well-exercised man. With
a weak, ailing frame, habits of depend -
him, and a studious, contemplative, poetical
turn of mind has been fed by his way of life ;
of the kindest possible nature, the sterner
parts of religion do not lay hold on him ;
mercy and tenderness are all his thought.
The harshness he has both witnessed and
experienced in Mr. Bradshaw, the great man
of his mighty small world, yet further drives
him to the side of loving- kindness. Then,
as a minister, let his real position be fairly
stated. Mr. Benson conducts the worship
of a dissenting congregation, and is looked
upon with respect and regard ; but, as is
generally more or less the case among sueh
congregations, with great familiarity and
considerable contempt for his judgment in
worldly matters. He is not, except by the
already civilized and softened, a man to stand
in holy awe of. He is far more what we might
call a class-leader, than an appointed, or-
dained minister of God's word. Such a man,
so placed, if he has extraordinary giftp, may
awaken a wide and strong interest ; his peo-
ple may be proud of him. He is their min-
ister— their Mr. Benson. But, take an or-
dinary, average case ; suppose too that 111
health both lessens his chance of a change,
and sheds languor over the fram^ ; this min-
ister will grow passive, and get into the ha-
bit of being tutored. Porfrion^ of his inde-
pendence will be lost — particularly sister or
wife will be infected with the fear of espio-
nnge, and this will react on himself.^ He
grows nervous and cowardly ; not probably
in the matter of preaching and proclaiming
his religious views, for there the perpetual
habit of acquaintance with his Bible, the ser-
vice to which he is vowed, the immediate
end of his life — will keep him awake and
alive, and we do not think his error would
be tiiat of faithlessness to his convictions.
On the contrary, were you to test love of
truth by some kinds of trial, to place before
him a false object of worship, a creed which
his conscience disowns — though martyrdom
were on one side and every worldly advan-
tage on the other — you would find him firm
and upright. But should he meet with a
185d.J
THE LADY NOVELISTS OF GREAT BRITAIN.
1S9
very singular call for the exercise of his bene-
volence, and thereupon the imnge of bis con-
gregational leader arise also clothed in its
stem terrors, what will be in all probability
his course ? In many cases, in most in which
the character has been what we have por-
trayed, we suspect that the result would be
that which Mrs. Gaskell depicts. Not inev-
itably, of course ; there are strong and pa*
tient men who would have dashed away the
temptation in a moment. There are men
who would instantly have felt that '' God does
not need our sinful acts," who would have
taken the poor, suffering, fallen thing by the
hand, and given her shelter and aid without
the smallest sacrifice of truth. But they
would have been the exceptions, and it be-
hoves us to say that their venture would
have been tremendous, their faith very rare.
Take the case of Ruth. Benson was risking
all upon a hope. He had never known her
previous to her fall. Position, friendship,
pecuniary means, were all to be thrown up
for the possibility of doing good to an un-
khown and erring creature. Another sug-
gestion would come — '' If the secret remains
my own, on my head will all the risk fall ;
if Ruth proves unworthy, my trusting heart
only will feel the pain of disappointment."
Moralists ! mortal men and women ! which
among you will ** throw the first stone " at
this failing man ?
But is Benson's error varnished over in
Mrs. Gaskell's story ? Surely not so. To
say nothing of the augmented troubles and
tangles which arise out of the false position
in which he has placed himself and Ruth, the
evil is shown most strongly by the second
and far more inexcusable transaction into
which he is led. This, too, alas I is sadly
life-like ; and here the power of the narrator
is not more marked than the depth of her
moral feeling. It is a noble thing to carry
the sympathies of the reader from the win-
ning, attractive Benson to the unamiable and
repulsive Bradshaw, simply through the
force of right and truth — and this she has
done most triumphantly. Who is there that
does not feel Bradshaw's indignation to be
on the whole righteous ? Who, building up
in his own mind the image of such a man,
does not regard the wrong done him by Ben-
son as a cruel and a cowardly deceit ? The
power of exercising his own judgment on a
matter when its exercise was peculiarly his
pride and delight, to be thus clandestinely
taken from him, was an injury which writes
itself upon our minds more strongly than any
burst of passion, however coarse, and how-
ever unjustifiable when applied to Ruth her-
self.
Our readers will see that, deeply as we ad-
mire this beautiful work, we do not think it
faultless, and are by no means inclined to un-
derrate the amount of difficulty and disappro-
bation which must adhere to any such at-
tempt as Mrs. GaskelKs. Nevertheless, we
reiterate our opinion that often where it has
been censured it has been least understood.
We think it a beautiful poem, full of lovely
lights and refreshing shades, ministering to
the best part of our nature, rising into the re-
gion of our highest contemplations. Whether
it has done or will do good — whether any ac-
tors on this strange, complicated stage of life
will be stimulated to look into cases of depar-
ture from the strict path of virtue, with a view
to arrest the downward course — whether (still
better and more promising course) they will
be led to study the causes which most di-
rectly lead to vice, with a view to their re-
moval, we cannot and probably never shall
know. That it is not an ill-timed work, at
least, we believe. At this day there is a
strong prevailing disposition put forth, not
before it was needed, to look after our out-
casts of all sorts, trusting that the ninety and
nine will hold their safe ground meanwhile.
Something there may be of sentimentality,
something of the love of excitement, in this ;
but let no one neglect or throw contempt on
the impulse which leads the higher classes — i
high whether in the social or the moral scale
— to communicate freely with the lower. It
is not as flatterers of the people that we say
this, anfl heartily agree in the opinion of
those who think that our literature and our
morals require more and more for their basis
a sound increasing knowledge and sympathy
between all orders of men. Mutual com-
prehensions—mutual understanding of each
other, how inestimable a privilege it is ! This
is what woman can especially forward ; and
those other ministers of the people — our
physicians, watching over their bodily health
— our clergymen, laboring after their spirit-
uals— how much may they do to promote
this great object of mutual good understand-
ing 1 Scarcely less important is the novelist's
part. Of all men, the novelist should not
divide, but unite. We have recently had a
very beautifu) example of the harmonizing
process, and few things, we think, can be
more profoundly just and conciliatory than
some of the truths put by the author of
" My Novel" into the mouths by his practi-
140
LITilRABY MISGELLAIOES.
cal squires and time-taught philosophers.
Well has it been said by a charming writer
and wise thinker of our day, ** Every great
poet (or novelist) is a 'double-natured man/
He is not one-sided ; can see the truth which
. lies at the root of error ; can blame evil, with-
out hysterically raving against every doer of
it; distinguishes between frailty and villany;
judges leniently, because by sympathy he can
look on faults as they appear to those who
committed them — judges justly, because, so
far as he is an artist, he can regard the feel-
ing with which he sympathizes from without ;
in a double way realizing it, but not surren-
[Sept.,
I dered to it."^ Be such forever the spint of
our English fictions ! Vivid, life-like, yet
large and humanizing; while, on the other
hand, a more execrable aim can hardly be
than his who calls up the spirits of discontent,
insurbordination, and revenge, while affecting
to recreate the tired mind. But we cannot
enter upon this chapter of perversions. From
all participation in such may Heaven keep
women, and especially the women of Eng-
land !
• Rev. F. "W. RobertBOD, Influenoee of Poetry;
Two lectures delivered at Brighton. Hamilton
and AdamB.
•««•
"•♦■
LITERARY MISCELLANIES.
Thk principal iflsnes of the Preae, at home and
abroad, are noticed in the foUowing list, with indi-
cations of the opinions pronoonoed of them by the
leading literaiy joumalB :
Mr. Ruskin's new volume of the 8tone» of Yenicey
entitled the Sea Stories, elicits general praise. The
lAierary Gazette Bays : " It is not often, in these
days of rapid action and superficial thought^ that
we are called upon to notice books which embody
the fruits of such long and earnest study as those
of Mr. RuBkin. He writes at all times with the
force of earnest conviction, and the ardor of a
stroDff but tempered 'imagination gives dignity and
relietto a style of unusual richness and brilliancy.
In the volume before us we have the results of
years of deep and passionate study of Venice, with
all its marvels in history, in architecture, and in
art, on which the author's mind has brooded until
all the past has become vivified anew, and the
stones of the wondrous City of the Sea have be-
come eloquent of the master minds under whose
direction they rose out of the plashing waters of
the Adriatic His descriptions are the perfection
of word painting, and there is this additional
charm in them, that the intellect and heart are
sure to be gratified, as we follow them, by pro-
found thoughts and noble veins of sentiment.'' llie
Spectator thinks that " Mr. Ruskin, by this second
instalment of his important labors, adds to his re-
putation as a vigorous and original critic, a high-
toned man, and a writer of the first order. His
exposition continues lucid, his eloquence earnest
and dienified, his description pictorial and highly
wrought" The Atfieneeunif on the other hand,
pronounces it, — " As a rhapsody, it is ^charming, —
though as a piece of reasonable teaching, it is any-
thing rather than impeccable."
Classic and Historic Portraitsw By James Bruce.
2 vols. '* Instead of meeting," says the Athetueum,
" with a mere catalogue, filled with the well-known
names and well-worn anecdotes, yet wanting in
color, novelty, and interest^ we find in these pages
the liberal outpourings of a ripe scholarship, uie
results of wide and various reading, given in a
style and manner at once pleasant^ goBsippy> and
picturesque. Mr. Bruce does not appear to be the
man to tell old stories, or take respectable tradi-
tions on trust On almost every subject he con-
trives to say something new, — to bring in fresh
illustrations^ or to correct some ancient error."
Mount Lebanon. A Ten Tears' Residence, from
1842 to 1852. By Colonel Churchill, Staff Officer
on the British Expedition to Syria. The Literary
Gazette esteems this *' the fullest and best account
that has yet appeared of the mountain district of
Lebanon."
. Ten Months among the Tents of the Tuski. By
Lieut W. H. Hooper. The Tuski are a tribe of
people inhabiting the north-eastern comer of Asia^
boroering Behring's Straits^ and Lieut Hooper waa
an officer of the Plover, sent out in 1847 to join
the Herald, in an expedition in search of Sir (John
Franklin. Having reached Behring's Strait with-
out meeting its intended consort, the Plover win-
tered in Emma Harbor, at the southern extremity
of this comparatively new land, and ten months
were spent in feasting, dwelling, trading and
sledging among its sociable and interesting natives.
They are located principally along the coast line in
tents of walrus skin, and penetrate into the interior
only so fiu* as may be gained by an occasienal d<^
or deersledge excursion. The book, though not
* without literary defects, is readable and instmctive.
Recollections of a Three Tears' Residence in
China ; including Pere^nations in Spain, Morocco,
Egypt, India, Australia, and New Zealand. By
W. Tyrone Power, Thia^ the Athenceum pro-
1853.]
LTTEBABT BflSOELLANIEa
141
noiiiio60 "oo« of the most lively and entertftining
book* of trayel whi<^ hns lately appeared. Mr.
Power IB in the CommiBflariat Department, and in
his varied aoenee of service he has made obaerva-
tions which he now records for the instruotion and
amnaement of the public"
Thackeraj'B HumorUU attracts general atten-
tion, the papers speaking well of it The Literary
Gazette^ however, thinks it not up to the measure
of the subject^ or the author's powers.
Hie Grimes of the House of Hapsburg against its
own Liege Sabjects. Bj F. W. Newman. As in
everything that comes from Prof. Newman's pen,
there are earnestness of tone, weight of reflection,
and knowledge of the subject on every page of this
terrible little volume. Dynastic stories are seldom
such as the minds of moral, moderate men can lin-
ger on with pleasure: — ^Tudors and Stuarts^ Bour-
bons and Bonapartes^ Hohenstaufens and Roman-
offs <^1 the r^^ families of the modem world,
have, each in turn, furnished their full share of
crime, intrigue, and treason to the archives of hu-
man history. Prof Newman sees this clearlv: —
**A11 great empires^** he admits, "have been born
in crime." But he believes that in " the lowest
depths" there is a deeper still, — ^that among great
offenders against civilization there is a greatest;
and he goes, in successive chapters, over the tale of
Hapsburg rule in Castile — in Valencia and Ara-
§m — in Bohemia — in Protestant Germany — ^in the
ereditary States of Austria — ^in the Netherlands
— ^in Belgium — ^in its dealings with the Protestants
and Moors of Spain — ^in Austrian Poland — ^in Hun-
gary— ^in Servia and Croatia — in Austrian Italv,
and in Sicily, — showing in a few pregnant words,
fortified by references of good authority, what his-
toiy has to plead at its calm and impartial bar against
the good faith of this imperial race. — Athenceum,
Essays on Various Subjects. By Cardinal Wiae-
man. After noticing the polemical character of
this volume, — made up ot contributions to the
DvMin Review, — the reviewer in the Athetumm
thus speaks of its literary merits : " Of the literary
merits of these volumes we must, with all our dis-
sent from much that the author esteems more essen-
tial than their literary merits, speak vexr highly.
They display a mind naturally powerful, trained
to a subtle and laborious use of itself, stored with
very various learning, and cultured to a high de-
gree of taste and refinement. There is much strik-
ing thought in the volumes^ much rare and exact
scholarsMp, much eloquent and beautiful writing,
and much ingenious and pungent criticism. It
must be allowed, too, that, with all his severity as
a controversialist, the author maintains the cour-
tesy of high literary breeding. 'On the whole, on
the evidence of these volumes we should pronounce
Oard'mal Wiseman to be a man of powerful, mas-
culine mind, great learning, fine culture, and strong
consistent purpose, — but wanting in the crowning
element of ' genius.' which places a man among the
first-rate. Even in the department of speculation
he is inferior to some other writers, with whom,
in certain respects, he may be very fitly compared.
He always thinks strongly: — but he makes no
deep incisions, penetrating to the marrow of what
is under discussion, — and there is always a very
obvious limit to the range of his generalizations.'*
The Story of Mont Blana By Albert Smith.
This is called by the Bxaminer as ".sincere and
pleasant a little book as we have lately looked
into ; and it will not surprise us if its popularity
keep pace with that of the Exhibition to which
it may be called a supplement The style is un-
affected, the matter is neaUy brought together and
arranged, and the impression produced is that of a
subject treated by one who knows it well, and to
whom the treatment of it has been a delight, — not
a task."
Memoirs and Correspondence of Dr. Henry
Bathurst, Lord Bishop of Norwich. By his daugh-
ter, Mrs. Thistlethwayte. The Literary Gazette
prefaces its review of this work by the following
estimate of the subject of it : " Few English bishops
of modern times have left a name more justly and
more universally respected than Dr. Henry Bath-
urst of Norwich. Joseph John Gumey, a man of
kindred spirit^ thus spoke of his venerable friend
and neighbor a few days before his death : ' I can-
not well express the warm regard and affection I
feel for him. His liberality and absence of preju-
dice were noble, and his Christian courtesy delight*
ful/ Such was the Impression made by Dr.
BathursVs character on all with whom he came in
contact Those who least liked blm had no fault
to find but one, which leaned to virtue's side, and
which in a bishop of the last generation could not
fjftil to be conspicuous"
Mr. Thomas Lynch, whose " Memorials of Theo-
philus Trinal, Student," attracted much attention
some time since, has published a course of lectures
on various literary subjects, delivered at the Royal
Institution, Manchester, under the title of Etsayt
on tome of the Forms of Literature, The titles of
the lectures are— 1. Poetry ; its sources and influ-
ences. 2. Biography, autobiography, and history.
8. Fictions and imaginative prose. 4. Criticism,
and writings of the day. There is much ingenious
and philosophical thought, united with good and
genial feeling, in Mr. Lynch's essays.
The Evangelist of the Desert : a Life of Claude
Broussot, from Original and Authentic Records.
By H. S. Baynee. The Claude Brousson whose
story is here to)d was an advocate of the provin-
cial Parliament of Toulouse, in the reign oi Louis
the Fourteenth ; subsequently, he became a preach-
er of the Reformed Church of France, and ulti-
mately a martyr to the doctrines which he had
embraced. The biography is carefully and ably
executed. Mr. Baynes has had access to manu-
script and other documents of great rarity for the
purposes of his work, and he has written the life
of Brousson with earnestness of feeling. The two
volumes, sequent in subject as thev are in appear^
ance, constitute a trustworthy ana popular euide
for the English reader to the secret annals of the
Protestant Church In France: — one of the most ro-
mantic, and at the same time most neglected epi-
sodes in European history.
Celebrated Jesuita By the Rev. W. H. Rule.
"Mr. Rule has produced in these two volumes,"
says the Athenceum, "a popular and acceptable
contribution to the library of Jesuit story. The
work contains six biographies, — ^those of St Francis
Xavier, Diago Laynei^ Henry Gamett, Cardinal
Bellarmine, John Adam Schall (the famous Tarn-
yo-vam), and Gabriel Gruber. Much of the ground
142
UTBRABT MISCELLANIES.
[Sept,
here trodden is little worn. With the exeeption of
Xayier, Bellarmine, and perhaps Garnett; little ie
popularly known in England of these men or tiieir
doings. The story of Schall and his astronomical
mission in China is extremely interesting: — and
we do not remember any other aoooont of him ac-
cessible to English readers. But the chief interest
for present readers will be foond in the last chap-
ter, neaded 'Gabriel Graber.* There is, to most
men, a mystery in this secret existence of the order,
which Mr. Rule's account of * Gabriel Gruber,' the
visible providence of the 'institution,' will help
Tery materially to dispel."
Select Letters and Remains of the late Rev. W.
H. Hewitson. Edited by the Rev. John Baillie,
of Linlithgow. A memoir of Mr. Hewitson was
recently published by his friend, Mr. Baillie, to
which these volumes are supplementary. They
contain selections from his correspondence, and
from his manuscript papers. The selections from
the sermons and the tneological notes, and the
fragments and aphorisms, are very interesting and
profitable reading, and sustain fully the hi^ im-
pression of the aouteness and learning as well as the
piety of the author, as derived from the memoir of
Ids fife.
Indications of the Creator ; or, the Natural Evi-
dences of Final Cause. By George Taylor. Origi-
nally published by C. Scbibbtir, New York. The
AtheruBum calls it " the best American book on the
evidences of natural religion with which we are
acquainted. With science in its various depart-
ments the author shows himself familiar, and he
makes judicious application of his knowledge to the
illustration of theology. The work is divided into
five parts, in which the Nebular Hypothesis, As-
tronomy, Geolcgy, Comparative FhysioloK^, and
Physical Geography, are severally treated. On
geolo^ he enters into most details, and gives a
very interesting and instructive review of its prin-
ciples and discoveries in conn<»ction with the evi-
dences of design, and in illustration of the divine
attributes of power, wisdom, and goodnesa, It is a
well-argued and well-written treatise, equally toi
be commended for its scientific information ana its
literary style."
Mr. Everett's Address, delivered before the New
York Historical Society, with an introduction by
the Hon. Joseph R. Ingersoll, has been published in
London, and it is thought by the Oritie to give " a
graphic sketch of the leading points of American
progress from the earliest times to the recent Euro-
pean immigration.
A little treatise on The Body, Mind and Spirit ;
or, the Life of Nature, of Reason, and of Heaven,
describes human life in its physical, intellectual,
and spiritual relations. The style is somewhat
mystical, but there are curious facts and ingenious
and intelligent reflections and remarks in the
work.
Of the celebrated Confessions of an English
Opium Eater, a new edition appears. We have
read the book over again with undiminished zest^
and feel how great must be the attractiveness of
the style and subject to those who listen for the
first time to Mr. De Quincey*s strangely interesting
confessions. |
An Occasional Discourse on the Nimr Qneetion
has been republished, in which Mr. %iomas Car-
lyle utten some characteristic extravagances on the
subject of slaverv. The Literary Gazette thinks it
** difiicult to maae out whether shrewdness or ab-
surdity most marks the discourse. Amidst what in
the author's own words may be called ' dark, ex-
tensive moon-calves, unnameable abortions, and
wide-coiled monstrosities,' there occur some strik-
ing and sensible remarks, well formed and forcibly
expresMd thoughts and sentiments."
History of the French Protestant Refugees, from
the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes down to our
own daya By M Ch. Weis^ 2 vola This im-
portant work IS reviewed at length in J5laekwoo(L
The British Quarterly Review says of it : " Among
the works which have been issued, owing to the
revived interest felt for their religion by the Pro-
testants of France, this, by Mr. Weiss, may be
reckoned among the most important and the most
interesting. Indeed, these volumes are full oC in-
struction, and frequently possess a dramatic inter-
est. The author traces the men whom the bigotiy
of Louis XIV. and his courtezans drove from their
hearth^ and their native land, into the several
places of their exile, and describes the establish-
ment of their colonies in Germany, in England, in
Holland, in Switzerland, in America, and even in
Denmark, Sweden, and Russia; speaking of the
edicts of the governments of those countries in their
fisvor, the services which they rendered to the na-
tions by whom they were welcomed, as much in
relation to politics as to sericulture, industry, com-
merce, literature, and religion; and showing the
extent to which they contributed to the greatness
the riches, and the liberties of those lands ; and,
finally, their successive fusion with the nativei^ as
well as the actual condition of their descendants"
Our countryman, Dr. Coleman's work. Ancient
Christianity Exemplified in the Private, Domestic,
Social, and Civil Ufe of the Primitive Christiana, is
warmly recommended by the "British Quarterly
Review, It says: "Our brethren of the United
States have profited more by German industry and
learning than we Englishmen. We have men
among us who get reputation by using up materials
collected by the toil of our German neignbors, but
the class is more limited with us than on the other
side the Atlantic. Mr. Coleman has gone to the
best sources of information, and produced a work
alike instructive and reliable, relating to a subject
with which every intelligent Christian, and espe-
cially students for the ministry, ought to make
themselves familiar. Besides treating of all sub-
jects which ordinarily enter into the general class
of Christian antiquities, this volume contains an
account of the rites of the Armenian Church, also
a sketch of the Nestorian Church, and a chapter on
the Sacred Seasons of the New England Puritans^
together with a detailed index of authorities, and
index of councils^ a chronological index, and a gen-
eral index ; the whole forming a complete and very
useful book."
The Maid of Florence ; or, NiccoI5 de' I^pi. By
the Marquis Massimo IVAzegUo. Translated from
the Italian by W. Felgate^ M. A. This historical
romance is worthy of the reputation of the enlight-
ened and accomplished statesman by whom it is
written. Oar only fear is that the work is too
1858.]
LTTERABT lOBGELLAMBa
148
ciutomarj anntial Retarn to Parliament about the
Library of th« BritiBh MoMum. llie estimated
number of Tolumea now in the Library is 510,110.
Mr. Panizzi's New General or Supplementary Cata-
logue (of which only three oopiee exists and those in
MS.) has run to 806 yolumes ! — containing it is esti-
mated, the titles of 185,000 yolumes of printed books
•
Mr. Huffh Miller, the Geologist, in a leading
article in the Witness newspaper, of which he is
editor, has written an able and ingenious reply
to Mr. Macaulay's assertion, in his late Indian
speech, of the superiority of distinguished uniyer-
sity men for the practical afihirs of life. The in-
stances adduced by Mr. Miller, if they do not re-
fute Mr. Maoaulay's statements^ at least show how
much may be said on the other side of the ques-
tion. " Two boys were once of a class in the
•Edinburgh Grammar School, — John, eyer trim,
precise, and dux ; Walter, eyer sloyenly, confused,
and dolt In due time John became naillie John,
of Hunter Square, Edinburgh ; and Walter became
Sir Walter Scott of the Universe." " Oliyer Crom-
well eot but indifferently through college; John
Churchill spelt but badly, even a^rhe had beaten
all the most accomplished soldiers of France ; and
Arthur Wellesley was but an uninformed and va-
cant young lad for some time after acquiring his
first commission.'* In literature, besides Scott, the
instances of Goldsmith, Cowper, Dryden, Swift,
Chalmers, Johnson, and others^ are cited, to show
that excellence is often attained after the absence
of precocity. Mr. Miller's own case is one in point,
where highest scientific and literary eminence has
been gained without juvenile scholastic distinctions.
Mr. Macaulay's rhetorical paradoxes must^ there-
fore, be received with great mistrust
Thackeray has a new serial in preparation.
Mr. Samuel Warren's works will shortly be re-
published in a cheap form, in weekly and monthly
parts, commencing with the Diary of a Physician,
Mr. Prosper Merim^e has been named by the
French Emperor a member of the Senate. Tliis
nomination s^ves him a salary of £1200 a year. M.
Merim^e is favorably known in modern literature.
His Majesty the King of Hanover has conferred
on Mr. S. W. Fullom, the author of The Marvels of
Science, and their Testimony to Holy Writ the
Hanoverian medal of the Arts and Sciences^ to mark
his approbation of that work. — ^It is not generally
known that the King of Hanover exhibited powers
as an author which might have enabled him to at-
tain distinguished eminence in literature, had not
the ordinary and most urgent motives for their ex-
ertions been neutralized or excluded by his exalted
rank. In 1889 his Mnjesty, then Crown Prince,
published anonymously at Hanover, a little work
m German, entitled, Ideen und Betraehtungen uber
die Eigenshaften der Music (Ideas and Reflections
ort the Properties of Music), which was reviewed in
the Quarterly Review for September, 1840, in an
article beeinnine thus : " This litUe work is the well
known, although not openly avowed, production
of Prince George of Hanover ; and it is with un-
feigned pleasure that we refer to it^ as incontesta-
bly establishing his daim to rank as the most
accomplished amongst contemporary scions of roy-
alty."
Sir Henry Ellia and Mh Panizzi have made their 1 The Great Industrial Exhibition is making the
philoeophical to be popular. With historical inei-
dents are mingled profound reflections and politi-
cal comments, whicn ordinary novel readers will
only consider hindrances to the development of the
story, and to the flow of the narrative. But for
intelligent and educated readen few books of fic-
tion of such ti kind are provided, and they will
value the work accordingly. The story is one of
the time of the famous sieee of Florence, when the
city defended itself, unaided, against the arms of
Clement YIL and Charles Y. The Emperor, to
give effect to the treaty of Barcelona^ concluded
with the Pope, wished the Florentines to submit to
the Medici Kiccolo de' Lapi, the father of the
Maid of Florence, the son of a citizen who had died
in exile, had from infancy conceived a hatred against
the Medici, and the party of the PalleschL Hay-
ing returned to Florence, and obtained immense
wealth, he was one of the chief defences of the
dty. Round the family of Niccolo the principal
events and characters of the siege are grouped.
New Novel of Political Life, entitled " Charles
Delmer," by a distinguished writer, is pronounced
by the Spectator to be "a remarkable book, ex-
hibiting a wide acquaintance with the biography
and personal traits of public men, the result of
considerable thought on parties and politics. Dis-
raeli figures favorably as Jacobi. Lord Palmerston,
who is admirably drawn as Lord Tiverton. Gra-
ham, rather harshly painted, as Sir John Everard
Grimstone. Peel is not disguised at all, and Lord
John Russell scarcely."
Correspondence of the American Revolution.
Edited by Jared Sparks. 4 vola The twelve vol-
umes of the Washington Letters are necessarily in-
complete without the letters ^which replied to the
questions asked, or to which they were themselves
repliesL Hence these volumes. We do not see
that Mr. Sparks, once committed to his task, had
any choice in the matter ; but neither can it be
denied UiiA the result is somewhat formidable.
Sixteen ponderous volumes of ponderous letters —
each volume containing about ^ve hundred and
fifty pages — are enough to alarm even a lover of
big books. Ihe Atkenaum says of this work : "A
correspondence so extensive, were it as luminous
as it is voluminous, could scarcely hope to obtain a
large popular acceptance. Still it was a useful
thing — a necessary thing in its way — ^to gather at
the present time, while papers are m existence, all
the aocumentary and authentic memorials of the
War of Independence. The days of Washington
were the heroic times of America. Washington
himself is the hero of a great continent : — a hero,
all of whose proportions are noble, and whose
figure grows in the love and reverence of mankind
with every passing year. With the sole exception
of Napoleon, he is the most conspicuous personage
in modem history : — and he has the vast advan-
tage over his Italian rival in fame, that his genius
was essentially moral, so that he could rule himself
as well as he could sway the mind and direct the
energies of his countrymen. Of such a man the
memorials are infinitely precious. They concern
not only the country whicn he served by his genius^
but the world to which he left the example of his
moderation and his virtues."
ITEMS.
144
LTTERART MISOELLAKHa
[Sept., 1858.]
tour of the world. The J^i^nkfort Jowmal etiitei^
that the BaTarian OoTemment nas reBoWed on the
erection of an edifice, on the model of the Hyde
Park Palace, for the Zolyerein exhibitioD,— «t a eort
of 800,000 florins.
It IB the intention of the PruaeiaD Government
to hold next year in BerliD a general Exhibition of
the Arte of Germany. The plan ia, to aasemble the
most remarkable works and producte which hare
appjcared within the laat fiye and twenty year^ a
period which ^oee back to the reviral of German
art. The yarions German States will shortly be
invited to co-operate.
From a return jnst iasued it appears that there
were eleven pensions granted between the 20th of
June, 1852, and the 20th of June last, charged upon
the civil list^ amounting to £1200. To John Kus-
sell Hind, the astronomer, £200 ; Gideon Algernon
Mantell, the geologist^ £100; Caroline Southey
(widow of the late poet Iaureat),£200 ; Nancy Tay-
lor, (^idow of Colonel Tavlor, killed at Sobraon),
£100 ; Francis Ronalds, for discoveries in electricity,
Ac, £76 ; Charles Richardson, author, £^6 ; Louisa
Stuart Costello, authoress, £70 ; Jane Pugio, wife
of R. W. Pugin, architect, £100; Elizabeth Hester
Colby, wife of Major-General Colby, £100 ; Wm.
Jerdan, " in consideration of his services to litera-
tuVe for many years, and his distressed circum-
stances at an advanced period of life, £100;" and
Elizabeth M. Dunbar, widow of the late Professor
of Greek in the University of Edinburgh, £75, and
her three daughters^ for the survivors or survivor
of them. '
A tribute had been rendered to the memory of
Dr. MantcU, in a memoir read by a McmlxH* of the
Council of the Clapham Athcnsoum, in the welfare of
which institution. Dr. Mantell took an active inte-
rest An obituary notice, written in the ' American
Journal of Scieoce,- by Professor Silliman, is ap-
pended to the Clapham memorial, the whole pre-
senting a flattering and agreeable portrait of Dr.
Manteirs personal and acientiflc character.
Mr. Charles Bloomfield, eldest son of the author
of ' The Farmer-fl Boy,' died on the 26th inst in the
fifty-flfth year of his age. He was formerly con-
nected with the press, but the last fifteen years of
his life were passed in the office of Messrs. Weir and
Smith, solicitors, Basinghall street.
The submarine electro-telegraphic communication
between Great Britain and Ireland has at length
been successfully completed.
An interesting pahcontologic discovery has jnst
been made at Villefranche, near Lyons in France,
in the execution of some railway works, consisting
of the remains of some huge antediluvian animals.
They are in a fair state of preservation. Amongst
them arc a tusk, which though broken is about two
and a quarter yards in length, and two jaw-bones of
such monstrous dimensions, that it is said to have
required twelve men to carry them.
GOSSIP.
A GRANDSON of William Wilberforce la preparing
a book of travel in Brazil, including some remarks
on slavery there.
Hurst and Blackett have In the press MefMir$ of
Dr, Ahemethy^ toith a Ftfio of hi$ Writingt
Lectures, and C/Uiracier, by George Macilwain.
Professor Faraday's explanation of the mystery
of table-turning has been translated into all the
newspapers in Paris, and has excited very great
attention.
The Saltan has conferred the Order of Med-
Bchitshe on Rossini,* as a reward for his having
composed two military marches for Turkey.
M. Francis Arago, whose death has been more
than once reported, is dangerously ill at Pcrsignan,
where he went firom the baths of the Pyrene^
The Chair of Botany at the Jardin des Plantes,
vacant by the death of M. Ad. de Jussieu, has been
abolished, and one of Palaeontology has been sab-
stituted, to which M. Alcide d'Orbigny has been ap-
pointed.
" Between the 11th Deoember, 1851, and the 11th
December, 1852," wrote Alexandre Dumas a few
days ago to the editor of one of the principal jour-
nals, ** I have written a work in five volumes, called
Conseience V Innocent ; another in twelve volumes,
called the ComtcMe de Chamy ; another in six vol-
umes, called the Pasteur d'Aahboum ; another in
six volumes, called leaojc Laqueden; another in
two volumes, called Leone Zeona ; and, in addition,
eight volumes of the Memoirs of my Life, Adding to
these about a volume of other writings, which I do
not take the trouble to recapitulate, 1 arrive at a
total of forty volumes, which comprise something
like 120,000 lines or 8,000,000 letters. Such has
been my year's work."
The young men of Edinburgh have petitioned
Parliament in favor of an extension of Mr. Ewart's
Act to that country.
The select committee of the House of Commons
recommend that free libraries, mechanics' institn-
tions, and other public institutions be supplied with
Parliamentary papers. The committee recom-
mend that a committee be appointed at the com-
mencement of each session to consider all applica-
tions made for Parliamentary papers.
The House of Commons Committee on Decimal
Coinage have concluded their inquiries : and it is
reported that the members are of one opinion in fa-
vor of its adoption,— tfUcing the^pound as integer,
divisible into a thousand mills or farthings.
A case of si)ecimens of Swedish porphyry fVom the
royal quarries at Elfdal has arrived m England.
These specimens include fifteen distinct varieties,
some of^grcat beauty. They have been presented
to the Crystal Palace Company by Mr. Chsffles
Henry Edwards.
Dr. Macbride, Principal of Magdalene Hall, has
offered an exhibition of 20^ per annum, for three
years' residence, to any body educated at the Strat-
ford-on-Avon Grammar School, whom the master
may select as fittest for the University. Lord Dela-
warr and Mr* J. R. West have each given 100/. to-
wards the fund, and other sums have been subscribed
to the amount of 425/.
The Geographical Society of Berlin, in its last
sitting, was informed that the Russian Government
intends to measure the degrees of the meridian from
Cape North (latitude 72 p north) to the mouths of
the Danube (latitude 45 1^ north.)
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faces to tbe coiiecieu euitiua of bU wuia.^ ,
secondly, a number of letters, already above
^3femoir9j Journal, and Oorr€$pandence of
ThomoM Moore. Edited by the Right Honorabfe
Lord John Roiiel], HP. Yoli. L, U^ III, and lY.
186S.
TOL. XXX, NO. U
KJH 1018 JLiord tfuiiu w«/»w. . ^» :'.
reader will not wonder that he has thought
it right to comply with the request of his
deceased friend.' To the general proposi-
tion we cheerfully assent, but the manner
in which the task has been executed is a
10
^r--H^Puy.'-'^lLy^^^..''->'>^ ■■
ECLECTIC MAGAZINE
FOREIGN LITERATDRE, SCIENCE, AND ART.
OCTOBER, 1853.
HEH0IR8 OF THOMAS MOOEE.*
IThu powufal utisi*, inl«nM (a unibiUt* llw pomlu
Wkif pal ind FinlBB, !• fnm Iha pin of tli* Tatj C«T-
fkui, I. HUB* Cnkn, ud U in kia Uu Uyl*.— £d J
Wb have given onr general views of Mr.
Moore's literary character, as well as of
Hime of bis principal productions, so fully
on former occatiions that, on tlie preaent, we
shall confine our obseirationB to the tpeciat
contenls of the volumes before us. This is
a task which we wisb we could have spared
Dureelves ; for we bave but Ultle to com-
mend either in the substance or the cir-
cumstances of Che publication — which has
not merely disappointed the general reader,
bnt must, we believe, have given pain to
every one who has any regard for the me-
mory of poor Moore.
The book presents os with, first, an au-
tobiographical sketch of Moore's earlier life,
of wnion a good deal seems to ns very
apocryphal, and what is of any vHlue has
been already before the pnbtic in the pre-
faces to the collected edition of his works ;
secondly, ■ number of letters, already above
'MtmoiTt, JouTttai, and Oomlpondmet of
ms.
VOL. zxx va IL
400, chiefly to his mother, and Mr. Power
the publisher of his "Melodies;" thirdly —
but much the larger and more important
section, occupying naif the second and tha
whole of the thinl and fourth volumes — ■
Diary — beginning in August, 1818 — and
thenceforward most assiduously and minute-
ly kept — of not merely the incidents of bis
literary and domestic life, hut the sayings
and doings of the extensive and variegated
society in which he moved.
These materials he bequeathed under the
following clause of his will (dated 1828) : —
" [ lion confide to my valued friend Lord John
Kuesell (having tAtained bis kind promise U
undertake tbis service for me'} the task of look>
ing over whatever papers, letters, or jotfrnsls I
may leave beliind me, for the puroose of form-
ing from them some kind of pubiicatioD, whe-
ther in the shape of memoirs or otherwise, which
may aSbnl the mesna of making some provision
for my wife sod family." — Pr^ace, p. i.
On this Lord John observes "that the
reader will not wonder that he has thought
it right to comply with the request of his
decrased friend.' To the general propoai-
tiou we cheerfully assent, but the manner
in which the tasK has been executed is a
146
MEHOIBS OF THOMAS MOOR&
[Oct.
▼ery different question. Every one recol-
lects his friend Sydney Smith's description
of his Lordship's readiness to undertake any
tbinjir and every thing — to build St. Paul's —
cut for the stone — or command the Channel
fleet." We cannot guess what he might
have been as an architect, an anatomist, or
an admiral, but he is assuredly a very in-
different editor.
His position, indeed, is altogether a strange
one. We see him in the political world exe-
cuting the most important duties without an
office, and in his literary capacity accepting
a very important office, without performing
its most ordinary duties. He is also, we find,
simultaneously editing the correspondence of ^
Mr. Fox. Yet it evidently never once occurs
to him, that one who has so many irons in
the fire runs a^ risk of burning his fingers.
In the first place, the volumes are — what
is called — edited in the most slovenly and
perfunctory style. Por instance: —
At the close of the letters we find one of
the few, and generally very idle notes that
he condescends to give us : —
•* %♦ These letters are, many of them-^-most
of them, I may say — without a full date, and I
fear several have been wrongly placed. — J.JR."
— i. 141.
** FearT any one who had read the Let-
ters must have been eure of it ; and why is
it so ? What is the use of an editor but to
look after such things? and, in this case, we
really believe that it might have been done
by an hour's attentive perusal and compari-
son with the other contents of the volumes.
But the materials are not only negligently
misplaced — but, if Lord John had, as he in-
timates, a power of selection, in many in-
stances very ill chosen. We by no means
quarrel with his having given us much that
may appear trifling — ^it was incident to the
nature of the task he had undertaken — but
we smile at the pompous solemnity with
which he endeavors to excuse such an un-
sifted accumulation of littleness and nothings
as we have now before us.
<* Mr. Moore,'' his Lordship says, ** was one of
those men whose genius was to remarkable that
the world ou^ht to be aetruainted with the daily
current of his life and toe lesser traits of his
character." — ^p. vi.
To this we may make the old reply, Je n'en
vois pai la nieemti. Mr. Moore was a live-
ly and a popular writer, and a most agreea-
ble eompaoioD, and well entitled to a spe*
eial biography, but we never imagined that
the recesses of his private life were to afford
anything so emphatically important to man-
kind.
Admitting, however, as we are quite will-
ing to do, the amusement and even the in-
struction to be derived from a Dutch delinea-
tion of the smaller details of social life, it is
essential even to that petty pleasure to know
something about the company into which
we are thus introduced. Of the many hun-
dred persons who are more or less promi-
nent actors in the long melo-dmme of Moore's
life, there are not above a couple of dozen
that would not require a nomenclator, while
the editor has not thought fit to fix the iden-
tity of any one, and leaves us a mere mob of
undistinguishable names. There are, or seem
to be, five or six different tribes of Moores,
three or four septs of NugentB, four
or five clans of Douglasses, Smiths in their
usual abundance, and lonff strings of '' Brown
— Jones — ^Robinson," and the like, but not a
hint from the writer or the editor which of
the Browns, Joneses, or Robinsons is the
party concerned. Lord John, we admit,
may say that in the great majority of cases
we should probably think any explanation
that could be given very barren and unprofit-
able. Just so : but what b that excuse but
a proof that the greater part of the work is
itself unprofitable and barren ; for what in-
terest can there be about the sayings and
doings of people whose personal identity ia
not even worth realizing ?
There is one instance of this neglect or
reserve so remarkable and so unaccountable
that it seems to throw something of suspi-
cion where we are sure Lord John could
have had none — we mean the announcement
of Moore's marriage. We need not say in
what a variety of ways such an event influ*
ences any man's subsequent life. In Moore's
case it seems to have been singularly impru-
dent, and if not clandestine, at least very
mysterious, and must have been the cause of
much embarrassment, and in spite of hb
joyous and sanguine temper, of constant
anxiety. Almost every page of the Diary,
and many pages twice or thrice over, testify
how vividly, how ostentatiously he produces
and reproduces the happy consequences of
this alliance; but those who will take the
trouble of looking closer will see that he
seems to have been in a constant fidget about
the various shades of coolness or coun te-
rn nee with which his choice was received,
and that his feelings towards individuals
were evklently sweetened or soured accord*
ing to this special influence; and yet all. that
1853.]
MSMOIRS OF THOMAS MOORR.
14?
either he or his editor tells us on this affair
which predominates over every hour of his
after life is this —
— At page 252 of the first volume, under
date *^ May, 1811," he writes to his mother
that he is to meet at breakfast at Lady Don-
egal's* and at dinner at Mr. Rogers's,
*' A person whom yon little dream of, but whom
I Bbatl introduce to your notice next week."
To which the editor appends this note : —
** Mr. Moore was married to MIes Dyke on
March 22, 1811, at St. Martin's Church in Lon-
don."
Surely after Lord John's dissertation on
the necessity of the world's being made ac-
quainted with the minute details of Mr.
Moore's life, it is very strange to find him
thus slurring over the chief personage and
topic of all. We throw into a foot note a
few words on this subject (chiefiy collected
from the Diary) which seem necessary to
supply the editor's injudicious omission, and
to explain Moore's real position. We do so
the more willingly, lest our silence, added to
that of Lord John, should lead to a suspi-
cion that any thing should be truly said derog-
atory in the slightest degree from the merits
of " this excellent person," as she is, no
doubt justly, described by Lord John, and
by every one else that we have ever heard
speak of her.f
* Barbara, the daughter of the Rev. Dr. Godfrey,
became in 1790, the third wife of the first Marquis
„ I always Bpeaki
them as the DonegiUs. They were amongst the
earliest, kindest^ and most sensible of Moore's
friends; and a few of Miss Mary Godfrey's letters
to him, full of lively talk and excellent advioe, are
certainly the beet things in the volumes It is not
stated, and we very much doubt, that Lady Done-
gal knew anything of Miss Dyke be/ore the mar^
riage, but she immediately, as Moore phrases it,
"took her by the hand." Lady Donegal died in
1829. Of Mifls Godfrey we regret that we know
nothing bnt her half- dozen agreeable letters.
f Mr. Dyke was, we are informed, a subaltern
aetor on the Irish stage; he also gave lessons in
i^^«iwiigr and showed some artistic talents in scene
painting. He had three daughters ; the eldest
married a Mr. Duf^ also, we have been informed,
on the stage, and the youngest Mr. Murray, of the
EdkibarBh Theatre [ ii. 208] ; the seoond, EUzabetli,
bora in 1798, was the wife of Moore. They were
all on the stage, [I 804], when young as dancers,
and afterwards as actresses; in both these capaoitiee
they were engaged to fill the female parts in the
AnuOeur I%eatricals of Kilkenny in the years 1809
and 1810, when Moore^ then one <tf the pexfonnen
But besides these obvious defects of Lord
John's editorial system, some questions of
more serious importance present themselves.
He considers it, he says '* clear," that
**by assigning to me the task of Mocking over
whatever papers, letters, or journals' he might
leave behind him, *for the purpose of forming
from them some kind of publication, whether in
the shape of memoirs or otherwise,' he meant to
leave much to my discretion.^^ — i. ix.
It is clear Lord John could not rationallv
have accepted the duty without some degree
of control — not, however, and arbitrary, but
a responsible control.
When a man of strong party feelings like
Lord John Kussell has an unlimited power
over a miscellaneous mass of papers, written
on the spur of every transient feeling by a
partizan of his own, and teeming with all the
political partialities and personal antipathies
of their eomnum habits and opinions, it would
be only fair to tell us distinctly at the outset,
whether he makes a selection or whether he
prints in eztenso the whole work as he finds
it ; and in the former case he should indicate
by blanks or asterisks where any suppression
occurs. We observe that Lord John in a few
places does introduce, in the exercise of his
discretion, blanks and asterisks. This would
imply that he has made no other suppressions
— and, if so, the Diary must have been, on
the whole singularly inoflfensive, and a dozen
similar suppressions would have removed the
chief blots of this kind that we have heard
complained of; but here a recent circum*
stance suggests some rather puzzling consid-
erations. There occurs in the Diary the fol-
lowing passage : —
<*June 16, 1826.— Breakfasted at Roffers'e:
Sidney Smith and his family, Luttrell, Lord John
^ Bi-n, t^- - If I - r- - - T - I J 11 - • ~
[and it is said a very good one], became acquainted
with them, and enamoured of Miss K Dyke. The
courtship commenced at Kilkenny [iv. 108], was
continued in Dublin [ib, 126], but, it seems, with-
out the knowledge of hia familv, as his mother, we
see, did not hear of the match for two months after
it had taken place, and then as being with " one she
little dreamed of." It appears that these ^oung
persons were always noder the care of. their mo-
ther, and their personal characteVB were irreproach-
able, "nie Kilkennyplay-bills supply a fact thai
should be noticed. The season was about the Oo-
tober of each year. In 1 809, Miss £. Dyke appears
constantly, and she and Moore played repeatedly
Lady Oodiva and Peeping Tom together. In 1810,
her name is not found in the bilu^ and her sisters
took her usual parts. We conclude that Moore had
then made up his miad to the matoh, and his deU-
ea^y had indaoed the lady to quit the stage.
148
IfEMOIBS OF THOMAS MOORB.
[Oct.,
[Raraell], Sharpe, &c., — hig^hW amnsing. Talked
t»f Sir Robert VVilson : — after the battle of Leipsic,
to the gaining of which he was instrumental.
Lord Castloreagh, in sending over to Lord Stewart
the public document, containing the order for
thanks to Wilson, amons others, on the occasion,
accompanied it with a private one, desiring Lord
Stewart [now Marquis of Londonderry] to avoid
the thanks to Wilson as much as he could, in order
not to give a triumph to his party. Lord Stewart,
hy mistake, showed this letter instead of the pub*
lie one, to Wilson, who has had the forbearance
never to tarn it against the Government since." —
iv. 291.
This very naturally produced a letter from
Lord Londonderry to Lord John, denying
the whole statement, and strongly reproaching
him with not having consulted any of the legi-
timate and accessible sources of information
which weie within both his private and offi-
cial reach, and which would have shown that
the story was a scandalous falsehood. Lord
John's answer was prompt and gentleman-
like:—
** Chetham Place, May 21, 1863.
*' Mr Load— I am deeply concerned that the
passage to which your Lordship alludes should
have been published by me.
»< My first impulse on readinsr it was to strike
it out, both as extremely improbable in itself and
as injurious to the memory of the late Jjord Lon-
donderry. [!.] In the hurry with which the publi-
cation was conducted, for a peculiar purpose, the
passage was afterwards overlooked, 1 shall, how-
ever, expunge it from a new edition which is now
preparing. The anecdote itself I had entirely
forgotten ; nor do I know who mentioned it, in
the vear 1825, at Mr. Rogers's breakfast-table.
** It is certainly inconsistent with the bold and
open character of the late Lord Londonderry.
" Your Lordship's denial that there was anv
foundation for it is enough to prove its falsehood,
nor do I require for that purpose the additional
testimony of Mr. . Bidwell. The story must be
placed among those calumnies which noat in the
kile gossip of the day, and I must repeat to your
Loroship my regret that I should have been in*
strumcDtal in reviving it.
" I have the honor to be, ^c,
*'J. Russell.
*'The Marquis of Londonderry."
This candid and graceful explanation is, of
coarse, quite satisfactory as to the facts of
the Castlereagh and Wilson case, but it is
rather the reverse on the point which we are
discussing, and which is of more extensive
consequence. In the first place, the propos-
ed iupfpression in a second edition could go
but a short way in remedying the specific
mischief — since, as we presume, the sale of
the editio prineeps has been extensive ;— -bat
besides, we think that other parties calumni-
ated in Moore'a Diary have an interest in
having this flagrant proof of its inaccuracy
kept on record. Lorct John^s reparation to
Lord Londonderry should be, not the sup-
pression of the passage, but the addition of
a note to correct it. But we must further,
and with a more general view, observe that
Lord John's statement that, when he first
read it, " his impulse toas to strike it ouf* —
though it was "afterwards overlooked" —
admits that he exercised the power of ex-
punging passages which he thought " injuri-
ous" or even •' improbable" — a vast power
in partizan hands, and which substitutes
Lord John Russell's private judgment for
Mr. Moore's evidence. It further associates
Lord John in the responsibility of all the
"injurious" or "improbable gossip" which
these volumes actually contain — it proves
the culpable heedlessness with which be
deals with his own editorial duties and with
other folks' feelings-— and it confesses that
the Diary issued to the world under his
auspices was in fact a receptacle for "calum-
nies which floated in the idle gossip of the
day." These are serious admissions, nor is
their importance in any degree diminished
by his attempting to lay a share of the blame
on the " hurry with which, for a particular
purpose," the publication was conducted.
He might have been in some "hurry" to
conclude the bargain with the bookseller;
— there might even be some hurry in ar-
ranging and getting out the first livraison of
the work ; but this is in the second batch^
which was a long time delayed — and would
have equally, as far as we can see, answered
its ^' peculiar purpose" if it had been delayed
till the whole was completed. We are,
however, glad that things have turned out as
they have. We are glad that Lord John
had not time to expunge the passage, for it
now helps to characterize the Diary, and it
might be produced by and by, when Lord
Londonderry would not be alive to contra-
dict it, and the memories of his brother and
himself would have remained stigmatised to
posterity for a most base fraud.
But, though we think that Lord John Ros-
sell's editorial proceedings are very question-
able, we must on the other hand admit —
supposing that there have been no serious
deviations from the original materials — that
a more diligent editor could not have reme-
died in any essential degree the innate de-
fects of the book. So voluminous a poly-
glot of gossip — such a gigantic distention
of nothings and next to nothings— cannot,
1863.]
MEMOIBS OF THOMAS MOORE.
149
we believe, be paralleled, even in its present
slate ; and what may it not grow to? The
present work occupies bat seven jears —
1818-1825 — of Moore's life — so that five or
eix and twenttf remain. Not th'at it is all
mere gossip, nor all trivial ; nor unamusing
— nor even altogether uninstructive. Its
most substantial value is, undoubtedly, that
it throws a great deal of liffht, and corrective
light, both on Moore's genius and the char-
acter and tendency of his most popular
works; and the "vforld,** we admit, may be
in some degree the better for it — as Rous-
Beau's Car^essions tended to correct the
mischief of the Heloise and the Emile, It
also aflfords some glimpses (though less than
might be expected) of the state of society
and manners. It sketches or rather touches
— slightly indeed, and seldom impartially —
/many public characters ; and skims over as
mubb of the literature of the day asliad
any relation to Moore's own productions.
But these more interesting topics are so
loosely and incidentally handled, so com-
, paratively scant in quantity, and so scat-
tered through the inferior matter, that we do
the Diary no injustice in calling it like
Gratiano's talk — " an infinite deal of nothing,
two grains of wheat hid in two bushels of
chaff :" — or to use Moore's own words, which
are really prophetic of this work in an ex-
traordinary degree —
''With crumbs of gossip caught from dining
wits.
And half-heard jokes heqweiUked like half-chewed
bits, V
With each ingredient served up oft before,
Bot with fresh fudge and fi/eUon garnish'd
o'er."— W(yrhs, p. 520.
Any extent of extract for which we could
find room would give a very imperfect idea
of the miseellaniety of the whole, and the
tenuity of at least half of the Diary ; but,
as our readers ought to have some general
idea of the style and the fashion of the work,
we shall lay before them a transcript in
extenso of a couple of pages — and, to escape
all cavil as to our selection of entries, we
shall take the four or five at the commence-
ment of hip last year of etWe at Paris and
the first at his residence in Wiltshire after
his return.
'< 1822, Jcmuary Ist, — ^Walked out with Bessy
[bia wife] in the morning to choose an Hrenne
for Mrs. Story. Had Vlilamil, Dalton, Douglas,
and Dr. Yonge to dine with me. In the evening
came Mrs. Storv, and at supper arrived the
Madeods.. Took two games of forfeit; drank
champagne and brandy-punch afterwards; then
to dancing, and did not sepsrate till near three
o'clock.
"2nd—- Dined at Macleod's; Mrs. Story of
the party. Went from thence to the Opera
(Lord Fife having sent me a ticket) ; too late for
the divertissement in the Opera. Miss Drew was
to have called to take me to Mrs. Roche's ball, but
instead of her came Mrs. Story, Mrs. M&cleod,
and her sister. Drove with them about the
Champs Elyr des ; a fine moonlight and a merry
one. They left me at Mrs. Roche's ; found that
Miss D. had called for me at the Opera ; stayed
only a short time at the ball. On my return
home found our two maids still engaged with
their company, we having treated them with an
entertainment for their friends Uwlay.
** 3rd!. — Kept in u bustle all the morning ; so
much so as to forget (for 1 believe the first time
since I have been in France) my letter to mv
dear mother, to whom I write twice a week,and
have done so, with but few failures, for more
than twenty years past. Dined with the Robin-
sons: no one but Cadogan; a good dinner and
agreeable dav. Sung to them in the evening,
and saw in Lady Helena's eyes those heads (tu
use the language of distillers), which show that
the spirit is T^onf. Went from thence to Lady
Pigott's ball. Bessy gone to the Italian Opera,
where Dalton procured her a box." — iii. 313-14.
Such were among the most rational of
the Parisian days and nights. As to those
of the Wiltshire cottag<
** Sloperion, January 1*/, 1823.— The coat (a
Kilkenny uniform) which I sent to town to be
new-lined for the fancy ball to-morrow night, not
vet arrived. Walked to Bowood. Found Lady
Lansdowne and Jekyll, L%dy L. again expressing
her strong; admiration of the poem. Said she
had proposed to the Bowleses to dine at Bowood on
Saturday, and hoping that Bessy would have na
objection to be of the party.
^' 2nd, — Obliged to make shift for to night, by
transferrin? the cut steel buttons from my dress
coat to a black one, and having it lined with
white silk. Dined with the Phippses. Went
in the same way as before; Mrs. P. dressed as
a Sultana and looking very well. The ball at a
Mrs. Hardm%n'8 (a German) beyond Devizes;
odd enough, and amusing, though in a small ill-
lighted room. Two fine girls there, the Miss
Holtons, the eldest beautiful. Not home till
between four and five.
'' 4ih. — The day very wet. Had promised the
Bowleses to meet them at dinner at Bowood to-
day (Bessy having given up the ^hole plan),
and ffo on with them to Bremhill, to stay till
Monday, but sent an excuse, and offered myself
to the Lansdownes for to-morrow instead. An
answer from Lady Lansdowne, begging roe to
stay till Tuesday, and as much longer as Mrs.
Moore could spare me." — iv. 32.
** 5ih — Have received several new.-i apers with
reviews of the poem ; all very favorable. Dined
at Bowood ; taken by the Phippses, ^c.
160
MBMOIB8 09 THOMAS MOOR&
[Oct,
These extracts, though aflbrding no doabt I
an average sample of the whole, happen to
contain no entries of a class of mere trivial-
ities too large to be left altogether out of
our account, but of which a very small taste
will suffice — duch as his thus registering
(a. ^. 1819) for the benefit of posterity when
and where he ate an ice : —
«< Sept 8(^.4-Eat ice at the Milles Colonnes.'*
—111. 7.
«< 9/fc.— An ice at the Milles Colonnes."— ib.
'• lOtA.— Eat an ice at Tortoni's."— p. 8.
" I6th, — ^Took an ice with Lord John at Ruch-
eases " — p. 31: —
and whether when he went next summer —
(a. d. 1820) — to lodge at Severes, he got to
town (on his almost daily visit) by a cab or
an omnibtis: —
** July 7ih. — ^Villamile and I went in a cuckoo.**
— ib. 126.
" 13^.— To town in a cSUn/ere:*
« Aug. 4(4.— Retarned in a cHirifire:*
And so on in fifty places — varying occasion-
ally the cuckoo and cilirifere for the pondole
and the Farisienne. He might just as well
have added the Nos. and the fare.
With what possible object could he, even
the morning after they had happened, regis-
ter such events as the following of his coun-
try life ?—
« 1823, Dec. 29«A.— [Dined] at Dr. Starkey's.
Company, the Phippses, Hughes, and ourselves.
The P.*8 lefl us at home at eight.
•* " Dec. 4ih. — Power [the Music publisher]
arrived. . . . Asked the Phippses to dinner,
%B Power had bought fish and oysters.
" " Dec 5ih. — The Phippses again dine
with us to finish the fish. Also Hughes." — iv.
151.
Or in London:' —
** 1825, Sept 8^.— Walked about with Lut-
trell, but he was obUged to go home, not being
AoOir-Av. 315.
'* *' Sqtt 17tA.— Called at Power's on my
way to Shoe-lane, and felt such a einking m my
ihrrubchf that — ^I stopped to dine with him.— i&.
317.
The Diary, as it is now presented to us,
beginning the 18th August, 1818, has all the
appearance of being only a continuation.
So that it affords no indication of either
when or for what precise object it was com-
menced. It may have been in part design-
ed as a bond fide collection of memoranda for
an autobiography — ^partly as a repository for
odds and ends that might be turned to ac-
count in some literary shape or other — and
evidently as a magazine of jokes and stories,
to be occasionally brought out a la Joe
Miller in conversation. He may also have
calculated that it might one day be a profit-
able pecuniary speculation for the benefit of
his family — an idea which the gift of the
Byron Memoirs, and the price of 2000 gui-
neas for which he sold them, may have con-
firmed ; but neither this nor any other con-
jecture we can make will account for the
quantity of lower topics which intrude them-
selves. We suppose that he must have in-
tended to revise and expurgate them.
But there was, no doubt, a still earlier
feeling — one indeed, in a greater or less de-
gree, at the bottom of all diaries written for
publication — personal vanity ; — and this in-
. fluence, which is " like Aaron's rod and swal*
low6 all the rest," very speedily showed' its
predominancy. It is as constant and as
strong in his journals as in poor Madame
D'Arblay's — though unquestionably he man-
ages it with more tact and dexterity. In his
social manners it was admirably vailed, and
no one we ever saw received so much per-
sonal admiration with more ease and sim-
plicity. But such reserve is hardly main-
tainable when a man is soliloquizing in the
tempting solitude and (as he tries to per-
suade himself) the secrecy of a Diary. It is
a kind of intellectual dram -drinking, which
becomes irresistible and ends in a delirium
tremens of morbid vanity. We are satisfied
that neither Lor4 Landsdowne, nor Mr. Rog-
ers, nor any one of Moore's habitual so-
ciety, had any idea of the extent of this
weakness. Sometimes it transpires slily in
little inuendoes of his own — sometimes he
puts it adroitly, oftener clumsily, into the
mouths of other persons — sometimes it flares
out boldly in long transcripts from books,
newspapers or letters. The amount of the
Diary which this sort of matter occupies
would be incredible if we did not produce
rather copious specimens of the various in-
genious devices by which Moore manages to
tickle himself: —
" Received a letter from Rogers, which begins
thus : — * What a lucky fellow you are ! Surely
you must have been bom with a rose on your lips
and a nighUngale singing on the top of your bed.* **
— iv. 139.
Bom "at the comer of Little Longford
Street" with a rose in his mouth, and not, as
most people are, in his mother*s bed, but in
.16S8*]
XBIIOIBB or roOMAS MOORS.
151
km <nm/ Wm Mr. Bogen laughing at
him?
^Saw the Examiner, which qaotee inv Nea-
poiitao verses from the Chronicle, and says
* Their fine spirit and flowing style sufficiently in-
dicate the poet and patriot from whose pen they
come.' " — iii. 324.
** The Examiner quoted aome lines I had sent
to Perry [of the morning Chronicle], and added,
'We think we can recognize wJioae easy and
tparkUng hand it is.' I wonder he found me
out* '—ii. 18^.
Other persons might be in doubt whether
there was not some other poet and patriot,
and some other easy and sparkling hand in
all England : bat Moore has no doubt at all,
and Jinds himself out directly.
" A flonrishing speech of SheiPs about me in
the Irish papers. Says I tan the first poet of the
day, and join the beauty of the bird of Para-
dise's plumes to the strength of the eagle's
wing.' ^'— iv. 243.
One is at first surprised to find copied into
Moore's London Diary an extract from '* Pe-
ter's Letrers to his Kinsfolk/' about Mr.
Jeffrey's dress at an evening party at Edin-
burgh— A.D. 1819. It seems the last thing
to be expected in another man's autobiogra-
phy, and to be left by him for re-publi-
catioa: — on looking closer we find the
''He [Peter] says of Jeffrey^s dress at some
assembly, ' In short he is more of a dandy than
SLuy great author I ever saw — aHways excepting
Tom Moore: "— ii. 357.
Argal — ^Moore is, even by the hostUe evi-
dence of Peter^ a great author !
Going one night to Al mack's he asks a
lady whether she did not think Lady Charle-
mont lovely — " Beautiful," replied the lady —
so notorious a truism that we doubt wheth-
er Moore himself would have thought of no-
ticing it — if the lady had not added — " as
lovely 08 Lalla Rookh herself /'* (ii. 833.)
Of the conversation of a most accom-
plished gentleman and scholar, whom he
mentions as Duncan of Oxford — and whom,
of course, he had not had the good fortune
to meet before — he can remember only his
having said, after having heard a speech of
Moore's at a Literary Institution at Bath, " I
have had that sweet oratorv ringing in my
ears all night." (iv. 273.)
Mr. Bowles pttblish«)8 one of his contro-
versial pamphlets on Pope, which Moore
used habitaally ta laugh at aa twaddle—- bat
Bowles, " grown wiaer than before," seeoret
honorable mention of this one by an inserip*
tion transcribed from his fugitive title-page
into the safer asylum of the Diary**«^'tnlei[
Poetas suaves, iuavissimo" (iv. 273.)
Moore laughs at the vanity of old Delille,
who, on Lord Holland having paid him an
elaborate but well- turned compliment in
French, answered, " Savez vous. Milord, que
ce quo vous dites-la esttr^s joli" (iv. 276) ;
but he does not see anything ridiculous in
having himself registered a few pages before,
that, on hearing Moore himself sing, the
Duchess de Broglie had " exclaimed continU'
ally, Ok, Dieu! que c'est joli/"
On the 28th Nov., 1818, he goes to dine
with Mr. Rogers's brother and sister, at
Highbury, and finds "Miss Rogers very
agreeable." No doubt; and we dare say
the lady was always so ; but what was the
peculiar agreeability of that day ? —
"She mentioned that she had had a letter
from a friend in Germany saying that the Ger-
mans were learning English in order to read" —
Milton, Shakspeare ? — No : —
" Lord Byron and me. — ii. 229.
" Bayly" takes him to an amateur play
and fancy ball. Moore remembers but one
detail : — " an allusion to me, in the epilogue
by Bayly, as Urines matchless sqn, &c.,
brought thunders of applause and stares on
me." (iv. 274.)
He meets Lady Cochrane at an assem*
bly — is introduced to her — finds her " pretty
and odd," — which he exemplifies by her hav-
ing told him " that she would at any time
have walked ten miles barefoot to see me,**
(iv. 290.)
He dines with his old friend Lord Strang-
ford at the Athenseum, and both are de-
lighted with his renewal of their early hab*
its. Two days after he meets his Lordship,
who, with true diplomatic tact, reads him
part of a letter he had had from Lady
Strangford, saying how pleased she was al
his account of the meeting, and adding, " /
shall henceforward love Moore as mttcn as I
have always admired him.**
His daughter's schoolmistress at Bath
fails — and her pupils are sent home; an-
other offers to take the child: — "terms
would be a minor consideration indeed with
the daughter of such a man as Moore P* (iv,
313.)
When he baa a mind to regale himself
with some flattering recollections which do
1 • *<
MSM0IR8 OF THOMAS MOOBK
[Oct.,
not exactly fall ia with the thread of the
Diary, he draga them in with a by the bye —
which is with Moore a happy verBion of a
propas d$ bottes : —
^* By the hye, was pleased to hear from Rogers
thai Luttrell said, * If any body can make such a
eub'ect [Captain Rock] hvely, Moore will/ "
**By the bye, received a letter from a Sir John
Wycherly, of whom I know nothing, apolo-
gizing for such a liberty with the first poet of the
age." — iii. 11.
He meets Mr. Hutchinson, just come from
being made M.P. for Cork, where —
^ By the bye, they hipped and hurraed me as
the Poet^ Pairi(4^ and Pride of Ireland, I am
becoming a stock toast at their di\iners. Had
seen this very morning an account of a dinner
to Mr. Denny of Cork, when I was drunk as the
Poet and Patriot with great applause." — ii. 157.
^ Forgot, by Ihe bye, to take notice of some
verses of Luttrell's : —
* I am told, dear Moore, your lays are sung —
Can it be true, you lucky man t —
By moonlight, in the Persian tongue,
Along the streets of Ispahan.' " — iii. 301.
But he does not tell us that Mr. Luttrell's
authority for the fact was — Moore himself,
who in another by the bye tells us where he
got it.
** By the bye^ Mr. Stretch, with whom I walked
yesterday [in Paris], eaid he had been told by
the nephew of the Persian Ambas8€uU>r, the Lalla
Rookh had been translated into their language,
and that the songs are sung about everywrhere."
— iii. 167.
Moore, generally so profuse of proper
names, omits to tell us those of the Persian
Ambassador and his nephew — but we have
little doubt they were of the illustrious house
of Mamamouchi, which has had so long a
tenure of Oriental embassies at Paris.
Stretch, too, seems a singularly appropriate
name for the retailer of such an Eastern
story 1
This Mamamouchi report is, we suppose,
Moore's authority for saying that Lalla
Rookh
**has now appeared in the French, Italian, Grer-
man, and Pereian languages.*^
** Lady Saltoun told me that a gentleman had
just said to her, ' If Mr. Moore wished to be
made much of — ^if Mr. Moore winhes to have his
head turned — let him go to Berlin; there is
nothing Ulked of there but Lalla Rookh.' "—iii.
219.
He '' meets Mr. and Miss Camiing at a
Paris dinner, and observed —
**a circumstance which showed a very pttaeami
sort of inteUigence between the father and the
daughter.*'— iii 160.
Our readers will, by this time, not be sur-
prised at the "pleasant sort** of sympathy
which Moore's ingenuity was on the watch
to detect between these twO brilliant intel-
ligences. " /," adds the Diarist —
*" liMa story to Miss Canning, which the father
was the only one who overheard, and it evidently
struck them both as very comical." — 2b.
Occasionally his self-importance takes a
still higher flight. At an Aasembly at De-
vonshire House —
** The Duke, in coming to the door to meet the
Duke of WelUngton, near whom I stood, turned
aside first to shake hands with me — though the
great Captain's hand toas waiting ready stretched
otrf."— iv. 76.
Sometimes when we think that he is about
to offer a pugar-plum to a bystander, we are
surprised at the legerdemain with which he
pops it into his own mouth. Thus — Catalani
visits Dublin when Moore happened to be
there; a Mr. Abbot
•< brought my sister Ellen to introduce to Cata-
lani. Her kindness to Nell, calling her" —
of course one expects some little kind com-
pliment to the young lady herself — ^not a bit
of it —
" calling her — la sceur d^Anacrion /"
We shall conclude these, after all, scanty
samples with one which takes the unusual
form of humility, and is, with its context,
even more amusing. After a page of re-
capitulation of the various forms of compli-
ment and oddrs of incense which he received
at a Harmonic meeting at Bath, he concludes
with the most amiable nalveti : —
"During the ball was stared at on all sides
without mercy. In such a place as Bath any
little Uon makes a stir." — ii. 280.
This is rather hard on Bath, as we have
just seen what pains the same little lion
takes to let us know that he was making
the same kind of stir all the world over — ^in
various shapes and distant regions — as a
nightingalci a bird of Paradise, an eagle,
1858.]
MEMOIBS 07 THOMAS MOOSE.
158
and a dandy — at Berlio, Cork, Ispahan, and I
the corner of Little Longford Street I
In short, Moore reminds us in. every page
of what Johnson said of that caricature of
authorly vanity, old Richardson the novelist
— ''That fellow could not be contented to
sail quietly down the stream of reputation
witkaut longing to taste the froth from every
niroke of the oar.^
This excess of amour propre^^so judi-
ciously veiled in society, but, as we now
see, so active and industrious in turning the
smallest circumstances to its own private
account — was, of course, as morbidly sensi-
tive of anything to which his fear or his
fancy could give a less flatterinff color.
These latter were obviously distasteful mat-
ters, and not to be registered ; but, like ac-
tion and reaction, the two opposite but in-
separable principles were always at work.
We have heard and seen many individual
complaints of the misrepresentation and
malevolence of several passages in the Di-
ary. Of the frequent misrepresentations
there can be no doubt ; but whatever there
may be of malevolence (except always on
party matters) we are inclined to attribute
rather to the momentary impulses of the
amour propre blessi, than to any predisposi-
tion to ill-nature or cynicism. The truth,
we believe, is, that he was naturally kind
and loving, but proportionately susceptible
of petty jealousies and imaginary slights,
and having, as these volumes too clearly
show, passed his whole life in a more habit-
ual state of public exhibition than any other
person — not being a professional performer
— ^that we ever heard of, he acquired much
of the irritability of professional people-^
outwardly checked, indeed, but internally
sharpened by his anxiety to combine his
artistic powers of amusing with the dignity
of an author and the independence of a pri-
vate gentleman. In society he played these
united parts admirably. The Diary has
now furnished us with a less satisfactory
analysis of the elements.
We are restrained, by considerations too
obvious to require explanation, from enter-
ing into the individual complaints to which
we have just alluded ; but it would be a
dereliction of our duty not to apprise our
readers that they involve grave charges of
inaccuracy, misstatement, and culpable in-
sincerity on his part. We have had an op-
portunity of examining the evidence in some
of the cases — and we regret to say, there
must be, on all those counts, an unhesitating
verdict against Moore.
There is one instance of the caution with
which his most deliberate assertions of facts
should be received that is innocuous and "high-
ly amusing." He was extremely sore on the
subject of his ridiculous duel with Jeffrey,
when the Bow Street officer who interrupted
the proceeding found that one at least of the
pistols had no ball. We find in these
volumes a formal account of the affair from
his own pen — some of which is certainly
untrue, and most of it, we think, colored and
discolored.
We have no doubt of Moore's courage,
or that he meant to fight, but we incline to
suspect that his eef^nd, Doctor Thomas
Hume,* always considered an honest and
good-hearted man, saw the extreme ab-
surdity of the quarrel, which Moore, in a
very wanton and •braggadocio style, chose
to fasten on Jeffrey, and being intrusted, as
Moore admits, by Jeffrey's friend Horner —
propter ignorantiam — with the loading of
both pistols, very wisely omitted to insert
any balls; and that this omission (unnoticed
by the anxious and inexpert Homer) was
the reason why the Irish doctor refused to
sign a fine statement on the subject which
Aloore had drawn up — a refusal which, adds
Moore, occasioned an estrangement of thirty
years between him and that old friend.
How it hnppened (as the police report seems
to indicate) that a bullet was found in one
of the pistols (Moore's) and in the other a
paper pellet, we cannot explain, unless by
the supposition that Hume, after the inter-
ruption, contrived to slip the bullet into one
pistol and had not time or opportunity to do
so in the other. It may be thought, no
doubt, an easier solution to suppose (with
Jeffrey's learned biographer amonff others)
that the pistols were fairly but loosely loaded,
and that one bullet dropped out ; but if that
had been the case, there was no reason whv
Hume should have refused to attest Moore a
statement.
But there are points of Moore's narrative
which exhibit stronff specimens of that spe-
cies of rodomontade which throws doubt
over all the rest. He says of the evening
before the meeting —
** I forget where I dined, but j know it was not
in company, Hume bad left to me the task of
* Not, SB has been iometimes rappoted, Dr. J. R.
Hnme, the friend and physioianof the Dake of Wel-
lington. Dr. Hiomas Uume was for some time
attached to the army in the PeniiiBiila— which ao-
coiiDte for this ooniusion of him with a more dis-
tangoiBhed medical officer.
1»
KEM0IB8 OF XBOMAE MOOiU.
[Oetn
providing powder and ballets, which I bought in
the course of the evening at some shop in Bond-
street, and in such large quantities, I rememberj
as would have done for a score duels.'*— ri. 202.
All a fable. We have before us a letter
of his to Lord Strangford, then minister at
Lisbon, written on the eve of the great en-
counter, which contradicts every syllable of
the foregoing statement, and is curious also
on other accounts : —
" Mt dbar Strahoford, — I have owed you a
letter this long time, and now that I do write, it
will be perhaps for the last time. I have thoaght
{»roper to call out Mr. Jeffrey, who has been so
ong abusing you' and me, and we are to fight
to-morrow morning at Chalk-farm. I am afraid,
my dear Strangford, much as I value yon, I
should have forgot sending a valedictory word
to you if it were not for a pretty little woman
who has this moment reminded me of a promise
I made to procure her letters from you for Ma-
deira. The cloth has been but this instant taken
from the table, and, though to-morrow may be my
last view of the bright sun^ I shall (as soon as I
have finished this letter) drink to the health of my
Strangford with as unafiected a warmth as ever
I have felt in the wildest days of our fellowship.
My dear fellow, jf they want a biographer of me
when 1 am gr.ne, l think in your hands I ihouMmeet
with mo»i kind embalmment, so pray, say some-
thing for me : and now to the object of my letter.
Mrs. W — , a very particular friend of mine, is
ordered by her physicians to Madeira, and she
thinks it would be pleasant to know some of the
Portugueee grandees of the island : if vou can
get her letters from your friends at Lisbon, you
will oblige me not a little. Who knows, my
dear Strangford, but it may be a posthumous ob*
ligation ? For fear of the worst, send the letters
enclosed to Mrs. W — , W — street, London, and
remember me as one who has felt your good and
social qualities, who at this moment recalls with
pleasure the days he has spent with you, and
who hopes that his good genius to-morrow will
allow him to renew them hereafter. These fine
women hace their glasses filled to your health.
So good bye.
God bless you, yours while I lire,
Sunday, August lOth. T. Moorb.
We shall say nothing of the silly vaporing
style of this letter, which would certainly fa«
a most characteristic prelude to a mock duel.
We need only observe that this was the day
that Moore knowsYiQ did not dine in company,
and this — Sunday — was the evening on which
he went to a shop in Bond-street to buy all
the superfluity of ammunition. Which of
the stories is true? or was either? We
must further observe that, as the letter was
written late on Sunday night, it could hardly
have beea posted till Moi^y» when it might
have been suppressed as some other vale-
dictory epistles were (i. 207), and a simpler
request substituted, which would have spared
Lord Strangford a long doubt of his friend's
safety ; but Moore, it seems, could not resist
the temptation of sending it-^nay, perhaps,
of writing it on the Monday — as a proof of
the anacreontic spirit with which he could
face death while fine women were filling their
glaseee, and that, in the words of his own
song, his last hour was dedicated to "smiles
irf^i
79
ana wtne.
Next after his own self- worship — if indeed
it was not a branch of it — there is nothing so
prominent throughout the volumes as his
adoration of his wife. Let us say, once more,
that she seems to have been worthy of his
affection ; and there is no praise — prodigal
as it may sometimes seem — which she does
not appear, from the evidence of all who
knew her, to have deserved ; but, after this
tribute of justice to the lady, we oonfess that
there is something in the way in wbieh
Moore parades her throughout his Diary that
we cannot understand, and that seems evi-
dently artificial. Why have expended so
much time and trouble in elaborating on
paper the expression of a steady and habitual
feeling, which he could find fresh and fresh
in his own heart ? What could be his motive
for making such an etalage of what we must
suppose was the daily bread of his hap-
pinAss?
We can have no doubt of the sincerity of
Moore's attachment to and admiration of his
wife, but we must observe that these ultra-
uxorious expressions occur with peculiar em-
phasis just before and just after some escapade
from home ; they are the honey with w hich
he sweetens the edges of his absences. It is
evident that Mrs. Moore saw the Jonmal
(iv. 16); and we now have no doubt that
many of these flattering phrases were peace*'
offerings to his Ariadne. The instances are
too numerous and too regrularly recurring to
be accidental.
We shall select a few here, just to direct
our readers' attention to this ingenious de-
vice.
•*1818, April 2ith.^Arrived at my cottage—
always glad to return to it, and the dear girl
that makes it so happy for me. — ii. 151.
*' 1818, Nov. 18w— walked with my <lfar Bessy
. . . . my darlit^ girl ! 21st. — Told L. Lans*
downe 1 was going to town, — ^ii. 218.
"1819, Aug. a3d. — Employed in preparing
for my departure. My darling Bessy bears all so
sweetly, though she would give her eyes to go
with me ; but, please Heaven, we shall not be
long separate. — ii. 353.
I85lel
MSM OlfiS OF THOMAS HOOBK
Ui
*'Jn]y9l8t. — Makitti; preparatiocs for my de*
paitare. Bessy mnoh saddened and out of sorU
at my leaving her for so long a iime~bat still
most tkoughtfuUy and sweetly preparing every-
thitip comrortable for me. — 97.
" 1827,— Oct. l^th.^Bessy wonld not hear of
my staying at home. Insisted that, if [ did not
ffo to France, I mast go either to Scotland or
ueland to amuse myself a hule. Dear, generous
girl I there never tcos anything like her wamh
aeartedness and devotum,"
Other instances will occur in future ex-
tracts.
We have do doubt that Moore calculated
that these tender expressions would not
merely soothe the lady s feelings at the mo-
ment, but would also tell very much in his
awn favor — as a model husband — when his
Memoirs should come to be published ; but
they are accompanied, as we shall now show,
by many circumstances which make a strong
and unamiable contrast with th^ exhuberani
and passionate expressions of his devotion to
the tutelary angel at home.
Legal proceedings taken against Moore
for the defalcation of his deputy in an office
which he held in the Admiralty Court at
Burmuda, obliged him to quit England ; and
Lord John Kussell — not yet, we suppose,
aware of the besetting weakness of Moore's
mind — advised him to &x his temporary
residence in Paris, where he became, as he
did everywhere, the delight of all his ac-
quaintance, and wasted his time and his mo-
ney— which in such circumstances could
hardly be called his own — in a style as giddy
and extravagant as any that has been imput-
ed to either of the improvident classes, to
both of which he happened to belong — of
poets and Irishmen.
His longest residence w&s in the Mlee des
Veuves in the Champs Elys^es, but in the
summer months he was allowed by a Spanish
gentleman of the name of Villamil — to oc-
cupy a small cottage, a dependance of a fine
yilla which he had at Sevres. Nothing
could be more convenient and promising.
The place was rural and extremely pretty,
and the retirement exactly suited for the va-
rious literary pursuits in which Moore was
engaged. But though these were his only
meads of livelihood, he worked at them in a
very desultory way ; and whether in Paris
or the country, spent more than- half his
mornings, and all his eTenings, in a constant
whirl of gayeties, alike inconsistent with study
and economy.
** 1820, t7iine.F-^ave a good many dinners this
month, till Bessy (whose three poonda a^week
was beginning' to ran venr short) cried out for a
rtlAche, Had Lady Davy, Si 1 vert<^, and Lord 6ra*
nard together : the Storys another day; Sullivan,
Dr. Yonge, Heath (my old friend the engraver),
and his travelling companion Mr. Green, &c.
The day that Heath dined with us was one of the
few hot days that we have had this summer, and
we had dinner out of doors under the shade of
the trees, #hich, with champagne and vin de
Grave well frappi, was very faxorious. Fre-
quent parties too, to plays and gardens. Saw a
man go up in a balloon from Tivoli, which hrought
tears into my eyes, being the first I have seen
J was a little child.^— iii. 124.
since
There were matters nearer and more ur-
gent which might have brought less irrational
tears into his eyes. But when any gleam of
reflection as to iiis position did occur, it was
hardly ever to awaken a proper sense of his
own imprudence, but only to make him
wonder that his friends in England were not
more thoughtful and more active about him
than he showed the least inclination to be
about himself,
'*1821. June 14th. — A letter from the Longmans,
which makes me even more downhearted than I
have been for some days, as it shows how dtlaUh
ry and indifferent cdl parties have been in the
Bermuda negotiation, and how little probability
there is of a speedy, or indeed any, end to my
ca»fo."— iii. 242.
If his frysnds in England could have
guessed what the Diary has now revealed to
us of the life of the Exile of Erin, they
would not have thought it any great hard-
ship. Dinners, concerts, operas, theatres
two or three of an evening, suppers, balls,
&c., occupied almost every day and night.
Visiting with a childish impatience and en-
joyment the pablio gardens of Beaujon^*
Tivoli — Jardin Suisse — and carefully register-
ing when and how often he went down in
the cars of the Montages Busses and what
ladies were the companions of these flights —
strange ones, we think, for a father of a
family aged 43 ; for instance : —
<<I821. May 7ih,^Went to Beaujon; descend-
ed in the cars tliree times with each of the [Miss]
Kingstons, and four times with Mrs. S."— iii. 229.
[No "Bessy."]
"1821. Aug, 19<ft. — At Beaujon; went down
the cars ten or twelve times with the young Scotch
gifl."— 265. [No " Bessy."]
1822. Avg, ]1(^.— With Lucy [Miss Drew, it
seems] to the Jardin Suisse : very pretty ; went
down in the cars."— 3d6. [No ** Beasy."]
While he was living in this way, the idea
of writing The Epicurean moat appropriatelj
156
MEMOIBa OF THOMAS MOOBXL
[Oct,
presented itself to him. To read up for this
projeoted work, he wanted Les Voyages de
Pythagore, but hesitated at the price — three
Napoleons. This economical scruple is dated
8th September, 1820. Three dajs after we-
find the following entry : —
** 1820. Sept 11^.— Went into Paris at twelve,
in order to take Bessy to the Phre la Chaise he^
fore the flowers are aU gone from the tombs. The
dear girl was, as I knew she would be, very much
affected Gave them — Bessy, Dumoulin
[a poor starving Irishman, who soon aAer died in
a hospital], Miss Wilson [we believe a governess],
Anastasla [his own little child], and Dr. Yonge's
little girl — a dinner at the Cadran hUuy and took
them afterwards to the Porte St. Martin [a melo-
drama theatre]. IcecL punch on our way home.
The whole cost me aftout three Napoleons^ just
what I ought to have reserved for the Voyages de
Pythagore, Bessy, however, told me when we
came home that she had saved by little pilferings
from me at different times, four Napoleons, and
that I should have them now to buy those books."
— iii. 146-7.
All this — the Pire la Chaise and the
Cadran bleu — the funeral flowers and the
Porte St. Martin — the ice punch and the
Voyages de Pythagore — reaos like a mere
farce, but the smile it creates is a bitter one
when we reflect on poor Bessy's honestly-
pilfered Napoleons, so wantonly squandered.
At last the seasoti drives them back to
Paris : —
'' 1820. Oct, 16(^.— We took onr leave of La
Butte, after three months and a halfs residence ;
and, so far as tranquillity, fine scenery, and
sweet sunshine go, I could not wish to pass a
more delightful summer. Our dSmSnagement
was, as usual, managed so well and expeditiously
by Bessy, that I felt none of the inconvenience
of it, and we are now reinstated comfortably in
our home in the Alldes des Veuves. We dined
alone with our little ones for the first time since the
\st ofJuly^ which was a great treat to both of us ;
and Bessy said, in going to bed, ' This is the first
rational day we have had for a long time.* "
On this Lord John adds a note — saying very
coolly : —
'* Mrs. Moore was qoite right. In reading over
the diary of dinners, balls, and visits to the thea-
tre, I feel some regret in reflecting that I had
some hand in persuading Moore to prefer France
to Holyrood. His universal popcdarity was his
chief enemy." — ^. iii. 1.67.
I
This appears to us altogether inadequate
to the occasion, and laying the chief blame
on Moore's popularity is a poor evasion o
the real state of the case, which was his ina-
bility to refrain from such self-indulgence.
We say fe(/'-indulgencey for it is remaraable,
in all this tourbiUon at Paris as well as in
bis English life, both in town and country«
that " Bessy V share in all external sayeties
was infrequent — and it seems reluctant.
Illness is frequently given as an excuse for
her absence from these gayeties — but, even
when she appears to be well enough, we can
trace little or no change in these arrange-
ments. There can be no doubt that the fool-
ish and unaccountable mystery in which he
chose to envelop his' marriage continued to
hang about her. The ladies of the highest
rank and character who were* the best ac-
quainted with all the circumstances of the
case — Lady Donegal, Lady Lansdowne, La-
dy Loudon— all received her with unreserved
attention, and even cordiality ; yet it is evi-
dent that Moore was in a constant fidget
about her reception in mixed society, while
she herself seetns to have been unwilling to
step beyond her own narrow circle both of
intimates and amusements. Her conduct
throughout appears to have been perfect ;
but this difference of tastes, or at least of
practice, in their social tendencies must,
we suppose, have contributed to the very
singular phenomenon that — notwithstanding
Moore's constant and enthusiastic eulogiums
on his domestic paradise — he seems to have
given to either wife or home no more of his
time and company than he could possibly
help. Sometimes he diarizes specimens of
behavior which a husband of but ordinary
feeling might have been ashamed to practise,
and one of the very commonest sense to re-
cord. What comiort could he expect from
reading in after-life such entries as these ?
"1820, JtLH.-^Bessy very ill on the 13th and
14th. Asked to dine at the Flahaults on the 14th,
but she could notga I did.** — ^iii. 97.
So small an incident as a gentleman dining
out, though his wife was not well enough to
accoqppany him, would not be worth notice ;
but we shall see that it was not an excep-
tional case^-indeed the exceptions were
all the other way : —
«*1822, Feb. 18.— Bessy very HI Dined at
home uncomfortably. Went to the French
Opera, sxid forgot my uneasiness in the beauty of
the BdUetr-^ni. 327.
** April 2nd. — ^The Macleods wanted Bessy and
me to join them at the Cafi^ Francais. Bessy net
liking to go, I did.**
'* 3rd. — Bessy ill with a pain in her face, which
^ vented her going to one of the little theatres;
I went alone to the Ambigu.'*— 15. 338.
1859.]
MEMOntS OF THOMAS MOORE.
157
Thb contrast between his professions and
his practice may^ in the hurry and bustle
the Diary, escape a cursory reader — but will
be exhibited in the following synopsis of
Moore's movements and engagements for a
fortnight at the Allie des Veuves — which we
select, not as being pecuh'arly erratic, but
only for the singularity of its concluding day
having been dedicated to " Bessy" : —
« 1820 Morning,
Nov. 24. — Into Paris at 3 .
JEhtening,
. Dined at Very's.
[No Bessy.]
26.— Early into Paris . Dined at Lord
John's Hotel.
[No Bessy.]
26.— Walked into Paris . [Notstat'd where
dined, but prob-
ably at home.]
27.— Early into Paris . Dined at Very's.
[No Bessy.]
. 28 — Eariy into Paris . Dined at Mad. de
Soaza's. [No
Bessy.]
29— Party at home,
sung.
30. — In Paris . Dined at Lord
Granard's, song.
[No Bessy.]
Dec. 1. — [Not stated] . . Dined at Lord
Rancliff*A,sung.
[No Bessy.]
2.— [Not stated] . .[Probablyat
home.]
3. — [Probably at home] Dined at home.
4. into town . . . Dined at a restau-
rateurs, then
went to the
Forsters, sung,
and home by
12. [No Bes-
sy.]
6.— Into town at 4 . .Dined at Very's.
[No Bessy.]
6. — Walked for an hour Dined at home."
by the Seine. — iii, pp. 172, 176.
At last, on the 7th, we find a remembrance
of " Bessy," and a pleasing one : —
•* Dec. 7th. — A note from Lord Ranclifie, ask-
ing me to meet Lord John to-day; but having
given Bessy the hope of our enjoying a day tO'
gether, did not like to disappoint her, so refused."
Bat, alas ! Here is the " promised day of
enjoyment :" —
** Bessy and I went shopping; dined after-
wards at a wretched restaurant at the corner of
the Rue de la Paix ; and in the evening to the
Vsri^i^j : four pieces, none of them very good."
— J6.
And 80 home, we presume, in the ifSloci/ere.
Such a return, after a fortnight's racketing,
to an appropriated day of conjugal quiet, and
such a careful record thereof, are perhaps
unique in life and in autobiography. But
other extracts have a stiH more serious ap-
pearance :
- 1821, July 8th.— Dined at Lcird Granard's.
[No Bessy.]
"9th.— Dined at General Fuller's, at Ver-
sailles. [No Bessy.]
" 10th.— Dined at Lord Holland's. [No Bessy.]
" 11th.— Late dinner with Villamil. [No men-
tion of Bessy.]
*• 12th.— Dined at home.
" 13tb.— Dined with the Villamila at Iliche'a
[a rehtanrateur]. [No mention of Bessy.)
. •* I4tb.— Dined with Lord Holland. [No Bes-
8V«1
** 15th.— Went in [tb Paris] for the purpose
of passing two or three days with the Storvs.
[No Bessy.] ^
"16ih.— A ball at Story's in the evening, in
honor of her [Mrs. Story's] birtL-day. A
strange evening, from various reasons, Bessy did
not appear, notfieling well enough, andfiaring to
bring on the erysipelas again by dancing, I danced
quadrilles all night with Misses Drew, Pigot,
Chichenter, Arthur, &.c. Supper very magnifi-
cent. Did not gel to bed till five o'clock."— iii.
256.
We pause to remark that there is no pre-
vious note of, *' Bessy's illness," nor indeed
had she been so much as mentioned for a
fortnight before. The four days that fol-
lowed this *^ strange evening" were spent as
usual in dinners with the Storys and Villa-
mils and visits to Tivoli, without the slight-
est allusion to "Bessy" since the 16th ; so
that we are quite startled at reading, without
any preparatory hinf
" 21.— Went into town eariy in order to gel
Bessy's passports, tike places, &c Dined at Vil-
lamil's. [No Bessy.]
" 22d.— Drove into town with Bessy at three.
Dined at Story's [no Bessy], and came out at
eight in the evening.
" 23d.— All in a bustle preparing for Bessy's
departure. Went in to provide money for the
dear girl. Dined at Story's. Bessy arrived with
her trunks in the evening.
**24th. — AH up and ready in time. Saw Bes-
sy comfirrtahly off! at nine o'clock, with dear
little Tom [their boy]. Heaven guard her/**
No hint is given of either the wky or the
whither of this sudden movement of one so
generally quiescent as " my darling Bessy,"
till, on the 6th of August, she turns up in
Wiltshire. On the 1 7th Moore is "in low
spirits," and *' cries bitterly" over the loss of
the Liverpool packet which he had "just
168
IfRMOIBS OF TECMAB MOOIUL
[Oei.
read in the newspnper ;" but " a picnic with
the Villamils and Mrs. S.'^ and " a letter, too,
from Bessy," make a material " alteration in
his spirits" (268). Then went on the usual
routine — ^ices at Tortoni's — dining at tayerns
— singing with the Villamils — supping with
the Btorjs — and we h^ar nothing more of
the wife and child till the 3d of September,
when a letter announces " to his great de-
light," her approaching return ; and on the
4th " he was right happy to see" alight, at
the Messageries Royales, " the dear girl and
her little one" (p. 274). But short, alas!
was his enjoyment of their loved society —
for, at the end of one week — on the 12th of
the said September — we find that he em-
braced the " lucky" opportunity of accompa-
nying Lord John Russell to England, where
he remained two months. What sudden
call after that " strange evening'^ the dear girl
and her little hoy had in Wiltshire, or why
Moore could not have combined any busi-
ness he might have had in England with her
visit we are not told ; but the Diary scraps
look very like a mystification of something
which there was some reason or other for
not clearly explaining.
We have already hinted that our poet was
not always insensible to the extravagance
and culpability of his Parisian life : —
**1822, Jan. 7th.~Dined by myself at the
Troia Frhree^ and fouud great pleasure in the
few moments of sUtni repose which it gave me."
The inhabitants of the Allh des Veuves find-
ing "silent repose" at the Trois Freres — the
best perhaps, certainly the busiest, and there-
fore not the quietest cafi of the Palais Roy-
al ! — but he proceeds in a still more serious
style : —
7— <* Never did I lead such an unquiet life : Bfssy
%U; my home uncomfortable; anxious to employ
myself in the midst of distractions, and full of
remorse in the utmost of my gayeiyy — iii. 316.
One would be inclined to respect and pity
his " remorse ;" and we can well understand
his recording it in his Diary as a pledge of
amendment. But mark what immediately
follows :—
" Jan. 8th. — Dined at Pictet's, a Swiss bank-
er's, &c» ; thence to L)idy E. Stuart's assembly,
dlLC.
^* 9th. — Dined at home quietly, for a wonder.
Evening, to Mrs. Armstrong's ball, &c. &c. ; did
not go to bed till 5 o'clock.
•* 10th.— Was to have dined with Hibbert, but
preferred Lambton. All went to the Fran^ais
afterwards to see a new tragedy.
«< llth.--Dined at tiord Henry Fitzirerald's ;—
company, &c. At nine to the Vari^t^s — laugh*
ed almost to pain. Went afterwards tu the
Macleods, and thence, at twelve, to liady Charle-
mont's ball.
** 12th.— Dined at the Douglas's, &c. In the
evening to Mercer's — sung a little — ^then went
to Laffitte's ball, &c. &c.
**13th. — Dined at Col. Ellice's; company, &c.
Thence to Madame de Flahaut's, dtc. Did not
stay, meaning to go to Mrs. Gent's ball. Went
to the wrong place — found it was Marshal Sn-
chet's, and made my escape. Dirtied my shoes
in looking for the carriage, and gave up Mrs.
Gent 'p. Went to the MacTeods.
«* l4th. — Dined at the Douglas's — ^a party in
the eveni|)g. For half an hour at Mrs. Newte's
ball."
And so on for ten consecutive days, without
— amidst so copious a variety of places and
persons — one single mention of the word
*' hom/e*^ or the name " Bessy*' — the. last we
had heard of either being that " it was un^
comfortable,** and that " she teas ill,** Under
what infatuation Moore should have made
these entries directly following the peniten-
tial remorse of the TVois Freres, we cannot
conceive; and indeed as little, how Lord
John (since it is clear that he has omitted
some things) should have published details
so worthless in themselves, and, we should
suppose, so exceedingly disagreeable to the
amiable person in whom he has taken so
much interest.
His Lordship expresses, as we have seen,
some regret at having contributed to throw
Moore into his Parisian vortex. But he
may console himself : — it was the nature of
the man, and not the influence of place, that
produced these effects.
** Coalum non animum mutant qui trans mare
currunt."
The same passion for exhUntion and enjoy-
ment, and the same kind of dislike or wea-
riness of domestic habits, seem to have in-
fluenced his English life almost to the same
extent. As Mrs. Moore remained in the
country while her "bird** — as he says "she
generally called him" — and surely the word
was never better applied than to her volatile
little songster — ^was pursuing his business or
his pleasures in town, the contrast is not so
constant and striking as it was in France ;
but even when in the country, the Diary lets
us see that the same principle of escaping
from mere domesticity was still as active as
the decency of English manners would per!*
mit.
His cottage in Wiltshire, fortunately for
1858.]
MEMOntS OF THOMAS MOORE.
159
his tastes, bat unlnckily for bis studies asd
his bnsinessy was witbio a short walk of the
elegant and intelleotual hospitality of Bo-
wood, and surrounded by a circle of country
neighbors less distinguished bat not less joy«
ous, kind, and clever. The neighborhood of
seyeral little towns, and that great mart of
idleness — Bath — afforded freqaent occasions
or excuses for escape from the monotony of
home ; and this sometimes even under cir-
camstances similar to those at Paris, which
might have been expected to keep a less de-
voted husband more at home.
** 1824, Nov. 2l8t.— Bensy hy no means well
Walked over to Bowood. Sang in the evening.
Slept there.
'*22d. — Walked home after breakfast to see
how Bessy was. Fonnd Bessy not mudi better.
God wet in returning to Bowood. Sanpr curain.
Siq4 <A«re."— iv. 263.
A morning call to the sick wife — but break-
fast, dinner, supper, singing, sleeping at Bo-
wood.
We could fill pages with similar extracts,
but the following summary of occurrences
io the autumn of 1825 will superabundantly
saffice.
It appears that in the summer of 1825
Mrs. Moore was really suffering under some
painful, though, we presume not serious, com-
pliant, for which she was ordered to Chelten-
ham, where she arrived on the 22d July.
Moore followed the •* darling airV^ on the
4th August, and remained with her two
whole days (!), during which she was wheeled
about in a chair. On the 7th he left " the
dear girV^ — " his darling Bess** — for London.
There he remained between eight and nine
weeks, working no doubt in the morning at
the Life of Sheridan, but spending his after-
noons and nights in more than his usual
whirl of dinners, sappers, concerts, theatres,
without making, during all the time, the
slightest allusion to the state of the poor
lady at Cheltenham, of whom the first we
hear is that, when Moore returned to Slop-
erton on the 27th September, he found her
there, but not recovered. Then follows a se-
ries of entries in the Diary, of ^hich our
space allows us only to give the dates and
chief memorabilia : —
'- 1825. Sept 28th.-~Dined at home.
''29ch. — Dined at Bowood. Company, &c.
Sang in the evening, and slept there.
*• 30th.— Walked home to breakfast to see
Bessy — the boil coming to a head. Retamed to
Bowood to dinner* &c. Sang again in the eve-
ning. Slept there.
** Oct Ist. — Bowles called at Bowood, while I
was listening to Mrs. Fazakerley's singing to
the guiiar. Wanted me to dine with him to-
day, bat told him Bessys illness rendered it im-
possible. After luncheon, home, &c. ; found
Bessy better, and anxious I should go to Bowles,
&c. ; so returned to Bowood. Thence walked to
Bowles's. Company, &c., &c. A great many
glees, duets, &c., in the evening.- My singing
much liked.
" 2nd. — Dined at home.
'* 3rd. — Dined at Bowood, &c., &c.
" 4th and 5th. — [No entry. Still, it seems, at
Bowood.]
** 6th.---[ Breakfast, it seems:, at Bowood.] Re-
turned home. Dined at Money^s [another neigh-
bor], &c., &,c."—iv. 321.
Where he may have dined the following
days is not noted ; but enough is told. We
lay no stress on the silence of the Diary
about '* Bessy" while he was in London : ho
no doubt received frequent, perhaps daily,
accounts of her. Our wonder is that, find-
ing on his return that she was still so ill
that it was impossible to leave her for a single
dag, it should turn out that of the nine
succeeding days he spent but two at home,
and all the rest in the various gayeties of the
neighborhood.
Even when at what he called home, it is
surprising to count up how seldom he really
was enfamille, and his joy at his escapes.
Take one sample : —
*" 1824. April 13.— Started at 3 oVIock for
Farley Abbey (Colonel Houllon's place), in con-
sequence of a promise made at the masquerade
that Bessy and I would pay them a visit of a few
days. Besfy^ however, not wdt enough to go^-^
iv. 179.
That, however, was so little a damper on
his spirits, thnt on the second day of the
visit he exclaims in rapture :-—
" The day very agreeable ; could hardly be
otherwise. A pretty house, beautiful girls, hos-
pitable host and hostess, excellent cook, good
Champagne and Moselle, charming music^-
What more enrdd a man want ?" — 179.
Tis a pity that there was no Irish echo to
answer — " Bessg .'" — poor Bessy that was
sick at home.
But though Mrs. Moore seems, like a pru-
dent as well as an affectionate wife, to have in
general submitted to these wanderings, and
even (as Moore says in a preceding extract)
sometimes encouraged them — seeing proba-
bly that she could not resist his restless dis-
position— ^yet it is evident that she was not
msensible to these derelictions. The first
160
MEMOIRS OF THOMAS MOORK
[Oct.,
symptom of this is in a letter to Mr. Power,
his music- publisher — who jobbed bis songs
from him at 500/. a year ; here we find a
paragraph which is really a clue to much
that would be else unintelligible in Moore's
life ; it confirms our former obserration, that
his existence was essentially one of theatrical
exhibition, and adds — what we never sus-
pected— exhibition for profit : —
" Yon will be ^lad to hear that Bessy has con-
sented to my passing next May in town alone ;
to take her would be too expensive ; and indeed
it was only on my representing to her that my
songs would all remain a dead letter [sic] with
you, if I did not go op in the gay time of the
year and give them life by singing them abotUf
that she agreed tp my leaving her. This is guite
my object, I shall make it a whole month of
company and exhibition [sic], which will do more
service in the sale of the songs than a whole
year's advertising.** — i. 330.
Little did the fashionnble coteries whom
he obliged and delighted with his songs im-
agine what was '* quite his object" — that he
was really going about as Mr. Power's ad-
vertising van.
" 1823. April 14th [in London].— Received an
impatient letter from Bess^ which rather dis-
turbed me, both on her account and my own.
Perceive she is getting uncomfortable without
me."— iv. 65.
Yet still he lingered in town, " leading," he
says, ** a restless and feverish life " (iv. 89),
till the 24th June, when he returned home,
but only for three weeks — for a proposal
from Lord LansHowne for a tour in Ireland
was irresistible.
One of these absences was marked by a
peculiar incident.
" 1825. 28th May.— With an excellent, warm-
hearted, lively wife, and dear promising children,
what more need I ask for? Prepared for my
trip to town.'' — iv. 283.
And next day was off; but Bessy was this
time on the alert also. She followed the
truant (unbidden, it is pretty clear) two
days after, and stayed six days in town —
but without seeing much more of her " bird**
than if she had remained alone in the cage
atSloperton; for they were not- lodged in
the same house — and of the six days of her
stay they dined together bui twice, break-
fasted not at all, and pasaea no evening to-
gether but one at the opera. But on the
sixth morning —
** 8th Jane. — ^Up at five. And saw my tkxas-
VBEs mrfe in the coach I " — \y, 284.
The reader will observe how the cup is
sweetened to Bessy's taste ; when he was
going off, he had hoped to reconcile her by
a tribute to her '* licelinesi " and " excellence,
and when he sends her back he consoles her
with the record that she is a '* treaeure/*'
Having thus got rid of his treasures, h%
remained in London, in bis usual round of
amusements, for near two months, wlien at
last he paid his invalid at Cheltenham that
visit of two days which has been already
mentioned.
Such are the very unexpected details of
Moore*s domestic life which these volumes
reveal, and which, we think, with all defer-
ence to Lord John Russell, instead of being
thus blazoned to the world, might rather
better have been suffered to " sleep in the
shade."
Some other circumstances no less surprise
us. In the midst of all the gayety and bril-
liancy in which Moore figured, who could
have suspected an ' extrenva« of penury at
home ? We find a pompously recorded visit
to the High Sheriff of Leicestershire — with
turtle, venison, and so forth — :Wound up
with a confession that he and his wife were
forced to remain there longer than they had
intended, from not possessmg a fewshillioga
to give to the servants at coming away. He
writes to Mr. Power : —
" [Longley Priaryl, Nov. 12, 18J2.
** Mt Dear Sir : — I have only time to say that
if you can let me have three or fuur pounds by
return of post yon will oblige me. I have fool-
ishly run dry. without trying my other resources ;
and ( have been this week pal^t literally without
a shilling. . . . You may laugh at my ridic-
ulous ditttress in being kept to turtle-eating and
claret-drinking longer than I wisli, and merely
because we have not a shilling in our pockets to
give the servants in going away." — 1:'315-16.
From this novel mode of being in the
custody of the sheriff, Mr. Power, by a re-
mittance of 10/. enabled the captives to re-
deem themselves : and, indeed, throughout
the whole of Moore's after-life, Mr. Power's
highly-tried but always ready liberality en-
abled Moore to work through the '* never
ending still beginning" difficulties in which,,
what appears to us a most reckless impro-
vidence involved him. With receipts which
to a poet who did not set up for a man of
fashion would be thought enormous, he
never had a penny in his pocket, and seems
to have existed by loans, site-flying, antici-
pations, and petty shifts, hardly reconcileable
with integrity, or, at least, delicacy. What
shall we say to such anecdotes as the foi-
1868.]
HBM0IB8 OF THOMAS HOOBG.
161
lowing, wbicb we are almost ashamed to
repeat? In December, 1818, Lord Lans-
dowoe stood godfather to Moore's second
boy: —
' ** After the ceremony be gave Bessy a paper
which contained, he said, a present for the nurse.
The paper contained two 61. notes, one of which
Bessy gave the nurse, and reserved the other as
a present for her mother." — ^ii. 239.
and this strange misappropriation of Lord
Lansdowne's bounty is followed up by a
cool observation that " they" (Bessy's mother
and sister) —
"have latterly been very eonnderate indeed in
their applications for assistance to me." — lb.
We hardly think that Moore was in this case
sufficiently considerate as to the source from
which he assisted them.
A Mr. Branigan, with whom he had made
some acquaintance in the country,
** announces to me by letter that he had ordered
his partners in London to send me a Bank post-
bill to defrsy the expenses of his little girl, which
have not yet come to half the sum, but il*8 very
convenient just now." — ii. 331.
When we recollect his appearance in so-
ciety and now see the real misery of his po-
sition, we are struck at once with pity and
wonder. We know not whether it may be
thought more like praise or censure to say
that in his personal deportment no one
could trace anything of the constant anxiety
and embarrassment which such a condition
of affairs would produce on most men's
manpers and temper. He seemed always
cheerful, always at ease, making no iialage
of finery or foppery : and we believe we
may say that none of his friends — none but
those with whom he had money dealings —
could have the slightest idea that be was
not ID easy circumstances, and on a footing
of independence and equality with any other
member of good society.
He says on one occasion — ^December 2drd,
1826 :—
** Shearer said that the Longmans had told his
brothef that / had the most generous eorUempifor
money <^any man they had ever me/." — ^iv. 262.
That "contempt for money" which con-
sists in throwing it away Moore may have
had, but we must say that this is the only
passage in the Diary that affords us the
slightest hint of his liberality in money af-
YOL XXX. Na u
fairs. An author in the sale of his works is
as fairly a tradesman as the bookseller with
whom he deals, and we do not in the least
cavil at the eagerness which Moore shows in
his bargains, but we really cannot allow him
thus to record his own easy liberality with-
out showing from the same pages how Utile
the praise was deserved. Ail that he tells
of himself is of so different a character, so
full of tricks, and what would be called sharp
practice, that we can only rejoice that
Messrs. Longman fared better than their
neighbors ; — ^yet we have Moore's own evi-
dence that even they, hid they known all,
might have had some grounds of complaint.
He had, as early as July, 1814, commenced
bis negotiation with Messrs. Longman for
his poem of Lalla Rookh, which came (after
a good deal of sharp bargaining on Moore's
part) to an agreement for 3000 guineas. Mr.
Longman, finding, it seems, some unexpected
delay in the production of the poem, in-
quired in April, 1816, about its progress,
and Moore answers on the 25th of that
month, —
** / had copied out fairly about four thousand
lines of my work, for the purpose of submittine
them to your perusal, as I had promised, but I
have changed my intention." — ii. 14.
And then he proceeds with some ingenious
reasons for requesting his leave to tvithhold
the said fairly copied MS ^ from his perusal : —
** bat I mean, with your permission, to say in town
that the work is finished [sic], and mereiy withheld
from publication on account of the lateness of the
season." — ib.
But in the very next page — in a letter,
dated a fortnight later, to<a private confidant
in Ireland — he confesses that all this was
sham — that there were no **' four thousand
lines fairly copied for Mr. Longman's peru-
sal :" that there was no possibility of the
poems being published at any period of that
year ; and that " it can hardly be till this
spring twelvemonth that it can be finished off
fit for delivery." {ib. p. 76.) It was not, in
fact, published till tufo years later.
Here is another private confession to his
mother : —
** There is so much call for the opera [M.P.],
that I have made a present of it to little Power to
publish ; tliat is, nominally I have made a present
of it to him, but I am to nave the greater part of
the profits notwithstanding. I do it in this way,
however, for two reasons — one that it looks more
dignified, particularly afler having made so light
11
162
MEMOIRS OF THOMAS MOOBE.
[Oct.,
of the piece myself; and the second, that I do not
mean to give anythmg more to Carpenter, yet do
not think it worth breaking with him till I have
pomething of consequence to give Longman." — i.
264, 265.
Tricks of this sort are not so openly co'n-
fessed in the Diary as in these confidential
letters ; but the scattered indications of them
are frequent, and we do not remember one
single instance of liberality in money deal-
inp^s on the part of Moore, nor any one proof
— though many imputations — of a contrary
disposition in any of his publishers. To this
class of topics beloncrs, we are sorry to say,
a great deal of double'-dealing and shuffling
with Messrs. Murray and Wilkie, with whom
he had made his first agreement for the
" Life of Sheridan," and which he afterwards
transferred to Messrs. Longman, who fur-
nished him with near 500/. to repay what
Murray had already advanced him on the
credit of that work. The transaction —
vaguely shadowed as it is in ' the Diary —
shows anything rather than that contempt for
money which Lord John seems to rank among
Moore's higher characteristics. But still
more remarkable is the story of Lord Byron's
Autobiographical Memoirs, their sale« re-
demption, and destruction — very confusedly
and disjointedly told in the Diary ; but
which, as it involves not only personal char-
acter, but a question of considerable literary
interest, and perhaps of some future impor-
tance, we shall endeavor, though it will occu-
py more space than we can well spare, to
bring into one comprehensible view.
It appears that Moore had at first offered
them for sale to Messrs. Longman, who de-
clined to purchase them ; and this, we sup-
pose, brought him over from Paris in Sep-
tember, 1821, to endeavor to dispose of them
to greater advantage. He arrived in Lon-
don at eleven o'clock on the night of the 26th,
and early next morning '* wrote a note to
summon Murrny." Murray came next day —
" agreed to his own terms — viz., two thousand
guineas for the Memoirs — and took away
the MS."
When Moore communicated his bargain to
Lord Holland, his lordship looked at the
case with a gentlemanlike delicacy which
was natural to him when party prejudices
did not intervene, and which may on this
occasion, have been a little quickened by some
pereoncU considerations —
** He expressed some scruples about my sale of
Lord B.*s Memoirs ; said he wished I could have
gotten the 2000 guineas any other way. Seemed
to think it was in cold blood depositing a quiver of
poisoned arrows for future tooffare on privaie ehO'
meter."— iii. 298.
We wonder that Lord John Russell, when
he came to read this opinion of Lord Hol-
land's, did not agree with him that the sale
of such a work was not a creditable way of
obtaining two thousand or even three thou-
sand guineas.
After meditating on this suggestion, Moore
seemed to think it so important that he ought
to attempt a rescinding of the bargain. Sub-
sequent circumstances, however, leave no
doubt that it was not Lord Holland's sug-
gestion, but the prospect of making a better
bargain, that induced Moore to try to recover
the property of the MS. We hear no more
of the affair for six months, but on the 22nd
of April, 1822, we find the following entry: —
** Spoke to Murray on the subject of Lord B.'8
Memoirs ; of my wish to redeem them, and can-
cel the deed of sale; which Murray acceeded to
ivUh the best grace imaginable. Accordingly
there is now an agreement making out, by which
I become hip debtor for two thousand guineas,
leaving the MS. in his hands as security till 1 am
able to pay it. This is, I feel, an over delicate
deference to the opinion oft/thers ; but it is better
than allowing a shadow of suspicion to approach
within a mile of one in any transaction, and I
know I shall feel the happier when rid of the bar-
gain."— iii. 346.
We see no ground whatsoever for this self-
applause; for the only practical effect of
this new arrangement was one which seems
to have been for some months occupying no
trivial share in Moore's ponderings — name-
ly, that if he could at any time get any one
to give him 2500^ or 8000^. for the Me-
moirs, he had a right to pay off Murray,
and transfer the MS. to a new purchaser —
pu tting the difference in his own pocket. Such
an arrangement, we need not say, did not at
all meet Lord Holland's objection — and
Mr. Murray was certainly the most liberal
of men to consent to it, for he remained
2000 guineas out of pocket, and must have
done 80 as long as Lord Byron should hap-
pen to live — while Moore had the option,
when he pleased, of turning the MS. to bet-
ter account and leaving Murray in the posi-
tion of having had so much risk and trouble,
only to be laughed at by some higher bidder
in Mr. Moore s auction. We shall aee that
all this, and worse than this, did in fact take
place to the fullest extent, as far as concerned
Murray's pecuniary interests.
So (omitting some minor details) matters
fitood till the 8rd of May, 1824 — we request
attention to the dates — when Moore had
1853.]
MEMOIfiS OF THOMAS MOORE.
168
* R letter from Lord Byron, at MissaloDghi ; haa
had an attack of epilepsy or apoplexy, the pliy-
stciana do not know which.** — iv. 182.
No observation wbatsoeTer follows this
serious announcement ; but we have not long
to wait for its collateral consequences : —
" 1834, May 12th.— Dined early with Rees
[managing partner of Mesara. Longman]. Rees
adced me if I had called on Murray to get him to
complete . the arrangement entered into when I
UKU laxt in town [of which we tind no other men-
tion than we have quoted] for the redemption of
Byron's ^iemoirs 7 — said 1 had nut. Told me ihe
money was ready ^ and advised me not to lose any
Ume about it.'* — ib. p. 186.
Who can doubt that Moore had been on
the lookout for a better bargain ? — for here
is what he significantly calls a ** riwU bib-
liopolist" who has the money ready to pay
oflf Murray, and who advises Moore to lose
no time in doing so. But lo! by one of
the most extraordinary coincidences we have
eter read, on the very next morning Moore
learns by accident, in another bookseller's
shop —
<* thai Lord Byron was dead, . . ReooUeeUd then
the unfiaished state of my agreement for the re-
demption of the Memoirs."
It needed, we thinlc, no creat effort of
memory to "recolket^* a subject which -Mr.
Rees bad brought so strongly before him the
day before.
This event made a total change in the cir-
cumstances of the case. Murray had paid,
two years before, 2000 guineas on the spec-
ulative value of the Memoirs when Lord
Byron should die. Lord Byron was but
thirty* three when the bargain was made.
Murray had, according to all calculations,
many a year to wait before he could expect
any return for his capital — or rather indeed,
being considerably Byron's Senior, be could
hardly have anticipated any such return
during his own life-time ; but now the event
had unexpectedly occurred — the contingent
reversion of the MS. had become a posses-
don, and its value proportionably increased —
probably doubled — as it ought to be, on a
mere business calculation of Murray's previ-
ous risk. But again (Diary, 16th May)
Moore luckily "recoUeets that he had
<* directed a clause to be inserted in the [second]
agreement, giving me, in the event of Lord
Byron*8 death, a period of three months after
such event for th6 purpose of raising the money
and redeeming my pledge. This clause / die-
UUed as dearly as possible both to Murray and
his solicitor J Mr. Turner ^ and saw the s^idtor
interline U in a rough draft of {he agreement.
Accordingly, on recollecting it now, 1 felt) of
course, confident in my claim. Went to the
Ix>nfrnian9, who promised to bring the two thou-
sand guineas for me on Monday moming."i<^
iv. 189. >
With such a clause, how could Moore
have had a moment's alarm or even doubt
about his right? The fact, however, turned
out to be that there was no such clause !
But in the mean while there had started
up a third party. The Diary for the previ-i
ous day (May 14th) ends —
** Found a note on my return home from
Douglas Kinnaird anxiously inquiring in whose
possession the Memoirs were ; and saying that
he 'was ready, on the part of Lord Byron^s fami-
ly, to advance the two thousand pounds for the
MS., in order to give Ijsdy Byron and the rest
of the family an opportunity of deciding whether
they wished them to be published or na"—
iv. 187.
Murray at this time, had no communication
from Moore, nor could he have the slightest
idea that Moore could hare any claim to the
MS., the absolute property being vested in
Murray by Byron's death ; but he at once,
with a liberality and feeling which did him
honor, offered to forego the prize he had
drawn in this lottery of business, and to
place the Memoirs at the disposal of Lord
Byron's friends.
This ii is obvious would have been the
best and most delicate way of carrying out
the spirit of Lord Holland's suggestion, by
which Moore had professed to be guided in
his efforts to get hold of the MS., but it
would not at all have suited his real object
— evidently that of selling them elsewhere
— ^and he therefore vehemently opposed this
arrangement, and, relying on his own ver-
sion of the second deed, denied Murray's
right to give up the MS. to any one but
himself — whom (so Moore asserted) the
alleged clause in the deed constituted, under
the existing circumstances, the sole and
rightful proprietor. Murray was very much
surprised at hearing of such a clause, but
unluckily the deed had been mislaid, and he
had only his own disbelief to oppose lo the
positive assertion of Moore.
Then follows, in the Diary, a long, very
confused, but of course unilateral histoiy
of the discussions that ensued between Sir
John Hobhouse and Mr, Douglas Kinnaird»
as the friends of Lord Byron — Mr. Wilmot
HortoD and Col. Doyle, on the part of Lad;
164
MEMOIRS OF THOMAS MOOBE
[Oct.,
Byron and Mrs, Leigh — and Moore — ^in
Vfhich the latter insisted on his right of pro-
|ierty in the MS., and protested in the
strongest manner against its destruction ;
offering, indeed, ** the suppression of all that
might be thought objfctionable," but con-
tending that what was not so should be re-
tained for his own benefit and that of the
Sublic. The progress of the affair is, we
ave said, very confusedly told even in
what Lord John Russell gives us of Moore's
Diary — but it becomes more so by his
Lordship's choosing to suppress a separate
and " long account of the destruction of the
MS." left by Moore, and to substitute for it
some studiously obscure sentences of his own.
Lord John says : —
** l*be result was that, nfler a very unpleasant
scene at Mr. Murray^s, the mannecript was de-
stroyed by Mr. Wilmot Horton and Col. Doyle,
as the representafives of Mrs. Leigh, with the
full consent of Mr, Moore — who repaid to Mr.
Murray the sum he Imd advanced, with the in-
terest then due. After the whole had been bumt^
the agreement was founds and it appeared thai
Mr, Moore's interest in the MS. had entirely
ceased on the death of Lord Byron, by which event
the property became absolutely vested in Mr, Mur-
ray,
** The details of this scene have been recorded
both by Mr. Moore and Lord Broagfhton [Hob-
house], and perhaps by others. L^rd Brough-
ton having kindly permitted me to read hid narra-
tive, [ can sav that the leading facts related by
him and Mr. Moore a^ree. Both narratives re-
tain marks of the irritation which the circum-
stances of the moment produced, but as they both
(Mr. Moore and Sir John Hobbouse) desired to
do what was most honorable to Lord Byron's
memory, and as they lived in terms of friendship
afterwards, I have omitted details which recaU a
painful scene, and would excite painful fedings,^*
— iv. 192.
We cannot omit to enter our protest
against Lord John's assertion, that the MS.
was d 'Stroyed with the full consent of Mr,
Moore : we know not what may be said in
the portions of the Diary that Lord John
has suppressed, but in all that he has pub-
lished, and in all the other evidence, we find
the most resolute opposition to any such
measure.
All seemed now ended — but Moore con-
jured up a fresh difficulty, of which, what-
ever may have been the real motive, that
which he assigned seems absurdly punctil-
ious. The actual cash in which the repay-
ment to Murray was made, was supplied to
Moore by the Longmans (on the security of
bis bond); and of course Lord Byron's
family and friends, who had received and
destroyed the MS., were immediately pre-
pared to reimburse Moore. Moore posi-
tively refused to be reimbursed; he per-
sisted (contrary to the direct and indisputa-
ble terms of the agreement) in asserting
that the MS. was his, and that his honor
required that it was he who should have the
merit of the sacrifice. Merit, we have seen,
there was none, for he had opposed the sa-
criEce to the utmost ; and his alleged rights
had been extinguished by the production of
the deed ; but he still pertinaciously pleaded
his honor, and spends a great deal of ver-
biage to justify a punctilio for which we can
see no ground nor any object. If we could
see or imagine any rational or even colora-
ble point of honor in the case, we could
understand and admire Moore's feelings and
conduct.' As it is, we confess that this part
of the affair remains to us a suspicious mys-
tery.
The final result will surprise our readers
and the public as much as it did us when
our recent inquiries brought it to our know-
ledge. Moore — through the unheard of
liberality of Murray — ^finally pocketed more
than double the sum he had been intriguing
and squabbling about For the 2000 guineas
originally agreed on for the Memoirs, Moore
had engaged to Murray to edit them, and to
accompany them with a Life, After the de-
struction of the Memoirs, Murray recurred
to the idea of a Life ; and as Mqore was cer-
tainly, for many reasons, the person best
fitted for the task, Murray proposed it to
him. But the sum originally agreed on for
both Memoirs and Life had now become,
through Moore's complicated manoeuvres,
wholly inadequate for the Life alone. His
debt to the Longmans, arising out of these
transactions, had grown to a sum of £3020,
for which they had his bond; and Moore
seems to have been in a state of irremedia-
ble insolvency — fur whatever he might be
able to earn by his pen could at most have
met his current expenses, but not availed
against such a permanent and growing bur-
den as this. Murray, who had — like every-
body else who knew the fascinating little
** bird" — a strong personal feeling for Moore,
hoped that he might combine his own inter-
est as a tradesman with the extrication of
the author ; and he not merely consented to
reliere him from Longman's bond — (though
it was a debt incurred in hostility to Murray)
— but, to enable him to exist while he was
employed at the Life, he gave him a further
sum of £1200, which, with some other small
advances of cash, interest, &c., amounted in
IBBB.I
HBHOIBS OF THOMAS MOORF.
165
the whole to £487 0, which was, in fact, what
Hiiurraj paid to Moore for the *< Life/' half
the materials of which Murray himself con-
tributed. Such generosity is, we think, un-
paralleled ; and would probably have never
been known but for an additional ezhibition
of Moore's greediness, almost as surprising.
The Life was published ; but Moore, over-
rating its success, and under-rating what it
had cost Murray, endeavored to obtain a
further remuneration. In answer to an at-
tempt so unreasonable — and, might we not
say, so ungrateful ? — Murray, in a letter to
Moore, dated the 24th of May, 1831, stated,
first, the fact that the book had not paid
its expenses, and he then detailed the cir-
cumstances above stated ; which we think a
coup de grace to the pretence of his having a
*^ most generous contempt of money,*'
Long as this detail has been, there are
still two collateral points of the case on which
we must make some observations.
The first is that Lord John talks only of
the destruction of Lord Byron's original MS.
He passes sub nlentio the possibility of
eopies of the MS. — and their fate. One
complete copy we know was made with
Lord Byron's concurrence, and of the vari-
ety of hands through which it passed, some
at least attempted copies. One transcript
(complete or incomplete) is stated by Moore
to have been given up, or torn up, by a lady
wbo had made it, upon her hearing of the
" painful scene" at Murray's : — but this only
heightens the probability that there might
have been other irregular transcripts. And,
if so, what proof is there that they were a//,
penitentially or delicately, destroyed ? We
see it surmised in several publications of
the day " that they were not ; and that, after
all, it is probable that the Memoirs may be
still in existence, and one day published."
We ourselves give no credit to these sur-
mises ; and Lord John Russell could not be
expected to answer for surreptitious copies
— but we think he ought to have made some
inquiry after the copy which the Diary states
to have been made, or at least have added a
line to state — as we believe the fact to be —
that no trace of any copy appears in Moore's
papers.
The second point we have to notice is one
that touches Moore's character for veracity,
and which Lord John Russell should surely
have endeavored to explain. Our readers
will have seen in the extract in p. 272, that
Moore asserted that he had dictated and saw
the solicitor insert a clause in the draft of
the agreement, which, when the* deed itself
was produced, did not appear in it. This
assertion, ostentatiously repeated by Moore,
implies certdnly a serious charge against
both Mr. Murray and his eminently respect-
able solicitor (the late learned and ingenious
Mr. Sharon Turner), as if they had omitted
in the deed the clause which Mr. Moore die-
tated and saw inserted in the draft. This has
induced Mr. Turner's son, naturally solici-
tous for his distinguished father's reputation,
to make search for the original draft. He
has been lucky enou^ifh to find it, and it is now
under our eyes. Well — it contains no such
clause — it agrees exactly — literatim — with
the deed. Here, then, are Messrs. Murray
and Turner, as might have been expecteo,
fully acquitted; but what becomes of Mr.
Moore, who seems as clearly convicted of
deliberate and reiterated falsehood and
fraud ? We are glad to be able, from the
examination of the document itself, to suggest
a hypothesis which would acquit him of so
grave a charge — though only by finding him
guilty of what seem to have been habitual
with him — great confusion and inaccuracy.
We see on the face of the draft that there
was an interlineation made allowing a limit
of three mont?is — not as Moore asserted for
his redemption of the MS. — but for Murray's
publication of it — (viz. " within three months
after Lord Byron's death") — and this addi-
tion, so far from being dictated by Moore
and written in by the solicitor, is written in
by Moore's own hand. Here, then, is an-
other palpable misstatement; but it affords
us a probable clue to the whole imbroglio.
Moore most Ijkely had in his mind the in-
tention of extending the limit of redemption
to three months, but instead of dictating
what he desired to the solicitor, he with his
oum pencil — and perhaps without fully ex-
plaining his meanmg — wrote in the words
"within three months — but wrote them in at
a wrong place. So that, instead of provid-
ing, as he may have intended, to give him-
self a power to redeem — he in fact only im-
posed on Murray the obligation of publish-
inff — within three months. We think our-
selves very fortunate in having, by the in-
spection of the original paper, arrived at this
solution, which relieves Moore's character
from so deep a stain as his own Diary had
thrown, and his own editor had left, upon it.
But on a review of the whole affair it cannot
be denied that Moore is convicted on his
own evidence of gross inaccuracy, a very
unhandsome double-dealing with Murray,
166
MBMOIBS OF THOMAS KOOR&
[Oct.
and an ostentations parade of liberality and
disinterestedness which existed neither in
his thoughts nor his acts.*
There is another revelation made in these
volumes equally, or, indeed more unex-
pected, as to Moore's literary character.
Every one sees at a glance that all his
works — except a few of his earlier songs —
smell a good deal of the lamp ; and that the
text, and still more the notes, are redundant
with all sorts of out-of-the-way reading.
There are more Greek quotations in Moore s
works than in all the English poets put to-
gether, from Chaucer to Crabbe. Most
readers, we believe, skip them over, like
the student of Euclid, who never looked at
the euta. They were thought to be nothing
more than a misplaced itaiage of the early
studies of the Trandator of Ancufreon ; and
in great measure no doubt they were so;
but these volumes show that they were
something more. We here see that Moore's
poetical impulses arose more from reading
than from feeling — from books rather than
nature ; that his genius was not inventive.
He looked for inspiration neither to the
skies nor the seas, nor the forests, nor even
the busy haunts of men, but to the shelves
of the library, where, accordingly, we find
him studying, or rather reading up, for each
of his greater poems — Lalla Kookh — the
Angels — and Alciphron — as assiduously, and
copying as copiously, as one would for so
many DUsertatioM on Persian, Turkish, and
Egyptian scenery and manners. It is true
that he has worked up his materials with
great taste, and all the verbal powers of
poetry — sweetness, polish, brilliancy, splen-
dor ; but still it has all the air of ezquisite
manufacture rather than of spontaneous efifu-
sion — materiem mperabat opus; the inven-
tive genius is wanting. In some of his
lighter love-songs we are startled with pe-
dantic conceits, which require a learned note.
And even when he degrades his muse into
a drab, and sets her to talk slang with Tom
Cribb, we find him interlarding it with the
most laborious pedantry, till at last, when
he finishes this stupid fatras (which his
publishers seem ashamed to reprint in their
fast edition of his works), he cannot help
exclaiming, " What a rag-fair of learning I
have made it 1" In the labors of the Scrib-
lerus club the affectation of learning heightens
^ We shall add at the ooncliuion of this Article a
letter which the late Mr. Marrav addreaaed at the
time to Mr. Wilmot HortoD, and which most satis-
fMtoriljr explains his share in this extraordinary
transaotion.
the ridicule ; but that is not Moore's case.
There is no fun at all in his pedantry ; nor
is it intended for fun, but simply to exhibit
what in the sincerity of the Diary he calls
'* a rag-fair of learning'^ — not seeing that his
greater poems are, in the original conception
as well as in the illustrations, obnoxious to
much the same kind of criticism.
We are not so absurd as to reproach
Moore for studying to invest his fictions
with all attainable reality and truth— our
surprise is, that a poet so cried up as *< pos-
sessing in his own fancy and feeling an inex-
haustible fountain of ingenious creations"
{Lord John, Preface, xxviii.) should have
selected for all his great efforts ncn-natural
subjects, so little sympathetic even with his
own heart or mind that he himself is driven
to hunt through utterly unfamiliar authors
for any available scrap of information about
them ; and, after all, so little is there of dis-
tinctive and appropriate either in the sub-
stance or details of those works, that it
would, we believe, have cost Moore no great
trouble to have incorporated his Angels
with LalUt Rookh, or Alciphron with the
Angels. A curious illustration of this occurs
in the Diary. After the Loves of the An-
gels, founded on a passage of Scripture,
helped out by the apoory phal book of Enoch,
had been published and four editions sold,
Moore found the imputation of impiety so
strong, that he took the bold resolution of
shifting his whole machinery to Mahomet's
Paradise ; and did so in a few weeks by the
assistance of ** D* Herhelot,*^ *^Prideaux's lAfe
of Mahomet,*^ *' Beausobre*s Manicheism,*'
** Hyde's Beligio Perearum,*' " Philo-Judoh
us,** dke., d:c. (iv. 41-2). Yet, when after
so substantial a change the metamorphosed
work came forth, we do not remember that
the public ever seemed to observe the dif-
ference any more than if it had been an or-
dinary second edition. Such a disponabiliiyf
as the French call it — such a dissolving view
— would not have been possible if there had
been anything of truth or nature, or even
fictitious interest, in the original composition.
Johnson ridiculed epitaphs to let; but here
was a whole poem to let like furnished lodg-
ings, and nobody took the least notice of the
new-comers, nor discovered that they were
not the old occupants.
In the midst of so much show of odd erudi-
tion— he even, we think, had the temerity to
review some of the Greek Fathers !— ^Moore
ever and anon betrays utter igrnorance of
literary points with which we might expect
any educated man of his day to have been
1858.J
MEMOntS OF THOMAS MOORK
167
familiar. This must we suppose be aUri-
bated to tbe desultory habits of his life. He
seems to have been by no means a bookish
man, and to have given but little of his time
to general or even carrent literature, though
by fits ver/ studious of " all such reading as
was never read" when he wanted to work it
into some particular design.
" Colonel Henley mentioned a play of Racine's
(of which I forget the name), the commence-
ment of which is very applicable to the history of
Napoleon." — iii. 240.
It is odd that he should forget the name of
one of the few tragedies of this great dra-
matist. Colonel Henley, no doubt, alluded
to the first lines of Alexandre. And in some
remarks that Moore makes (iii. 226, 238)
on the structure of the French heroic or tra-
gic verse, he shows that he knows nothing
about it
" 1822, July 30th.— Came home by the gondole.
An amazing reciter of verses among the pas-
sengers : set him right abont some Unes of
MiUeeherbes. Seemed rather astonished Ht my
ejcclairoing, from my dark corner, at the end of
each of his recitations^ (Test de MdUsherheB^ fa.
Qui Monsieur. (Test de Scarroru Ouiy Monsieur.**
—iii. 359.
Astonished the poor man might well be
at the interference of a " learned Theban"
from the Western Bceotia, who confounded
the names of M, Lamoignon de Malesherbes,
the celebrated minister and venerable friend
of Louis XVI., with that of Malkerbe, a poet
of the days of Henry IV., of whom we will
venture to guess that Moore never read a
line but one little elegiac ode on the death
of Rose Duperrier, which is preserved in all
the French Recueih, and which every one
has by heart. Moore's intrusive parade of
his learning, and his real confusion of two
such different and well-known persons, seem
to us quite as comical as his own story of
another Frenchman, who, when Lord Moira
showed him the castle of Macbeth in Scot-
land, corrected him, **Maccabeey Milord : —
nous le pronongons Maccabee sur le Continent
— JvdoB Maccabeus^ Empereur Romain,** (ii.
247).
We find him gravely quoting Mr. Luttrell
as complaining —
** that he has all his life had a love for domestic
comforts, though passing his time in such a
different manner, * like that King of Bohemia
who had so unlnckily a taste for navigation,
though condemned to live in an inland town.' "
—iu. 262.
Is it possible that Moore should not have
known whence Mr. Luttrell's pleasantry was
derived ? It seems so : and there is a simi-
lar instance in vol. iv. p. 72.
Again, he quotes, Jrom Lord Holland^
Cowper's burlesque lines, " Doctor Jortin,"
&c. (iii. 272), evidently having either not
read or forgotten one of the most delightful
and popular publications of his own time —
Cowper's Letters.
'* 19th Sept 1818.— Dined at Bowood. Some
amusing things mentioned at dinner. Talked
of Penn's book about the end of the world, and
Sw^^s ridicule of Bickerstajf^s propftecy^ which I
must see.** — ii. 167.
"Swift's ridicule of Bickerstaff's prophecy —
which I must see/" He would have' to
search long enough before he saw any such
thing. It is wonderful that he should not
have known that Swift was himself Bicker-
staffs under which pseudonyme he ridiculed
the prophecies of the notorious almanac-
maker Partridge, where, however, there is
nothing at all about " the end of the world.*'
But neither Bickerstaff nor Partridge had
anything to do with the passage referred to
at Bowood, which is from an altogether
different drollery, in ridicule of Whiston^s
theory of comets. We should have hardly
thought that there was any reading roan in
England who was not familiar with all these
pleasantries.
Moore talks of a Mr. Theophilus Swift who
had in his time some squabble with the heads
of the University in which his son, Mr.
Deane Swift, had a share — •* Mr. Swift," says
Moore, " having had his son so christened in
honor of the namt" (i. 88). Moore must
have looked but little into the Dean's histo-
ry not to know that one of his uncles had
married the daughter of Admiral Deane^
whose surname had thence become a Chris-
tian name of the Swift family. It is strange
that he should not have read Swift's Corres-
pondence, the second letter of which, dated
1694, is addressed to "his cousin, Deane
Swift, Esq.": and stranger still that he
should never have seen or heard of so well-
known a work as the Essay on the Life of
the Dean of St. Patrick's, by an elder Mr.
Deane Swift — the father of Theophilus and
grandfather of the second Deane — whom
Moore supposes to have been the first.
Again : —
** Douglas said he supposed that it was from
the Patriarch that the garment called a Joseph
was named. Douglas must have been thinking
168
MEMOIBS OF THOMAS MOORE.
[Oct,
of a Benjamint for a Joteph is, I believe, a wo-
man's garment.'' — ^ii. 182.
How could Moore forget the highest poeti-
cal authority for JoMph as a man's gar-
ment ? —
** He grasps an empty JoMeph for a John." —
Dunciad, ii. 128.
He had not even read, it seems, that " hand-
book" of anecdotes — the Walpoliana — for
he thinks it necessary to transcribe (iv. 247)
a story as told by Lord Lansdowne, which is
printed there. Lord Lansdowne might very
naturally tell it, but Moore's transcribing it
proves that he had never read it.
^* Lord Lansdowne mentioned an epimm as
rather happy in its structure : I forget the exact
words : —
" [The bearer] perplexed
'Twixt the two to determine —
Watch and pray says the text,
Go to sleep says the sermon." — iv. 241.
Moore might have found it in the very first
page of epigrams in the " Elegant Extracts."
Presently, however, we find him sneering
at Lord Lansdowne, as ** showing o^" some
criticism on Dryden's translation of the open-
ing of the i£neid, and especially on the im-
perfect rendering of fato prqfugus, which
Moore had heard from him before (ii. 246).
If Lord Lansdowne — who is as little of a
mere show off man as we ever met — did re-
peat himself, it certainly was not Moore who,
enjoying hb hospitality, should have been on
the watch to detect and record it. Moore
goes on to attribute to Lord Lansdowne some
further remarks on the word pro/ugus : —
"Bowood, 1818, Dec. 30th. — ^Lord L. men-
tioned a passage in Florus, where the word prtr
fvigus was very strangely used. J forget it ; but
it describes one of the Roman generals as frofxi'
gus for the sake of seeking out an enemy to
Rome. Dr. Faley at Ciimbridge (Q. E. E.)
called the word prc^xigus (the consequence of his
northern education), and the following line was
written on the occasion, — ^Errat VirgUiuSffnrte
frofxigus eral.* '* — ii. 246.
All we can understand from this strange
passage — marked and accented as we have
given it — is, that Moore seems not to have
had the slightest idea of what his friends
were talking about — that he confounded the
meaning with the prosody of the word — that
he fancied Florus to be a poet, whose au-
thority would determine the penultimate syl-
lable to be long — and that Dr. Paley having,
in consequenee of his northern eduea
nounced it a short, he was ridicule
fellow Cantabs for so monstrous
We cannot imagine how Moore
»a
6f having any share in them. i^'^a^^g"'?-.
On another question of prosodjfi •'sl,i|"||'5f
gets out of his depth in very shallol o-|J ^^1 f*'"
In confessing that the Dublin Univef |||g'i'Seo§
were in his day deficient in prosod* S*«5 o <i.p.5c
mits
and
and
and
long arui ff»i/rf ftwic*"— ». e., ucAHiutv -- g _ _ _ ^
pentameters: and twenty years later| | d g ^S 2" f | £
he had not discovered his mistake. ^ V^ . ^ ^
It makes a significant conclusiofrnk) I^e"
foregoing negligences and ignorances to find
that it was only one week before his final de-
parture from Fans, after a residence of near
two gears, that he found his way to the royal
library : —
"1822. Nov. 15th. Went to the library.
What a shame that I should not iiJJ now have
availed myself of the facilities of this treasury !''
— iv. 20.
He left Paris on the third day after this
compunctious entry.
On the whole, there is hardly anything in
the Diary that has surprised us more than
the frequent, and, as it seems, conclusive,
evidence of Moore's deficiency, not only in
more serious, but even in ordinary, reading.
There are hardly any of his acquaintance,
and we should note more especially his no-
ble friends Lord Lansdowne and Lord Hol-
land, who do not appear to have heeti—guod
minime reris — better versed than this volu-
minous poet and historian both in English and
classical literature.
A very prominent feature of the Diary is
and, indeed, one of its least irrational objects
would be — the record of the jokes and sto-
ries that Moore's taste should think worth
remembering. Knowing that he lived with
all the wits of the day. Whig and Tory, and
having ourselves often admired his tact and
humor in reproducing such things to enliven
his own conversation, we expected a choice
harvest : but there, »s everywhere else, we
have been disappointed. Few are good, and
the majority are downright failures. Amongst
the few tolerable with which we are not fa-
miliar the following are the best. Foremost
1858.]
HEMOntS OF THOMAS MOORiL
169
we place two of Kenny's, the dramatist,
wbo—
'^said of Lattrell's * Julia,' that it was too long,
and not broad enough."
Ad excellent critique on that somewhat pon-
derous levity.
And again, when Moore's troubles came
upon him, without appearing to affect his
spirits, Kenny said, with a pleasantry that
reminds one of Gil Bias, —
" Tig well you area poet : a philosopher never
could bear it.'^— iii. 169.
" On somebody remarking that Payne Knight
had got very deaf, « 'Tis from want of practice,'
says Rogers : Knight being a very bad listener."
Lord Ellenborough showing some impa-
tience at a barrister s speech, the gentleman
paused, and said —
** * Is it the pleasure of the Court that I should
proceed with my statement ? ' * Pleasure, Mr.
, has been out of the question for a long
time; but you may proceed.'" — ^ii. 312.
Moore, confessing that he was not a scien-
tific Musician —
*' mentioned the tendency I had to run into conse-
cutive fifths, adding that [Sir Henry] Bishop now
revised my music; [George] Ix)rd Auckland
said, * Other bishops take care of the titles — but
he looks after the J^iht.' "— iv. 263.
'* Curran, upon a case where the Theatre Royal
in Dublin brought an action against Astley's for
acting Lock and Key, said, ' My Lords, the whole
question turns upon this, whether the said Lock
and Key is to be considered as a patent one, or of
the spring and tumbler kind.' " — iv. 7.
At a stag-hunt at Killarney, the animal
" came close to where Lord Avonmore, then At-
tornev- General, and Dr. O'Leary were standing
— O'Leary said — How naturally instinct leads
him to you for a noUe prosequi ! " — iv. 112.
A dialogue between a visitor and a servant
at a hall door in Dublin : —
"•Is vottr master at home?' *No, Sir, he's
out.' ' Your mistress ? ' * No, Sir, she's out.'
* Well, I'll just go in, and take an air of the fire
till they come.' • Faith, Sir, it's out too.' "— iii.
288.
These are at least among the best that
have any novelty ; they are generally hack-
neyed, and, what is surprising, sometimes
very ill told. " It is not every one," says
Johnson, " who can carry a joke." Moore we
always thought was one of those who could,
and indeed he had considerable success in
that way ; but the following failure is almost
as bad as the Joe-Miller story of him, who
called the fall of a shoulder of mutton a lap-
sus linguee : —
"1821. Feb. 2.— Talking of letters being
charged by weight, Canding said that the Post
Office once refused to cany a letter of Sir. J.
Cox Hippesley. * it was so dulV "—iii. 166.
Oh, no, Mr. Moore, Canning said "it was
so heavy.** He attempts to repeat after Tier-
ney two pleasantries of Mr. Pitt— of one he
makes nonsense, and the other he maims and
loses its point. It is truly told in Q. R.,voL
79, p. 513. Here is an imbroglio, to us
quite incomprehensible. Creevey, he says,
who bad passed some time with Sheridan at
Mr. Ord'd in Northumberland, described —
** Sheridan's Gayety: acted over the battle of the
Pyramids on Marston Moor^ ordering Captain
Creevey to ctU out that cow — pointing to a cow in
a ditch."— iv. 296.
Was it Creevey or Moore who imagined that
either the battle of the Pyramids or that of
Marston Moor was a maritime exploit — like
the celebrated cutting out the Hermione ?
** I quoted the following on Cesar Colclough's
taking boat at Luggelaw to follow the hounds : —
* Csesarem vehis et fortunas. (sie)
' When meaner souls the tempest struck with
awe,
Undaunted Colclough crossed at Luggelaw,
And said to Boatmen, shivering in their rags,
You carry Csaar and his — saddle-bags!'"
—111. 5.
This pleasantry, not itself a very choice one,
is miserably mangled in every way. Luggt'
law is a mountain^ tarn, in the county of
Wicklow, where no one ever took boat un-
less to fish or sketch, and where hounds
never could come — nor, if they did, do
sportsmen hunt with saddle-bags. The epi-
gram was made, we believe, by Charles
Bushe on Mr. Caesar Colclough, a barrister
riding the Leinster Circuit, who, in a storm
that deterred others, crossed the ferry at
Ballinlaw, between Waterford and Wexford.
It was said that he took this short cut to
anticipate the rest of the bar by an earlier
arrival at Wexford, and that Bushe took this
kind of revenge on him. This blunder is
the more remarkable because it proves that
Moore never oould have visited Luggelaw,
170
KEMOIBS OF THOMAS HOOB&
[Oct.
one of the most striking scenes of that pic-
turesque district so often mentioned in his
Melodies. How this should have happened
we cannot imagine, particularly if he saw
the "Meeting of the Waters," Glandelough,
&c., in going to which he must have passed
close to Luggelaw, which is nearer to Dublin,
and we think finer than any of them.
Moore professed to feel great pleasure
from natural scenery, but this and several
other passages in the Diary lead us to doubt
whether the feeling was very strong. Dove-
dale, for instance, gives him no more distinct
idea than that it is the very abode of — genii f
(i. 301). To be sure, both he and Lord
John tell us that be wept at the sight of
Mont Blanc, but he also tells us tbat he
wept at seeing a Frencbman go up in a bal-
loon. We know also that he never saw
Eiliarney till his English friends the Lans-
downes took him there in his forty-second
year ; and when he was asked which of two
diflferent confluences he meant to describe in
his celebrated song of the '* Meeting of the
Waters," he was unable to say.
The specimens he giyes of his own bons-
mots or rapartees are very poor — take one,
which, from the rank of the lady and the
care with which he records it, was, we pre-
sume, a favorite recollection : —
"Had music in the evening [at Woburn].
The duchess [of Bedfprd] said she wished I
could transfer my genius to her for six weeks ;
and I answered, ' most willingly, if Woburn was
placed at my disposal for the same time.' " — iii.
283.
The good taste of agreeing so readily in
the Duchess* humble estimation of herself,
and in her Grace's high opinion of him, and
of estimating his own superiority at just the
worth of }Volnim{/), seems to us equal to
its pleasantry.
After the publication of the Life of Sheri-
dan there was some talk of his undertaking
those of ( I rattan and Byron : —
" Lord Lansdowne much amused by the custom
for Lives I was likely to have — I said I had bet-
ter publish nin« together, in one volume, and call
it The (7a/."~iv. 323.
Spoiled it seems from the old drollery in
Walpole's Letters : *' If I had as many many
lives as a cat, or as one Plutarch."
Finding some difficulty in lighting a fire
at a French inn —
*' I said the wood was like the houses in Paris,
oMuri eontre Vincendie — which amused Lord
/oAn."~lii. 13.
Having thus endeavored to collect from
the scattered evidence of the Diary a kind
of synopsis of some of the chief points of
Moore's personal and literary character, we
now turn to the consideration of some cir-
cumstances of a more public nature; and
here it is that we can cordially say that,
whatever neglect or error of detail may be
imputed to Lord John RusseVs editorship,
his work is a public — we had almost said
historical— benefit. Moore's political satires
had a considerable effect in their day, not
so much from their gayety and wit — which
was often feeble, and more often forced — ^as
from the deep bitterness and personal ran-
cor by which they recommended them-
selves to that combination of factions self-
styled the Whig party. Of this active and
unscrupulous opposition Moore became the
poet-laureate; and though his vituperatory
verses are as essentially effete as the pane-
gyrics of any court laureate of them all,
they have left behind them, both in common
talk and in the oUa-podrida literature of our
day, a kind of vague impression, which
these volumes will tend to correct and efface
to a degree of which Moore's egotism was,
and Lord John RusseU's prejudice is, we
suspect, alike unconscious.
To exhibit this in its true light we must
revert a little to Moore's autobiography.
We here find more than we had ever be-
fore heard or suspected of his early initiation
into the United Irish Conspiracy. Moore
tells us that he was not. actually a United
Irishman — and hia youth would, no doubt,
prevent his being in their councils — but he
frequently boasted that he was heart and
soul devoted to their principles, &nd, to the
extent of his little power, active in prop-
agating them. All of what are called his
patriotic songs were calculated to revive and
feed the spirit of the Irish Rebellion ; and,
to the very last, he seems to be proud of
being considered a Jacobin, and even a traitor
— which latter title is evidently viewed by
him as equivalent to that of patriot.
This leads us to observe on two passages
of Lord John Russell's Preface, penned no
doubt with the object of justifying Moore's
extreme politics, but which we think de-
serve, on higher grounds, serious animad-
version. In nis critical summary of Moore's
works, Lord John says of his life of Lord
Edward Fitzgerald, that ** the character and
fate of Lord £dward are made to touch the
heart of every Irish patriot ;" and in speak-
ing of the Irish Rebellion of 1798, the noble
Editor affirms that it was " wickedly provoke
1868.]
MBMOIBS or THOMAS MOOBB.
m
«r' by the Government. This oanonization
of treason and murder as patriotism, and
this calamnj on the Government of the
country, are among the legacies that Lord
John has had from Holland House. Our
readers know that Lord Holland avowed
both these scandalous opinions in his last
volume of Memoirs; and we hope they
have not forgotten our refutation of them
(Q. R. June, 1852). We need hardly say
that we have very little reliance on Lord
John Russell's judgment on any question
where party prejudices can intervene; but
that an author who has published largely
on modern history — a statesman who has
been successively Secretary of State for the
Colonial, the Foreign, and the Home De-
partments, Prime Minister, and who is now
Leader of the House of Commons— should
go out of his way to gild over rebellion as
patrioiism, and to assert so gratuitous and
so absurd a slander as that the English and
Irish ministers of those days had " wickedly
pTWfoked^' the rebellion, passes our under-
standing : it is like nothing we ever read of,
except the assertion of certain French his-
torians that Mr. Pitt provoked the massa-
cres of September.
We are astonished at Lord John Russell's
venturing to reproduce such a misrepresen-
tation if it were merely historical: — it is
worse, as we have just intimated, when a
man in such a station endeavors to palliate
not merely rebellion — but a rebellion of
which we can scarcely say that the ashes
are yet cold; but worst of all it is, when
the very book he is editing — notwithstand-
ing the avowedly rebellious bias of the
author — contradicts Lord Holland's and
Lord John Russell's fable of the rebellion
having been " wickedly" or in any wslj ** pro-
voked" by the Government. Moore's first
political recollections — dating many years
before 1798 — he tells us, were that —
** all the oldest acquaintances of bis father and
mother were some of the most deeply involved
in the grand conspiracy against the Qovemmev^,''^
*-i. 48.
Again, in < the year before the rebellion,
Moore says —
** the celebrated newspaper called the Press was
set up by Arthur O'Connor, Thomas Addis Em*
melt, and the other chiefs of the United Irish
Conspiracy [Were they the ioole of Pitt and Oam"
dm/], with the view of preparing tmd ripening
the public mind for the great crisis that was fast
approaehisigJ*^^, 65,
Mooro would have been willing enough
to palliate the rebellion — but he had been
too near an observer to attempt any such
imposition ; and every line and every word
of his record of those times is a contradic-
tion of Lord John Russell's most indecent
and most unfounded — we might almost
borrow his own term ** wicked" — charge on
the Government of the time.
From these perilous political connections
— though never from these rebellious princi-
ples— Moore seems to have soon escaped
into a very diflferent and — in spite of his
Jacobin opinions — more congenial society.
His musical taste introduced him to one or
two musical families, which he surprised
and delighted by a combination of poetry
and music in a style altogether peculiar to
himself. He sang his own verses to his own
tunes, in a style still more his own: the
songs were indeed rather little amatory
breathings than poetry — the voice rather a
warbling than singpng — ^but both were set
off by an expression of countenance and
charm of manner the most graceful, the
most natural, and the most touching that
we have ever witnessed ; in truth we believe
that those who have ever heard Moore's
own performance will agree that from no
other lips — ^not even those of female beauty
— did his songs ever come with such fasci-
nating effect. With this singular and seduc-
tive talent, accompanied by perfect good
manners and lively conversation, he soon
made his way in the "singing, dancing, sup-
pering" society of Dublin; and it is evident
from all the names that occur in the letters
of this period that it was of an altogether
different political complexion from his for-
mer associations.
At this time his parents, though little in a
condition to meet such an expense, decided
on his being educated for the Bar — ^and ac-
cordingly, in April, 1799, he proceeded to
London, to be entered at the Middle Tem-
ple. The preparations for this journey are
told with singular naivete, and include a
peculiarity which we should not have ex-
pected from what he says of the general good
sense^of his mother:—
^ A serions drain was now, however, to be made
upon our scanty resources ; and my poor mother
had long been hoarding np every penny she could
scrape together, towards the expenses of my
journey to London, for the purpose of being enter-
ed at the Temple. A part of the iiroall sum which
I took with me was in guineas, and i recollect was
carefully sewed up by my mother in the waists
band of my pantaloons. There was also smother
lira
MEMOIBS OF tHOllAS HOOBE.
[Oct,
treasure whit^ she had^ unknown tn me^ sewed up
in some other part of my clothes, and fhat was a
scapular (as it is called), or small hit of doth,
blessed by the priest, which a fond superatitioD in-
clined her to believe would keep the wearer of it
from harm. And thus, with this charm about me,
of which I was wholly unconscious, and my little
]Nicket of guineas, of which I felt deeply the re-
sponsibility, did I for the first time start from home
for the great world of London." — i. 72.
He remained here, it seems, only long
enough to keep, as it is called, two law
terms, and returned to Dublin in July ;
where, the season of the year having no
doubt thinned the gay company in which
he had before lived, he probably worked
more assiduously at preparmg for the press
the translation of Anacreon which he had
begun while yet in college. This work-^
then his only ticket in the lottery of life —
being at last ready for the press, he returned
to London, where he immediately circulated
proposals for publishing it by subscription.
He had brought also a letter of introduc-
tion to the Earl of Moira, who at that time
was the chief professor of Irish patriotism
in England; the intercourse of that date
was confined to a morning visit and a dinner ;
but he then received an invitation to the
Earl's seat at Donington Castle in Leicester-
shire, of which he availed himself on his
way to London the second time, in Novem-
ber, 1799.
He made for many years hot merely fre-
quent visits to Lord Moira at Donington,
but several lengthened abodes with which
his Lordship indulged him, in the absence of
the family, to pursue his studies free from
expense and the absorbing distractions of
society, and with the advantage of a fine
library, — & considerate kindness on the part
of Lord Moira which showed an early ap-
preciation of the danger to which Moore's
taste for the dissipations of London exposed
him. Soon after his marriage Moore hired
a cottage in the neighboring village of
Kegwonh, where he had the library always,
and occasionally the society of ^ the castle,
within his reach.
Very early in their acquaintance Lord
Moira seems to have obtained from George
IV., then Prince of Wales, the acceptance of
the dedication of the forthcoming Anacreon ;
and as Moore's subsequent conduct towards
that Prince was altogether, we think, the
least creditable as well as the most remark-
able circumstance of his whole life, it is
our historical dnty to give as particular an
aocount of it as we can gather from these
volumes. Some time before the personal
introduction Moore writes : —
•« riSOO. May.]— My dear Mother,— I have got
the rrince's name [to the subscription], and his
Srmission that I should dedicate Anacreon to hint
urra! Hurra !"—!. 104.
"Surra/ Hurra P* We pause for a mo-
ment, not to sneer at this burst of exultation,
very natural in a youth of Moore's then cir-
cumstances, but to lament that the next time
we meet these words from Moore's pen
should be in an insult to the very personage
of whose favor he was once so proud — in a
burlesque description of the Regent's open-
ing Parliament : —
** Hurra ! Hurra ! I heard them say,
And they cheered and shouted all the way,
As the great Panurge in his glorv went
To open in state his Parliament.— fFor^, 611.
At one of the fashionable assemblies in
which Moore's agreeable talents soon ren-
dered him so universally acceptable — a
arty, we believe, of Lady Harrington's — ^he
ad by and by the honor of being personally
introduced to His Rc^al Highness : —
I
"" 1800. Aug. 4th. — I was yesterday introduced
to His Royal Highness George Prince of Wales.
He is, beyond doubt, a man of very fascinating
manners. When I was presented to him, he said
he was very happy to know a man of my abilities ;
and when I thanked him for the honor he had
done me, he stopped me, and said the honor was
entirely his," &c., &c. — 107.
"1801. March 8th.— I last night went to a
little supper after the onera, where the Prince and
Mrs. Fitzherbert were. — 111.
" March 28th. — You may imagine the afiTability
of the Prince of Wales, when his address to me
was * How do you do, Moore ? I am glad to see
you.'"— 112.
This is all we find before Moore^s trip to
America; but immediately after his return
he writes : —
«[1804.] Saturday [Dec. 7th].— My dariing
Mother — I have only just time to tell you that
the Prince was extremely kind to me last night
at a small supper party at which I met him.
Every one noticed the cordiality with which he
spoke to me. His words were these: — ^'I am
very glad to see you here again, Moore. From
the reports I had heard, [ was afraid we had lost
you. I assure you [laying his hand on my shoul-
der at the same time] it was a subject of general
concern.' Coiild anything be more flattering?
I must say I felt rather happy at that moment
The idea of such reports having reached htm—
I his remembering them upon seeing me, and ex-
1858.]
pressing them so cordially— was all pleasant^
and win, J know, ffratify my dear father's and
mother's hearts, isaw him afterwards go up
to Lord Moira, and, pointing towards me, ex-
press, I suppose, the same thing. It was at Lord
Harrington's.*' — i. 178.
''ISoe. May.— 1 believe I told you the kind
things the prince said to me about "my book (the
Odes and Epistles)."— 193.
"18H. June 2l8t. — My dearest mother, — I
ought to have written yesterday, but I was in bed
all day after the fdte [at Cariion House], which
I did not leave till past six in the morning. No-
thin'T was ever half so magnificent; it was in
retdily all that they try to imitate in the gorgeous
scenery of the theatre; and I really sat three
quarters of an hour in the Prince's roorn after
supper, silently looking at the spectacle, and
feeding my eye with Uie assemblage of beauty,
splendor, and profuse magnificence which it pre-
sented. It was quite worthy of a Prince, and I
would not have lost it for any consideration. . .
The Prince spoke to me, as he always does, with
the cordial familiarity of an old aqnaintance."—
i. 254,5.
This was one of the two fetes at the be-
ginning at the Regency to which Moore's
subsequent libels make so many offensive,
and,' as we now see, ungrateful allusions.
We see also that he had once at least dined
at Carlton House.
The Prince was certainly struck with the
talents and manners of the young poet, and
Sartook of Lord Moira's good will towards
im : — and during Mr. Addington's adminis-
tration— in 1603— their joinl influence (we
speak advisedly) procured for their prol^g^
a very easy office in the Admiralty Court
of Bermuda. It is, no doubt, to palliate
Moore's subsequent ingratitude to holh his
patrons, that he and his partizans, and of
course Lord John, take the tone of denounc-
ing this appointment as " the greatest mis-
fortune of Moore's life," and even of treating
the kindness of his early protectors as a
matter of reproach. This is altogether un-
founded. We nowhere find any distinct ac-
count of the value of the office, and on the con-
trary there seems a studied reserve on that
subject; but we see that both Moore and his
father made close inquiries into that important
point, the results of which were so satisfactory
as to itiduce Moore to make a voyage to Ber-
muda to take possession of the post. We
know that it yielded someihing (i. 184.) :-*-and
indeed during twelve years — the most strug-
gling years of bis life, we hear no com-
plaint of its not being productive. On the
contrary, in 1810, he talks of "bis Bermuda
treoiury,^* and expects to receiye something
tbence very shortly, [i. 245]. In May, 1612,
MSMOIfiS OF THOMAS HOOKK
178
he expected '* money from Bermuda," which
turned out ta be '^ money indeed /" [i. 280].
In the winter of 1813 we find him entering
into a negotiation for getting an immediate
advance on the credit of his coming profits
ti. d69j ; and in December, 1814, we have
lim acknowledging the remittance of no
less a sum than £500, which he immediately
invests in the funds, and glories in being ** a
stock-holder" [ii. 58 j. It is just a year
after the receipt of this £500 that we find
his first complaint about Bermuda — " I get
as near nothing from it as possible " [ii. 88].
No wonder : he had been twelve years
pocketing whatever monies his deputy chose
to send him, and, though warned and ad-
vised both officially arid privately that he
ought to look after this important business,
he never took, as far as appears, any trouble
about it. At last, in the spring of 1818 —
after fifteen yeare^ enjoyment of the office —
came the real disaster, which was this : —
The proceeds of the sales of two or three
ships and cargoes, which had been condemn-
ed, were lodged in the registry of the court,
pending an appeal ; this sum Moore's deputy
embezzled, and Moore, who had, he says,
" forgotten both the deputy and the office,"
was disagreeably awakened by a demand
from the injured parlies to make good the
deposit. What the real defalcation was is
not exactly stated, but it was finally compro-
mised for £1040. Twice or thrice that sum
need not have overwhelmed a prudent man in
Moore's circumstances. He was in the re-
ceipt of very large sums for his works, and
for immediate aid, on this occasion, Messrs.
Longman offered to advance the whole sum
on his own security, and several of his private
friends — Mr. Rogers, Mr. Jeffrey, Mr. Rich-
ard Power, Lord John Russell, and the pre-
sent Duke of Bedford, were anxious to
enable him to have settled the affair at once.
These offers his delicacy rejected, and he
proceeded to resist the demand by dilatory
proceedings in the court. We do not under-
stand this kind of delicacy: would it not have
been more delicate, or, in plain English, more
honest— even if he had exhausted his own
immediate resources — ^to have accepted tem-
porary loans from such old and affluent
friends as we have named-^or, still better,
Messrs. Longman's proposal in the way of bu-
siness— than to have not only left the claim-
ants unpaid, but increased their loss by a
litigious resistance? Instead, however, of
feeling either for himself or the claimants, it
appears from the Diary that for a year and
a half — ^from April, 1818 to August, 1819 —
174
MBHOIBS OF THOHAS HOOBE.
[Oct.,
Moore was enjoying himself in his usnal
round of fashionable amusement, and it was
not til) the progress of the suit rendered de-
lay no longer possible that he thought of
escaping from arrest, first in the sanctuary
of Holy hood House, but, as the safety of that
asylum was doubtful, finally by retiring to
the Continent.
Why should the bounty of his royal and
noble patrons be in any way made respon-
sible for all this personal neglect and im-
prudence on Moore's part ? They gave him
an office, estimated as we think we have
heard, at £400 a year clear profit, which
— ^besides being as much as they had any
chance of obtaining from a Government
with which they were not connected — was
also in every way suitable to Moore's then
position. It secured him a moderate in-
come, and, being almost a sinecure, left him
at liberty to dedicate his time to his literary
avocations. Such is, we believe, the truth
of this long misunderstood and misrepresent-
ed aflfair.
We must now revert to Moore's political
prospects. In 1806 All the Talents came
mto office, and amongst them Lord Moira.
Moore, with as keen an appetite for place
as ever a patriot had — and we can say no
more — is in a perfect fever of greedy de-
light. He writes to his mother, Feb. 4th,
1806,—
** I am quite in a bewilderment of hope, fear,
and anxiety : the very crisis of my fate is ar-
rived. Lord Moira has everything in his power,
and my fate now depends upon his sincerity,
which it would be profanation to doubt; and
Heaven grant he may justify my confidence!
Tierney goes [Chancellor of the Exchequer] to
Ireland, so there a hope opens for my father^s
advancement. In short, every thing promises
brilliantly ; light breaks in on all sides, and
Fortune smiles." — 192.
Fortune smiled, but not so bountifully as
Moore anticipated. Lord Moira was only
Master- General of the Ordnance, an office
which has little civil patronage, but he did
for Moore all that he could, and more than
he ought. He made his father barrack-
master of Dublin, for which the old man's
years and habits rendered him wholly unfit ;
and having in his own gift ^* a small appoint-
ment to give away, he proposed it to Moore
himself— till something better offered" [i. 1 92].
Moore does not say what it was, but de-
elines it, telling his lordship he would wait
till something worthier of his [sic] ''gene-
rosity and my ambition should occur" [t&].
Lord Moira, instead of being offended, ap-
plies to Mr. Fox for that '* something wor-
thier," and Mr. Fox seems good naturedly to
have promised compliance with his request.
" You may tell my uncle and aunt of Fox's
promise — Lord Moira has told roe that it is one
of the Irish Commiasionerships that I am to have \
but these will not be arranged until those in
England are settled.''
Whatever the promise may have been, it
and Lord Moira's influence vanished at Mr.
Fox's death ; and Moore, ignorant, no doubt,
at the time, of the delicate situation in which
Lord Moira was placed after Mr. Fox's
death, never forgave his lordship for the
neglect and lukewarmness to which he attrib-
uted his disappointment.
Dissatisfied with Lord Moira and the Tal-
ents, Moore became outrageous at their suc-
cessors.— " Fine times," he says, " for chang-
ing a ministry — and changing to such foois
too" (i. 222) ; the fools being — inter alias —
Percival, Liverpool, Harrowby, Huskisson,
Palmerston, Canning, Castlereagh, Welling-
ton ! — He goes down in despair to Doning-
ton Park, to vent his bile on this new Minis-
try :—
"I am not (he says to Lady Donegal, 37th
April, 1807, writing love verses. \ begin at last
to find out that politics is the only ihing minded
in this country, and that it is better to rebel against
Government than have noUiing to do with it. So
I am writing politics, but all I fear is that my
former ill luck will ride up against me, and that,
as I could not write love without getting into ,
so I shall not be able to write politics without
getting into treason (sic)." — i. 225.
This, a confession more candid than deli-
cate to be made to a Tory lady, was followed
up by his two political satires of " Corrup-
tion" and " Intolerance," which, bitter and
even personally libellous as they are, may
be fairly forgiven to a papist who had lost
the prospect of an Irish Commissionership
by the cry of " No Popery." But he still
had hopes from Lord Moira, which the me-
lancholy illness of George III., and the pros-
pect of a new reign kept alive. On this
latter subject we find in a letter of the 17th
of August, 1811, a passage so discreditable
that nothing but his own evidence could
make us believe. He had it seems at that
time his silly opera of " M.P." in rehearsal
at the Hay market, and thus expresses his
apprehension that the King^s death might in-
terfere with it :—
" I have been a g^ood deal and loyally (sic)
alarmed lest a certain catastrophe should inter
185a.]
MEMOIRS OF THOMAS MOORE.
116
rapt the perfonnances of the playbousee ; but i
believe there is no fear whatever, and that I may
be verv well satisfied if my piece is not dead and
d—d before he is — [N.B. before he is dead, [
mean — don't mistaJceme].'* — i. 268.
He then proceeds to repeat an account of
the " poor King being turned loose and suf-
fered to range blindly and frantic about his
apartments at Windsor, like Polypheme in
his cave," which, however, ** he is quite happy
to find woi all a fabrication^^ {ib). This
brutal trifling with the two most awful inci-
dents of human nature — insanity and death
— ^is rendered additionally painful and pitia-
ble by the recollection ihat the giddy author
was doomed to have his own rea^son quenched
and his own life closed under the calamitous
circumstances which he then treated so lightly.
In February, 1812, the restricted Regency
expired ; and the Prince — after an ineffect-
ual effort to form a combined ministry,
which was chiefly defeated by the dissen-
sions and extravagant pretensions of the
Whigs themselves — continued Mr. Perce-
val's administration* Moore writes to Lady
Donegal : —
'* In Lord Moira's exclusion from all chances of
power 1 see an end of the long hope of my life,
and my intention is to go far away into the coun-
try, &c. ... the truth is, that the political events
ot the last few days, so suddenly breaking up a// ttte
proepects of oiy life, have sunk my spirits a lie tie,
so forgive me if 1 am either unjust or ill natured."
— i. 2(>9, 270.
In an immediately following letter he states
bis own motives still more clearly — no loy-
alty to the Prince, no devotion to Lord
Moira, no Whiggery, no popery, no pa-
triotism— nothing but a personal speculation.
He tells lady Donegal that he needs no con-
solation, for —
"the truth is, 1 feel as if a load had been taken
ofi* me by this tiuai termination to all the hope and
suspense in which the prospect of Lord Moira*s
advancement has kept me for so many years.
It has been a sort of WiU-o^-the-wiBp ail my life,
and the only thing I regret is, that it was not
extinguished earlier, for it has led me a sad
dance."— i. 271.
But he has bUU another consolation : —
*" /, thank Heaven ! (and it consoles me for my
poverty) am free to caU a rascal a rascal wherever
£ meet fUm^ and never was I belter disposed to make
use if my pritHege,*^ — i. 271.
That is, in plain English, " having no longer
any hope of a place, I hmfree to become a
libeller, and I mean to use my privilege."
This laudable resolution soon connected
him with Holland House— ^here Lord Moira
had become an object of suspicion or worse,
because the Prince showed more reluctance
" to desert Lord Moira than the rest of the
party," amongst whom Lord Moira was now
evidently de trop,
Moore, already secretly dissatisfied (as
we have' seen) with Lord Moira, now began
immediately, under >Lord Holland's special
auspices, that series of personal libels on the
Prince which made so much noise in their
day, but which, when we are now obliged to
look through them, appear to us to have less
of wit or even gayety than we thought, and
to have owed their vogue to what we may
call, in the original and most appropriate
meaning of the word, their scurrility. The
salt of these productions was their ingrati-
tude, irreverence, and insult against one who
ought to have been in a peculiar degree
exempt from them — not only by the absence
of every private provocation and the ex-
istence of personal obligation on Moore's
part, but still more — by his public station,
which, besides its legal claims to respect, had
one which should have been even more binding
on a man of delicacy and honor — that he was
as helpless as a woman against Bnch polisson-
nerie.
These showers of garbage, flung in news-
papers at the Sovereign, as if he had been
a criminal in the pillory, Moore in 1813
collected, with some additional lampoons, in
a little volume called the Twopenny Post-
Bag. One of Lord John Russel's rare notes
— and a rare one this is — assures us that
this Post-Bag '• is full of fun and humor,
wihout ill-nature'' (i. 331). We will not
dispute Lord John's taste as to what he may
think fun and humor. Anything that abuses
a political opponent is, no doubt, fun and
humor; but we should have been utterly
astonished at his finding no ill-nature in the
Twopenny Post- Bag if we did not know that
there are palates so disordered as not to find
vinegar sour, nor aloes bitter. We can only
say that to our taste, and that we think of
the majority of mankind, there never was
a bitterer or sourer specimen of concentrated
malignity ; and we quite agree in the judg-
ment passed on it by a Whig — a clever
man, and a personal friend of Moore — that
it was " ribaldry not to be palliated even by
its wit ;" and that " deep must have been the
hate that prompted it; and bitterly and
176
HEMOIBS OF THOMAS MOORE.
[Oct.,
raneorously it %ms uttered^ And we shall
see by and by that Lord Holland hitnself
repented him of such impolitic as well as
unworthy libelling. Lord John's strange
compliment to his friend*s ^oo(^ na^i<r« puts
us in mind of Foote's to the Duchess of
Kingston. " Well, I have heard of Tartars and
Brimstones, but your Grace is the Jlowsr of
the one and the cream of the other." Such
seem lo us the cream and Jlowers of Moore's
potticul lampoons. A more practical and
conclusive commentary on Lord John's es-
timate of these good-natured verses is fur-
nished by the fact, that Moore was afraid to
own, and Carpenter of Bond Street, then his
usual publisher, to print them ; and so the
title-page announced some obscure name, or
perhaps, pseudonyme, under which the poi-
son might be safely disseminated.
This course of libelling ran on for many
years, and in a spirit still more ignoble than
it began. Moore might be excused for pre-
ferring Lord Holland to Lord Moira — ^for re-
senting the discountenance of the Catholic
claims — for sharing the sudden disappoint-
ment of hii political party ; but an odium in
longum jacens, bad as it is, would be less dis-
creditable than such a motive as the follow-
ing, which it seems to us astonishing that
Moore should have confessed even to his own
pen : —
«»1818. Nov. 20.— Went on with the slanfir
epistle. It seems prof>inarion to write such hux-
foonery in the midst of this glorious sunshine ;
bat, alas! momey must he Aad, and the^e trifles
bring it fastest and easiest.'* — ii. 218.
"Dec. 17th. — Twenty lines more. This sort
of stuflT goes glibly from tiie pen. I sometimes
ask myself why I write it; and the only answer
1 ffet is, that 1 natter myself it serves the cause
oxpoHtics which 1 espouse, and that, at all events,
it orings a UUle mtmey without much trouble." —
li. 240.
The first, certainly the most remarkable,
and artistically, we think, the best, was a
parody on the letter (Feb. 15, 1812) of the
Prince to the Duke of York, explanatory of
his motives for retaining his father's ministry,
whose measures had ai that important crisis
of the affairs of the world, been so successful,
but proposing to combine with them — to
resist the common danger — the Whig party
under Lords Grey and Grenville. The lat-
ter peremptorily declined. W^e do not stop
to inquire whether these Lords were right
or wrong — Moore pronounces them decided-
ly wrong, because they spoiled his hopes of
a place — nor do we mean to revive that or
indeed any other merely political question of
the day, further than to say that the Prince's
letter received the general assent of the
country and of what was left of independ-
ence in Europe, and was the basis of that
triumphant policy which led Wellington from
the Tagus to the Seine, and Bonaparte from
the Tuileries to St. Helena.
Moore did not trouble himself with any
such considerations. He saw in the royal
letter nothing but the destruction of the
** long hope" of his life that he had been build-
ing on the Prince's friendship for Lord Moira
and Lord Moira's friendship for himself, and
he endeavored, like other disappointed
fortune-hunters, to disguise his own vexation
under the cloak of patriotism. It was on or
about the same day that he announced to
Lady Donegal his intention to use his '* priv-
ilege" of libelling that this parody was read
to a select conclave at Holland House,
preparatory to its being published in the
Morning Chronicle. There is a curious se-
quel to this affair. We find in the Diary,
near ten years later —
** 1821, Nov. 2. — Lord Holland anxious to ask
me about my parody on the Regent*s letter,
whether I had shown it to Lord Moira; heard
that I had, and that Lord Moira had advised the
leaving out of some lines. Told him that none
of this was true ; that none had seen it before
it was circulated but himself, Rogers, Perry, and
Luttrel. He quoted something which be had
been told Rogers had said about his (Lord H.*b)
having urged me to write this, and the likelihood
of my being Jeft in the lurch after having suffered
for doing sa Lord K confessed ii was aU very
imprudent^ and that ike whole conduct of the party
(Whig) at that time was anything but wif«, as
they must know the King would never forgive the
personalities they then beset him with, i should
much like to knuw the secret of his reviving thi4
matter just now." — iii. 297.
And four years later still —
" 1825, Aug. 16— Lord Holland read to me
several cahiers of what I rather suspect to be
memoirs of his own times. There was mention
in it of my parody on the Princess letter. ' Ano^
ther poet,* he i»aid, ' Mr. Moore, with more of
Irish humor than of worldly prudence,* &c.
This is too had — Lord Holland himself having
been the person who first put it into my head to
write that parody.'* — iv. 304.
The secret is now plain enough. Lord
Holland, when he came in a less heated
moment to write an account of the affair,
saw it was indefensible, and was desirous of
implicating poor Lord Moira in the blame;
and so disguising a main point of the Prince
Regent's case, which was, that the jparfy had
thrown Lord Moira overboard, not he theoL
1858.J
UEMOIBS OF THOMAS MOORF.
Ill
We know not where we cotdd find a
stronger instance of prophetic self- censure
than is afforded by some lines of a satire of
Moore's called The Skeptic, published in
1809, in which, with that blindness to the
tu quoque which so often afflicts writers of
this class, he says : —
** Self \B the medinni through which judgment's
rav
Can seldom pass without beinp turned astray.
Had Walcot first been pension'd by the Crown,
Kiiiffs would have suffered by his praise alone ;
Ana Paine perhaps, for something snugjper ann.,
Had laughed, like Wellesley, at the rights of
Man."
We forget to what phrase of Lord Welles-
ky*s he may have alluded, but certainly any
one who reads of bis own morbid anxiety for
government patronage and place might not
nncharitably apply the preceding line to his
*'And Moort perhaps, for something snug^r
ann»i*
would have taught his Muse a different song
than those libel's on the Sovereign. The
poem proceeds ; —
* Woe to the skeptic, in these party days.
Who wafts to neither shrine his pnffa of praise,
For him no pension pours its annual Jruita,
No fertile sinecure spontaneous nhoots.
Nor his the meed that crowned Don Hookham's
rhyme ;
Nor sees he e'er in dreams of foture time
Those shadowy forms ofsUeTc reversions rise
So dear to Scotchmen's second-sighted eyes ;
Yet who that looks to History's damning leaf,
Where Whig and Tory— i^ie/ opposed to thirf^
On either side, in lofty shade, are seen.
While Freedom's form hangs crucified be-
tween, &c.
Worles.i 45.
Who would believe that the penman of this
sneer at that eminent scholar, writer, and
diplomatist, Mr. Hookham Frere, and this
tirade against all placemen, was himself in
possession of a **s%necure*^ and a ** fertile^*
one, too, till he mismanaged and lost it by his
entire neglect ; that he procured for his fa-
ther a place almost a '' nnectire," which the
old man also mismanaged and lost ; that his
own life was passed in dreams of reversions
as " dear** as any Scotchman ever entertain-
ed ; that when those " thieves'' the '* Whigs*'
bad come into power, in 1806, he was in " a
bewilderment of hope and anxtetv'' for a
places — and that he was destined to.be at
last *' pensioned by the Crown" f
▼OL. ZXX. NO. IL
So^far we have only looked to Moore's
personal relations with the Prince and the
patriot pretences under which he endeavored
to color his libels; but we find in these
volumes some elucidation of a more impor-
Unt matter. The great point of Moore's
attack, and that which in a variety of shapes
was urged against the Prince by the Whigs,
was His Royal Hi^hness's desertion of his
old political friends in forming that ministry
of fooU in 1 807. We should not have thought
it worth while to discuss such a charge aa
if great national interests were to be made
subservient to the partialities of private life
—as if Prince Henry ought to have preferred
Sir John Falstaff to Chief Justice Gascoyne
—but unreasonable and unconstitutional as the
indulgence of such personal partialities would
have been if they had existed, the fact is that
they did not exist, and that the imputation
against the Prince was an anachronism and
a misrepresentation. The Prince is charged
with *' deserting his old friends:' Now, the
plain historic fact is, and Moore himself is
forced to attest it, that, whatever it may be
called, coolness, separation, desertion was the
act of the party and not of the Prince. Those
of the party T?ho possessed especially his
private regard were Mr, Fox, Lord Mbira,
and Sheridan (Moore, Life of Sheridan, ii.
384). These composed the heir-apparent'a
" little senate." His deference for Mr. Fox
induced him to submit to his coalition with
Lord Grenville, but he was " never friendly
to it;" {ib, ii. 883—), so that on Mr. Fox's
death, as Moore himself states--*
" the chief personal tie that connected the Heir
Apparent with the party was broken— its political
identity had been already disturbed [by the Gren-
ville coalition] ; . . . and immediately after Mr.
Fox's death His Royal Highness made known Ms
intent ions of wUhdrawing fram dU interference
in politics^ and expressed himself aa no longer
do8iroii8 of beiniar considered asavoWy man-Jbis
own phrase." — lb.
What possible pretence could there be,
four or five years after that explicit decla-
ration, to consider him as bound to that
party ?
Lord Holland himself, in 1818, confessed
to Moore that Lords Grenville and Grey
were to blame for the final rupture with the
Prince in 1812— and this he did so strongly
that Moore goes on to say —
•* All this accounts most saUsfadortly for the
defection of the Prince, and, if anything could
justify his dupUeity and apostacy, it would be
their arrogance and folly.— ii. 184.
12
178
MEMOIRS OF THOMAS MOOREL
[Oct.,
This is bat a cross-grained caDdor; for of
what duplicity and apostacj, as respects
friendly relations, was the Prince ever ac-
cused, except in this defection so ** satisfacto-
rily accounted for" ? But in justice to Moore
we must say, that at this time he probably
was not aware of the extent of Lord Moira's
separation from the party in 1807 — which
the Earl subsequently told him, and author-
ized him to repeat.
So far as to the pretence of the Prince's
deserting his friends. Now a word ahout
the principle of Catholic Emancipation, which
he was also said to have deserted. It is
well known that the Prince's own opinion
never was in favor of that question ; indeed
it would have been a strange abnegation in
one whose power and station had no other
basis in this country than Catholic exclusion ;
and Moore himself furnishes us with evidence,
not merely of this adverse feeling, but of its
being well known to those of the Prince's
most intimate friends who took the opposite
view. That question was first broached in
the Imperial Parliament in the spring of
1805. The Prince's opposition to it was
immediate and decided. Being informed
that Fox had consented to present the
Catholic petition in the Commons (as Lord
Grenville was to do in the Lords), the Prince
endeavored to dissuade him from that step.
This we learn from Fox's answer to Sheridan,
who conveyed the Prince's wishes. Fox
avowed and persisted in his intentions, adding,
** I am sure you know how painful it would
be to me to dieohey any command of Hie
Hayal Highness, or even to act in any man-
ner which might he in the slightest degree
contrary to his wishes, and therefore I am not
sorry that your information came too late"
(Life, ii. 334). At this time — the beginning
of May, 1805 — there was no prospect of any
political change; Mr. Pitt was alive — the
King in good health-^the Catholic question
was new — it had not yet taken its strong
party color^ and had none of the prestige
which in a long subsequent struggle it ac-
quired— there was nothing therefore at this
tiuio to affect the sincerity of the Prince's
opinion, and in that opinion there is no reason
to suspect that he ever for a moment waver-
ed. Shortly after this, when the Catholic
question had grown to be a thorough party
measure, we find {ib,, ii. S64) a letter from
Sheridan to the Prince, in which he states
the Prince's position on that question to be
so different from his own, that he had not
liked to talk to him on the subject. This
letter is undated, but it must have been two
or three years before the Regency.
Moore himself was, about this time, no
very zealous emancipator, and talks what
we dare say he would a little later have
called the language of bigotry and intolerance.
He writes to his mother in the summer of
1807 :—
*' Dublin is R|;ain, I find, or rather sttll the seat
of wrangle and illiberal contention. The Roman
OathoUcs deserve very Utile; and even if they
merited all they ask, I cannot see how it is in the
nature of things that they could get i^.'* — i. 231.
This paragraph is much more significant than
it seems at first sight. The month or day
is not given, but it was written from Do-
nington, where he then was with Lord Mtnra ;
and it appears from the context that it was
towards the end of June or beginning of
July in 1707 — just at the meeting of the new
Parliament which followed the dismissal of
All the Talents, and when Catholic Emanci-
pation had become the leading — indeed the
paramount principle of the Whig party, now
again become the Opposition. Can it be
reasonably doubted that Lord Moira's opin-
ion was not very different from Moore's?
Moore, in his ** Life of Sheridan," makes an
awkward and tardy confession of the injustice
of his calumnies on then Prince in this mat-
ter : —
" With respect to the chief personage connected
with these transactions, it is a proof of the ten-
dency of knowledge to produce a spirit of toler-
ance, that they who, judging merely from the sur-
face have been most forward in reprobating his
separation from the Whigs, as a rupture of politi-
cal ties and an abandonment of private friendships,
must, on becoming more thoroughly a^quairied
with all the circumstances that led to this crisis, learn
to soften down considerably their angry feelings,
and to see, indeed, in the whole history of the
connexion — ^from its first formation in the hey-day
of youth and party, to its faint survival after the
death of Mr. Fox— but a natural and distinct gra-
dation towards the result at which it at last arriv-
ed, after as much fluctuation of political principle
on one side* as there was of indifference perhaps
to all political principle on the other." — Life, li.
408-9.
The cloudy verbosity of this confession shows
the reluctance with which it was made ; but,
as it finally gives the substantial truth, we
shall not quarrel with its style or taste.
There remains, however, another incident
in this afiG9iir, hitherto very indistinctly no-
ticed, but which really was the hinge on
1853.]
MEMOIRS OF THOMAS MOORR
179
which Moore's fortune turned. Towards the
close of 1812» when Lord Moira was ap-
pointed (jovernor- General of India, Moore's
own hopes began to revive, but he soon saw,
from Lord Moira's cool and distant manner,
that something had changed his Lordship's
disposition towards him ; he begins to fore^
see a disappointment, which he accounts for
to his two most confidential correspondents
in the same repeated words : —
** I do not think that Lord Moira— ea/en up aa
his patronage loUl be by the hungry pack of foh
lowers that he has about him^-will be able to
offer me or procure me anything worth my accept-
ance.'*-—i. 312-13.
Vexation and vanity are blind guides, or
Moore would not have thus irreverently de-
scribed a class to which he himself so pro-
minently belonged ; for it is but too evident
that he was as hungry as any of the pack,
and that the rest of the pajck probably
thought as contemptuously of him. But this
suggestion was no more true than it was
decorous. The real cause was much sim-
pler. It was that of which Moore must
have been conscious, though he affected not
to see it — it was that indicated by Lord
Holland in the conversation of the 2d of,
November, 1821, above quoted; namely,
the self-evident fact that neither Lord Moira
nor any other friend of the Prince or ser-
vant of the Crown could have ventured to
propose any species of favor to a person
who had made himself so gratuitously, so
prominently, and so personally offiansive to
the Sovereign. It was therefore, as we have
shown, neither the Prince that deserted
Lord Moira, nor Lord Moira that deserted
Moore ; it was Moore who, under the joint
influence of personal disappointment and of
Holland House, had giddily abandoned
Lord Moira, outrageously insulted the
Prince, and rendered absolutely impossible
sny further kindness that either might have
originally designed him.
Amongst all these libels there is one that
deserves special notice, not only for its un^
truth, but because Moore himself furnishes
us with proofs of its deliberate malignity;
we mean that concerning the conduct of the
Pilnce towards poor Sheridan, towards the
close of his life ; and as the matter is of
more lasting interest than almost anything
else in these volumes, and as we have it in our
power to add something to what we said on
the same subject in our review of Moore's
life of Sheridan when first printed {Q. B,,
vol. xxxiii.)— 'the Diary itself, indeed, aflford-
ing additional conformation of the view we
then took of this almost historical question —
we shall be excused for entering the more
fully into its details.
On the 5th of August, 1816, a month
after Sheridan's death, Moore published,
anonymously of course, in the Morning
Chronicle, nine malignant stanzas on "The
Death of Sheridan,'* of which three were ad-
dressed especially to the Prince Regent.
Those three we feel it necessary to quot^ in
this place, not merely as a specimen of
Moore's style of insulting the Sovereign,
but because we are able to accompany them
with a fuller refutation from Moore's own
confessions, DOW fortunately, and in spite of
himself, supplied : —
** And THOU too whose life, a sick Epicure^ dream,
Incoherent and gross, even grosser had passM,
Were it not for that cordial and soul-giving l)eam
Which his friendship and wit o*er thy nothing-
nees cast :
No, not for the wealth of the land that supplies
thee
With millions to heap upon Foppery's shrine ;
No, not for the riches of all who despise thee,
Though this would make Europe s whole opu-
lence mine :
Would I suffer what — e'en in the heart that thou
hast,
All mean as it is — must have consciously
burn'd
When the pittance, which shame had wrung from
thee at last
And which found all bis wants at an end, was
returned."
The ground of thif outrageous insult and
calumny was as follows: — A very few days
before Sheridan's death, Mr. Yaughan, com-
monly called '* Hat Yaughan," an old friend
of his, called at Carlton House, and told
Colonel Macmahon, the Prince's private se-
cretary, that poor Sheridan was in a deplora-
ble state of both health and circumstances
— in fact dying of disease and starvation.
Sheridan had of late (from a motive which
we shall mention in the sequel) made him-
self a stranger at Carlton House, where
therefore this news created equal sorrow and
surprise ; but Mr. Yau^hnn's picture of the
destitution was so vivid, that the Prince,
without any further inquiry authorised
Colonel Macmahon to advance' in the first
instance to Mr. Yaughan £500 to be em-
ployed in the immediate relief of the sordid
misery he described, but with an injunction
that what was done should appear to be
done by Mr. Yaughan as a private friend
and most especially that the Prince's nair
should not be mentioned. Mr. Yau] '
180
MEMOIRS OF THOMAS MOORK
[Oct.,
decliDed to take more ihaa £200 at first,
and wilh that aum he iostantly went to
Sheridan's bouse: under his direction, and
Hi the expense of about £150, the pressing
distress was relieved; and he saw poor
Sheridan and his wife — who was almost as
ill and quite as destitute — in a state of com-
parative comfort. Two dajs after this had
been accomplished, the comforts provided
and paid for by Mr. Vaughan, and while he
was preparing ulterior measures, he was sur-
prised by having the money he had expend-
ed returned to him, as from Mrs, Sheridan's
friends, who, it was said, would not allow
Mr. Sheridan to want for anything — and
Mr. Vaughan'a further interposition was re-
jected. Such are the naked fauets of the case,
at least as Mr. Vaughan reported them to
Col. Macmahon. He added, as his own
conjecture, that it was soon suspected that
be was only the secret agent of the Regent,
and that some zealous political partizans,
who had hitherto taken no notice of Sheri
dan*s distress, thought this a good oppor-
tunity of insulting his Royal Highness, and,
under pretence of ^* Mrs, Shendan's inde-
pendent spirit," "bad induced and enabled her
to repay Mr. Yaughan's advances. Of the
justice of this conjecture we have no direct
evidence, for Mr. Vaughan did not know
whence either the money or the advice came,
but, seeing how exactly it tallies with Moore*s
libellous misrepresentation, it cannot be rea-
sonably doubted that they came from the
same source.
We must now go back to account for
Sheridan's estrangement from Carlton
House, and here we have the evidence
(imperfect as we shall afterwards see, but
substantially sufficient) of Lord Holland — as
stated in Moore's record of a conversation
between them. We omit a passage or two
very abusive of Sheridan's general character,
but which do not immediately apply to the
point to which we wish to confine ourselves.
What we are obliged to tell is painful
enough, and needs no aggravation. The
first and main charge is that '' this gracious
Prince,** as Moore ironically calls him,
abandoned to obscurity and even absolute
want an old and faithful friend. Hear
Moore's report of Lord Holland's own an-
swer to that : —
^ 1818, 1th Ocl. — ^Had a good deal of conver-
sation with Lord Holland about Sheridan; told
me the most romantic professions of honor and
independence were coupled with conduct of the
meanest and most noindHng kind .... A
x>f of this mixture was that, after the Prince
became Regent, he offered to bring Sheridan into
parUament; and said, at the same time, thai he
by no means m>eant to fetter him in his political
conduct by doing so; bat Sheridad refused, be-
cause, as he told Lord Hoiland, ' he bad no idea
of risking the high independence of character
which he had always sustained, by putting it in
the power of any man, ,by any possibility what-
ever, to dictate to him.' xet, in the very same
conversation in which he paraded all this fine
flourish of high mindedness, he told Lord Hol-
land of an intrigue he had set on foot for indoeing
the Prince to lend him 4000Z. to purchase a b(^
rough, &c."— ii. 184.
The intrigue Lord Holland alludes to took
place after Sheridan's defeat at Stafford, in
October, 1812, which, as Moore says,
"completed his ruin. He was now excluded
both from the theatre and parliament — ^the two
anchors of his life — and he was left a lonely and
helpless wreck on the waters," &c. — Life^ ii. 437.
We need hardly observe that exclusion from
Parliament was the more serious in poor
Sheridan's case, as it exposed him to the
personal degradation of arrests, from which,
during his long course of pecuniary shifts
and difficulties, he had hitherto been exempt.
But did the Prince then abandon him? The
foregoing extract answers that question —
and Moore himself acknowledges that the
Prince offered to find him a seat; but, adds
Moore —
<* the thought of returning to that scene of his
triumphs and his freedom, with the Royal own-
er's mark, as it were, upon him, was more than
he could bear, a/nd he declined it,^* — Life^ ib.
So Moore, in the published "Life" (1825),
chose to color the case; but we now see
in the Diary of seven years' earlier date
(1818), that when Lord Holland told him of
this affectation of independence, it was only
as illustrative of Sheridan's habitual system
of "meanness and swindling;" and that it
was refuted by the concomitant fact that
Sheridan was ** setting on foot an intrigue"
to induce the Prince to advance 4000/. to
buy a borough. This decisive fact, told to
Moore by Lord Holland at the same time
as the rest of the story, was — may we not
say fraudulently — suppressed in the " Life,"
as was also that other important fact that
the Prince had told Sheridan that the seat
was **by no means to fetter him in his politi-
cal conduct** To this double suppressio veri
Sheridan's biographer, to complete his fable,
added a suggestio falsi of his own invention
— that Sheridan had declined the Regent's
1853.]
MEMOIBS OF THOMAS MOOBS.
181
offer. For this supplement Lord Holland,
it appears, did not afford him the slightest
color, and, we can add, it never had the
least foundation. On the contrary, Sheridan
was naturally and notoriously anxious to
avail himself of the Regent's offer, and very
active in endeavoring to discover how and
where the seat was to be obtained : thcU, and
that alone ^and not any question of inde-
Kndence, wnioh had been already provided
r), was the difficulty. It was while Sheri-
dan was employed in this search after a seat
that a circumstance occurred which termi-
nated all these negotiations, and produced the
self-banishment of Sheridan from Carlton
House. The case was this : — ^Af ter the ne-
gotiation mentioned by Lord Holland about
the seat that was to be had for 4000/., and
which had failed — not through either Sheri-
dan or the Prince — Sheridan, in his renewed
inquiries, found, or pretended to have found,
that a gentleman, returned at the general
election for a close borough, wished to re-
sign it, and would do so, and secure the elec-
tion of his successor, for 3000/. This sum
we know, from the best authority, the Prince
also consented to advance, and did advance,
and it was placed in the hands of a third
person (a solicitor named by Sheridan) to
be paid to the anonymous gentleman on
Sheridan's return. Sheridan being then, as
he had been all his life, in great pecuniary
straits, was unfortunately tempted to obtain
possession of this 8000/.. There even seems
reason to doubt whether the whole story
had not beep an invention to get the cash
into this solicitor's hands. At all events,
however, nothing that we have ever heard,
even of Sheridan, was more complicated,
more farcical, or more disgraceful, than the
devices which he employed to get hold of
this money — which he eventually did; but
not without grievous complaints on his part
that some of the people he employed in
cheating the Prince had, in their turn, cheat-
ed him. The result was, that the 3000/.
vanished, and with it sll hope of the seat. It
was not till then that Sheridan was, as Moore
says, "completely ruined" — "a wreck," in-
deed, but of his own making: He never
had the courage to see the Prince a^ain.
He soon hid himself, as it were, in a differ-
ent class of company, and was, as we our-
selves remember, lost sight of by all his
former society.
On this last point also we must say a few
words. In the verses in the *' Chronicle,*'
there were, besides the three stanzas against
the Prince before quoted, several more, in
which Moore reproaches, in the most bitter
terms, the Princes, noblemen, and gentle-
men who, he says, ostentatiously paraded
themselves at Sheridan's funeral, but had
suffered him to die of want ; and this, ano-
ther gross calumny, he reproduced in the
"Life?'
** Where were they all, those Royal and noble
persons, who now crowded to * partake the
gale' of Sberidan's glory T^where were they
all while anv life remained in him? — where
were they all but a few weeks before, when their
interposition might have saved his heart from
breaking?— ^r when zeal, now wasted on the
grave, might have soothed and comforted bis
death-bed? This is a subject on which it is
difficult to speak with patience.** — Lifey ii. 461.
So it seems. Mr. Moore, at least, had
not patience to investigate the truth-^ihe
truth being, that these most respectable per-
sonages, whose names Moore carefully enu-
merates— that is, as he thinks, gibbets, for
thus paying him the last office of humanity
— knew, and could know, nothing of the pre*
vious destitution. . Sheridan — a self-immo-
lated victim to his own lamentable and
shameful weaknesses — had hidden himself
from their society ; and it was, as Lord Hol-
land told Moore (which Moore ought not,
when dealing out his censures, to have for-
gotten), a peculiarity of Sberidan's disposi-
tion, that he had all his life endeavored to
put a false face on his difficulties, and to con-
ceal his private embarrassments and wants.
He was still living — nominally at least — in
his usual respectable residence in Saville
Row; beyond that circumstance everything
about him had long been obscure. No one
knew or suspected the extremities to which
he was reduced; this Moore himself confess-
es. The first signal of distress was a pri-
vate one, a request to Mr. Rogers, dated the
I5th May, to lend him 150/., which, he said,
wpuld " remove all difficulty." Moore him-
self was the bearer of the money.
** I found Mr. Sheridan as good-natured and
candid as ever; and thoufirb he was within a few
weeks of bis death [he died on the 7th of July],
his voice had not lost its fulness or strength,
nor was that lustre, for which his eyes were so
remarkable, diminished. He showed, too, his
usual sanguineness of disposition in speaking of
the price be expected for bis dramatic works,
&.c.'*—Lt7c ii. 466.
There was nothing, it seems, like deetitU'
tion — nothing to alarm Mr. Moore — nothing
to induce Mr. Rogers to increase or repeat
the advance of 150/. Moore proceeds to
182
MEHOIBS OF THOMAS MOORE.
[Oct,
say, that he cnnnot find that during the
following month any of his royal and noble
friends called at his 'door or sent to inquire
after him. Why should they ? What rea-
son had they to suspect a danger which nei-
ther Moore nor Mr. Rogers appear to have
done? And a little further on we find this
passage : —
** AboQt the middle of Jane the attention and
sympathy of the public was, /or the first ftW,
awakened to the aesolate situation of Sheridan,
by a paragraph in the Morning Post" — Li/e, ii.
459.
"/br the first timer — and what was the
consequence ?
"This article produced a strong and general
seneation. Its effect, too, was Roon visible in the
calls made at Sheridan's door, and in the appear-
ance of Fuci names as the Duke of York, Duke
of Argyle, &.C., among the visitors." — i5.
That is, they came as soon as they heard
that he was ill; and now, we ask, with what
fairness or candor did Moore, in his libel of
1816, and, still worse, in his history of 1825,
hold ifp to public execration or contempt
those royal and noble personages, as not hav-
ing shown sympathy for a danger they had
never heard of, while he knew and confesses
that they showed that sympathy as soon as
the truth reached them ? Moore had sharp-
ened his original libel by what he thought a
striking contrast; and ten years after, when
he came to publish his history, he adhered
to and reprinted the libel, utterly regardless
of having in the same pages proved its false-
hood.
But we have not yet done with this series
of deliberate misrepresentations.
Moore is very indignant at the tardy par-
simony of the Prince's assistance throu^^h
Mr. Vaughan. He first heard the story,
four days after Sheridan's death, by a letter
from town — that is, no doubt, from one of
the Holland House clique — and he writes to
his mother: —
1*1816, July 10th.— Poor Sheridan! The
Prince (I hear from town), after neglecting him
and leaving him in the bands of baliffd all-time
of his sickness^ sent him at last the princely dona-
tion of two hundred pounds, which Sheridan re-
turned. I hope this is true." — ii-. 102.
A more malignant sentiment than that **%l
hope this is true** we never read — "hope**
that something painful, cruel, scandalous,
that must have sharpened the death-pangs
of one friend, and stiuned the character of
one who had been a friend and benefactor,
" may he true !** But, again ; if Sheridan was
in the hands of balififs all the time of his HI-
Hess, it was not the fault of the Prince— for
there is no proof that the Prince knew any-
thing about it — but rather of Mr. Rogers and
Mr. Moore, who, as we have just seen,
themselves visited him in his last illness;
and if he was then in the hands of balififs,
must have known it, and left him so. Moore
could have afforded no pecuniary relief, but
the wealthy brother-poet and banker mi^ht ;
at all events, neither Moore nor any of his
correspondents could be justified in saving
that the Prince had left him in the hands of
baliffs. Upon this "letter from town" —
which we should like to see — Moore's libel
was founded, and to that he stuck, even after
its falsehood was proved to — we cannot say
his satisfaction, but — his conviction.
The point in dispute was, whether the 200^
which Mr. Vaughnn brought was the whole
intended donation, or whether it was only a
first instalment to relieve the urgent neces-
sities of the moment. Now we entreat our
readers to attend to the following dates and
circumstances. Moore's Diary has this en-
try:—
" 1820, Auff. 16.— Received a letter from Lord
Strangford, tellinflf nae that be is anxious to re-
move a misapprehension I am under about the
Prince's 2002« gift to Sheridan, and can furnish me
with facts which he says will completely disprove
that story. Shcdl be glad to hear them [we doubt
that, for we have seen that he Tioped the scandal
might be true]. I can only say that / have the
atdhoriiy direct of Vaughan (him of the Hat) for
bis being commissioned by the Prince to offer the
money.'— iii. 138.
This is an evasion of the question. There
was no doubt about the money having been
sent. The point was whether that was an
inchoative or a final contribution. Now
there is not in the Diary, in which all his
inquiries about Sheridan are so minutely re-
gistered, any trace that he had at this date
ever seen Mr. Vaughan. We have the evi-
dence of his own note on this subject in the
<* Life," that he had had
" a conversation with Mr. Vaughan, in which Mr.
Vaughan told him that a further supply was in-
tended."— lAfe, ii. 467.
This, therefore, must have been the same con-
versation subsequently reported : —
"1822, April 30th.— Met (hat [misprint for
1858.]
MEMOIBS OF THOMAS MOOBS.
188
ff€d\ Vaughan, who said, in answer to my in-
r* ries about the 2001. sent by the Prince to Sheri-
, that it was understood to be merdy for Ihe
mamentj and ihai more was to eome when wanted.
This tdUre Ihe complexion of (kt thing maieri-
0%."— iii. 348.
«
Now, we put Moore's yeracity as to a point
of fact and his candor in point of statement
in issae on his own assertions. How could
he, on the 16th August, 1820, quote, against
Lord Strangford's suggestion, Mr. Vaughan's
authority, when it appears that he did not
see Mr. Yaughan till near two years later —
SOth April, 1822; and how could he, under
the former date, misrepresent Mr. Yaughan 's
communication as the very reverse of what
it turns out to have really been in the inter-
view in 1822! and in which Moore is forced to
admit materially altered the complexion of the
ease — that is, overthrew Moore's whole cal-
umny. If it should be suggested that Moore
might possibly have seen Vaughan ttoice, we
disprove any such hypothesis : first, by the
silence of the Diary — so minute in all that
relates to his collectanea about Sheridan;
secondly, because if Yaughan has told him
two different stones, it is hardly possible
that, writing in the spirit Moore did, he
should not have availea himself of such a
contradiction — instead of saying of the last
communication that 'Mt altered the complex-
ion of the thing** he would have said, ** it is
contradicted by what Yaughan told me be-
fore." And finally, why did he, so lale as
the 25th May, 1825, in restating the affair,
say that Dr. Bain, the physician who at-
tended Sheridan,
** never understood (as Croker and others assert)
that there was more than that sum to come 1 '*-^
iv. 281.
Why, we say, did he at this last date put
the fact on Mr. Croker*s authority — which
had never been mentioned before, and which
could only have been hearsay, at second or
third band — when he had himself heard the
facts so long before as 1822 from Mr.
Yaughan, the sole agent and testU ipMsimus
of tlve transaction?
There are one of two other equally slip-
pery passages concerning this affair m the
biary, with which we need not trouble our
readers after the decisive extracts we have
made ; but, to complete the picture, and ex-
hibit Moore's obstinate resolution to obscure
the truth of the matter, we must add that in
the ''Life" he reproduces the calumny in the
texty and only throws into b foot-note, as if he
disbelieved it, the fact which he thought had
made io material an alteration in the conv
plexion of the cate.
The revival of these calumnies against
George lY., by the publication of Moore's
Memoirs, induces us to insert here part of a
memorandum taken down from his Mi^es-
ty's own lips on the 28th of November, 1825,
shortly after the appearance of Moore's Life
of Sheridan. His Majesty, in dictating these
notes, intended them to be made use of to
repel Moore's misstatements; and, by now
producing the portion that relates to Mr.
Yaughan s mission, we feel that we are at
last doing what, from an over- delicacy, has
been perhaps too long delayed. The com-
munication was made jn the familiar tone of
private conversation, and we have not pre-
sumed to alter a word, but we have omitted
some of the very painful details reported by
Mr. Yaughan^ which, however, add nothing
to the main point of his narrative.
The Kito— « The last time that I saw Sheri-
dan was in the neighborhood of Leatherhead, on
the 17th of August, 1815. I know the day from
this circumstance, that I had gone to pay my bro-
ther a visit at Oatlands on his birthday, and next
day, as I was crossing over to Brighton, I saw,
in the road near Leatherhead, old Sheridan com-
ing along the pathway. I see him now, in the
black stockings, and blue coat with metal buttons.
I said to Bloomfield. * There's Sheridan ;* but, as
I spoke, he turned off into a lane when we were
within thirty yards of him, and walked off without
looking behind him. That was the last time I
ever saw Sheridan, nor did I hear of or from him
for some months; but one morning, Macmabon
came up to my room, and after a little hesitation
and apology for speaking to me about a person
who had lately swindled me and him so shame-
lessly, he told me that Mr. Yaughan — J5a^ Yaugh-
an they used to call him-^had called to say l£at
Sheridan was dangerously ill, and really in great
distress and want. I think no one who ever knew
me will doubt that I immediately said that his
illness and want made me forget his faults, and
that he must be taken care of; and that any mo-
ney that was necessary I desired Macmahon
should immediately advance. He asked me to
name a sum, as a general order of that nature
was not one on which be could venture to act :
and whe ther / named, or he suggested, 600/. 1 do
not now remember, but I do remember that the
500/. was to be advanced at once to Mr. Yaughan,
and that be was to be told that when that was
gone he should have more. I set no limit to the
sum, nor did I say or hear a word about the mode
in which it was to be applied, except only that I
desired that it should not appear to come from me.
1 was induced to this reserve by several reasons.
I thought that Sheridan's debts were> as the
French say, ' la mer 4 boire,* and unless I was
prepared to drink the sea, I had better not be
known to interfere, as I should only have brought
184
MEM0IB8 OP THOMAS MOORK
[OcW
more preBsme embamssmentt on him; bat I
will also confess that I did not know how really
ill he was, and, after the i^ross fraud he had so
lately practised upon me ♦ I was not inclined to
forgive and forget it »o suddenly, and without
any color of apology or explanation ; for a pre-
tended explanation lo Macmahon was more dis-
respectful and offensive to me than the original
transaction : and finally, there is not only bad
taste but inconvenience in letting it be known
what pecuniary favors a person in my situation
confers, and I therefore, on a consideration of
all these reasons, forbid my name being men-
tioned at present, but I repeated my directions
that he should want for nothing that money could
procure him.
" MacMahoQ went down to Mr. Vaughan, and
told him what I had said, and that he had my
directions to place 50d/. in his hands. Mr.
Vaughan, with some expression of surprise, de-
clared that no such sum was wanted at present,
and it was not without some pressing that he
took 200/., and said that if he found it insuffi-
cient he would return for more. He did come
back, but not for more; for he told Macmahon
that he had spent only 130/. or 140/., and he gave
the most appalling account of the misery which
he had relieved with it. He said that he found
bim and Mrs. Sheridan both in their beds, both
apparently dying, and both starving I It is sUted
in Mr. Moore's book that Mrs. Sheridan attended
her husband in his last illness ; it is not true, she
was too ill to leave her own bed, and was in fact
already suffering from the lingering disease of
which she died in a couple of years after. They
had hardly a servant lefl Mrs. Sheridan's maid
she was about to send away, but they could not
collect a guinea or two lo pay the woman's
wages. When Mr. Vaughan entered the house
he found ail the reception rooms bare, and the
whole house in a state that was quite
intolerable. Sheridan himself he found in a
truckle bed in a garret, with a coarse blue and
red coveriid, such as one sees used as horse-
cloths, over him. Out of this bed he had not
moved for a week nor could
vaughan discover that any one had taken any
notice of him, except one lady— whose name I
nardly know whether T am authorized to mention.
Home ice and currant-water was sent from Hol-
land House— an odd contribution, for if it was
Jtnown that he wanted these little matters, which
might have been had at the confectioner's, it
might have been suspected that he was in want
of more essential things.
" Yet, notwithstanding all this misery, Sheri-
dan on seeing Mr. Vaughan appeared to revive :
n ^- J ^** ^"^^® ^®^^ ^**^ed of paying off
all his debts, and, though h^ had not eaten a
morsel for a week, and had not had a morsel lo
®*j k ^^^^ ^'^^ * certain degree of alacrity
and hope. Mr. Vaughan, however, saw that this
•This aflair is imperfectly stated by Lord Hoi-
^fiT^r^'' P; ^^^)' ^"^^ ***« general result wa^
that Shendan obtained 8000/. from the Prince by
what cau reaUy only be described by Lord Hol-
land's phrase— wwjMtfifly. ^
was a kind of bravado, and that he was in a. faint-
\ne state, and he immediately procured bim a little
spiced wine and toast, which was the first thing
(except brandy) that he had tasted for some days.
" mr. Vaughan lost no time in next buying a
bed and bed-clothes, half a dozen shirts, some
l^sins, towels, &^. &c. He had Sheridan taken
up and put into the new bed — he had
the rooms cleaned and fumigated — ^he discharged,
I believe, some immediately pressing demands,
and, in short, provided, as well as circumstancea
would admit, for the care and comfort, not only of
Sheridan, but of Mrs. Sheridan also.
■* I sent the next day, (it was not till next day
that Macmahon repeated this melancholy history
to me, for 1 myself did not see Mr. Vaughan) to
inquire after Sheridan, and the answer was that
he was better and more comfortable, and I had
the satisfaction to think that he wanted nothing
that money and the care and kindness of so judi-
cious a friend as Mr. Vaughan could procure
him ; but the day following, that is two days after
Mr. Vaughan had done all this, and actually ex-
pended near 160/. as I have stated, he came to
Macmahon with an air of mortification, and stated
that he was come to retom the 200/. ' The 200 1*
said Macmahon, with surprise ; * why, you had
spent three-fourths of it the day before yesterday V
* True,' returned Vaughan, * but some of those
who lef^ these poor people in misery have now
insisted on their returning this money, which they
suspect lias come from Uie Prince. Where they
got the money I know not, but they have given
me the amount with a message that Mrs, Sheri*
dan''s friends had taken care that Mr. Sheridan
wanted for nothing. I,' added Mr. Vaughan,
*can only say that this assistance came rather
late, for that three days ago I was enabled, by
His Royal Highness's oounty, to relieve him and
her from the lowest state of misery and debase*
ment in wluch I had ever seen human beings.' "
As this article is passing through the press
we are surprised by receiving an extraordi-
nary supplement to the work we have been
discussing, in the shape of a catalogue of
autograph letters of Moore to his musio-
publisher, Mr. Power, which are, at the mo-
ment we write, sold or selling by auction.
Of these letters it is stated that only fifty-
seven have been printed in Lord John Rus-
sell's work. This implies that Lord John
had a wider choice, and indeed we find that
there are about one hundred and sixty lots,
each containing several letters, whose dates
are contemporaneous with those given by
Lord John. But the striking peculiarity of
the catalogue is this, that it notes that Lord
John has made many omistions in the leU
ters he has printed, and it gives large ex-
tracts from the much greater number that
are still unpublished. As far as we can
judge from the short notices of the catalogue.
Lord John's omissions of fosaagea seem not
to have been many, nor of any importance ;
1853.]
MR. GLADSTONE.
18ft
bat if aU the letters here catalogued were
(as seems implied) placed at his disposal,
he has pretty evidently not selected the most
ehar<tcteristie. As to the great mass of those
that are unpublished, the extracts from them
given in the catalogue appear to us quite as
carious as anj that Lord John has pubKshed,
and even as Moore's own Diary. Mr.
Power seems to have been the person
deepest in his personal confidence — most
employed in all his concerns — and for many
long and struggling years, while Moore
looked so gay and prosperous to the world,
his only resource almost for his daily bread.
The details giren in the extracts of the cat-
alogue are often very painful — sometimes
ignoble— but they are intense] v character-
istic of a state of things for which not even
the humiliating confessions of the Diary had
prepared us, and we hesitate not to say, even
as they stand in the auctioneer's catalogue,
afford a much clearer, and by their vivid-'
ness, reality, and truth, more interesting
view of Mooro^s habits, circumstances and
feelings, than all Lord John Russeirs vol-
umes^-of the value of which, as affording
a complete picture of Moore, the catalogue
has very considerably lowered our opinion.
We suppose that another livraison of his
Lordship's work must be near at hand, and
we must reserve for that occasion a great
deal more than we at present have time or
space for, both as to portions of these open-
ing volumes on which we have not touched,
and as to this Power correspondence, of
which we confidently expect to •hear more
than the auctioneer has told us.
•^^
-♦♦■
MR. GLADSTONE.
Mr. Gladstone is now in his forty-sixth
year, and may consequently be said to be in
the prime of life, and in full possession of his
capacious intellect. His future career fur-
nishes abundant room for speculation, not un-
mixed with anxiety. It may be assumed
that he has fairly outgrown those confined
notions of pditical principle with which he
commenced his chequered career ; hb mind
has firmly grasped and fully comprehended
the liberal tendencies of the age. But it is
impossible not to see that politics have ever
been subordinate in his mind to theology, and
on this point he has changed less than the
other. He no longer seeks, indeed, to ad-
vance the Church of England, or rather his
own peculiar section of that Church, at the
expense of other sects ; but it b by no means
certain that he would not, if the choice were
before him, excommunicate those who took
a different view of church doctrine from him-
self, and thus rend asunder the Church of
England. As it is easy to see, that theolo-
gical questions are coming every year more
prominently into view, in proportion as they
occupy a larger share of the public attention,
Mr. Gladstone mav be expected to play a
conspicuous part !n these transactions, and
his influence on the Church of England^ and
by consequence on the general religious con-
dition of the country, will, in all probability,
be great. We have already adverted to the
characteristics of Mr. Gladstone's style of
speaking. It is impossible to listen to him
without admiring the beauty of his language,,
the stately march of his measured tones, and
the perfect mastery he possesses over all the
resources of a language which never allows
him for a moment to be at a loss for a word.
His chief defect is an occasional obscurity of
meaning, arising from the subtle and pene-
trating intellect of the man, which seems
constantly suggesting doubts and modifica-
tions of the principle he is advancing ; so
that there seems to be carried on at the same
time throughout his speech, not only the
main propositions he is concerned' to prove,
but, in addition, a sort of under-current of
thought which insensibly modifies its sharp-
ness, and blunts its edge. It ought to be
added, however, that his later speeches have
been singuhirly free from this defect ; he has
shown himself more of the practical states-
man and less of the school-man. As a model
of eloquence, he is, undoubtedly, next to
Macaulay, the most finished orator in the
House of Commons.— T»tf British Ckibinetin
1853 ; in Nelson's Library for Travellers
and the Fireside.
186
MARIA THKBKSA AND HER SON.
[Oct.,
From th« Bdinbargk Reviaw.
MARIA THERESA, AND HER SON.*
A RECENT Swiss traveller describes a
village io the Grison country, situated on the
slope of a great mountain, of which the strata
shelve in the direction of the place. Huge
crags directly overhanging ^ the village, and
massy enough to sweep Ihe whole of it into
the torrent below, have become separated
from the main body of the mountain in the
course of ages by great fissures, and now
scarcely adhere to it. When they give way,
the village must perish ; it is only a question
of time, and the catastrophe may happen
any day. For years past, engineers nave
been sent from time to time to measure the
width of the fissures* and report them con-
stantly increasing. The villagers for more
than one generation have been fully aware
of their danger ; subscriptions have been once
or twice opened in the cantons and in Ger-
many to enable them to remove : yet they
live on in their doomed dwellings from year
^0 year, fortified against the ultimate cer-
tainty and daily probability of destruction by
the common sentiment — things may last their
time, and longer.
It is needless to say how much of this po-
pular fatalism is exhibited in the habitual ac-
quiescence of modern society in the political
institutions under which it lives. The cracks
and crevices in the mountain which overhangs
our old privilege-founded European system,
are constantly sounded by explorers, and their
reports are never very reassuring; we are
more and more convinced of thb insecurity of
thrones and commonwealths, and political
sagacity wholly fails to reveal to us the man-
ner of their reconstruction. Yet we live on
in a kind of provisional safety, reconciled to
that constant neighborhood of dangers
against which, apparently, we can no better
guard ourselves than the villagers can prevent
the fall of their rocks. And certainly no ex-
*A]iT. L — Gesehiehte det OetireichUhen Hofiund
Adeli, wad der Oeitreichisehen JHjplcmatie, (His-
tory of the Atutrian Oourtf Nt>huity, and JHplo-
maey,) By Dr. Edward Ykbbe (forming part of
a series of HiBtories of the Gtorman Courts
ilDoe the Reformation.) Ten Parts. Hamborgh:
1858.
isUng portion of that system more frequently
reminds us of the case of our Grison vil-
lagers, than the fabric of the Austrian Em-
pire ; an edifice raised by a succession of ac-
cidents^ on the surface of a mass destitute of
all the ordinary political principles of cohe-
sion, and doomed for generations past, by
seers of all political sects, to speedy destruc-
tion. Yet the fatalist principle seems to pre-
vail there as elsewhere. Its statesmen live
on, not as disbelieving in the destiny predict-
ed to them, but as conscious of inability to
escape from it. They look on the revolution-
ary enemies with whom they maintain their
everlasting struggle of repression, as the
Turks do on the yellow-haired Russians, —
as those who are destined, sooner or later, to
take away their place and nation. Thdr
rules of conduct, their professed principles,
even their favorite maxims, — the alors
comme alors of Kounitz, the apres nous U di*
luge of Mettemich, — all seem to indicate the
thorough consciousness that what exists is
provisional only, while to attempt to fashion
the unknown future out of the present is but
the hopeless task of a visionary. Yet the
empire subsists meanwhile, and gives every
now and then ample proof that its institutionsy
whatever their real strength may be, possess
at least a superficial vigor and tenacity suf-
ficient to repel outward invasion, and to re*
consolidate the fabric after temporary shocks
from within.
The reigns of Leopold L, Joseph I., and
Charles VI. (1657—1740) compiise this
latter period,*— the last age of the male line
of the Hamburghs, — which may, on the whole,
be regarded as one of progressive decline.
The Jesuits remained all powerful through
most of it : but their rule had lost its energy
for lack of serious opposition: the spiritual
managers of Austria degenerated into a
feeble council of ancients, devoted to those end-
less and trifling intrigues of which inferior
minds conceive State-craft to consist. No-
where did the PerriXcken-Zeit, the age of peri-
wigs, exhibit so much of its characteristic
formality, deadness, and absurdity as in Aus^
1853.]
MARIA THBRESA AKD HEB SOIT.
18Y
tria. A tendency toward Oriental state and
profttrationy unknown to the freer siiteenth
century, overspread everything. The mono-
tonous seclusion of the monarch, the passive
obedience of the people, the ubiquitous bas-
tinado by which that obedience was enforced,
all partook of the Asiatic character. Be-
tween its etiquette and its devotions, Vienna
was utterly intolerable to foreigners bred in
a kindlier atmosphere. *' J'avoue,** says the
Due de Richelieu in 1726, "qui si j'avois
connu la vie que m^ne ici un Ambassadeur,
rien dans la nature ne m'aurait d6termin6
4 accepter cette ambassade. II faudrait la
8ant6 d'un Capuchin robuste pour en sup-
porter les fatigues." And no wonder : for the
libertine duke complains of having spent ex-
actly one hundred hours in church, by the
side of the emperor, between Palm Sunday
and Easter Thursday. If such was the pur-
gatory endured by ambassadors, J.he sufferings
of the sovereign himself may be imagined.
He must often have felt what the late simple-
hearted Emperor Ferdinand expressed after
his abdication, ** We know that we made. our
subjects happy; but it was the life of a dog !"
Life at court was reduced to one long tedious
ceremonial ; life at Vienna, and in the pro-
vinces, was coarse and insipid. The reader
will recollect Lady Mary Wortley Montagu's
brief but effective sketches of this society ;
and he will derive similar impressions from
the Memoirs of the Saxon Baron Pdllnitz,
cited, with many other authorities, in Dr.
Vehse's amnsingchapters on " the Condition
of the Court of Vienna under the last Haps-
burgs."
The army degenerated no less than the
civil government. The blood-cemented fabric
of the second military monarchy of Austria
gave way by internal decline. The victories
of Eugene scarcely form a brief exception ;
indeed, the Austrian troops formed only a
contingent in the Imperial or allied armies
which he commanded. At the death of
Charles VI. in 1740, the army had dwindled
down to less than 50,000 effective men,
scattered over Europe from Ostend to Bel-
grade, and from Breslau to Milan.
The male line of the Hapsburgs died out
in its degeneracy, in Austria as in Spain.
But in the former country its power passed to
a young and brilliant princess, Maria Theresa
(we prefer the popular spelling to the German
form, Theresia), whose mother, the beautiful
Elizabeth of Brunswick — die weisse Liesel, as
her husband used to call her, — born of a
house distinguished for ability, had infused,
by her marriage with Charles VI,, a new ele-
ment into the stagnant ichor of his ancient
race. Austria was saved in 1740, as in 1620
and as in 1848, by the very rapacity of her
neighbors, eagrer to anticipate the moment of
her expected dissolution. The sudden enthu-
siasm which greeted the accession of the
persecuted queen of Hungary, her own un-
conquerable spirit, the Hungarian ** insurrec-
tion,'* the great feats of the war of succes-
sion, are matters of too notorious history
to need more than an allusion. But those
who recount them have passed over almost
in silence the great blot on the early part
of the empress-queen's reign — her recil^-
rence to the precedents of the worst and
bloodiest period of her country's history, in
the merciless revenge which she took on sub-
jects whose crime, at the worA, was a nega-
tive one. In fact, the Austrian government
has obtained gentler treatment from history
than it deserved, in this instance as in that of
the religious cruelties of the-former century,
from the comparative obscuilty of its internal
annals; while the memory of far inferior
excesses, committed by powers whose actions
were more open to the light of day, has been
branded with much more severity. Thus
history and romance have vied in preserving
the recollection of the punishment of the Scot-
tish Jacobites, in 1746. Few have ever heard
of the ** bloody assizes" of Prague in 1743,
held on subjects who had never taken up
arms against their Sovereign, and whose only
crime was a passive submission to the Bava-
rian claim of succession, grounded on the
will of one of her predecessors. Not to
speak of banishments and confiscations, some
of the higher classes " were condemned to
cruel deaths, some to torture and degradation,
some to sweep the streets in opere publico,
some to daily hard labor in the bridewell
with ordinary flagellation, others to imprison-
ment for life." Twenty-one persons — their
names unknown to history — are <aid to have
perished by secret execution. One ancient
family, that of Wrtby, is supposed to have
been exterminated on this occasion ; for the
registers of the Hof*Com mission never gave
up their dark secrets. It is only known that
the Wrtbys did not reappear from imprison-
ment, and that their hereditary office of trea-
surer, and their estates, passed to the family
of Lobkowitz. At Maria Theresa's corona-
tion, a priest brought before her " more than
fifty little children and pregnant wives of
those who had been imprisoned by the Hof-
Commission, who with shrieks and tears
implored pardon for them in the name of
God's mercy, and of the native clemency
188
MARIA THEBBSA AND HER SON.
[Oct,
and moderation of their g^cious sovereign."
( Vehse, vii. 1 66.) Their petition was refused.
To recount such things of a masculine
ruler would be to pronounce him a tyrant of
the worst description. It would be unjust so
to decide of Maria Theresa, eyen in the first
flush of her blood-bought triumph. She was
in all things very woman ; and in this intensi-
ty of the qualities of her sex, much of the
secret of her greatness lay. Her yindictive-
ness, also, was feminine, passionate, not im-
placable. Yehse had done her in this respect
no more than justice, if his portrait does on
the whole betray some symptoms of the
popular idolatry of her name.
" Maria Theresa's voice was clear, her speech
rapid, accompanied with much and lively gesture ;
the fireiest expression in every movement, miti-
gated only by that lofty dignity which never
deserted her, even in her fits of involuntary ill-
hnmor or easily-roused anger. Of pure sanguine
temperament, she was very excitable, easily
provoked, but pactlBed at once, especially when
mere mistakes had been committed ; and ready
to recompense with overflowing munificence
wherever she felt that she had ffone beyond the
right limits in her anger; for she was iust, and
even painfully conscientious. It was only neces-
sary to persuade her of the injustice of a project,
however advantageous to herself, and she let it
drop immediately, and disliked even to hear it
mentioned afterwards." (Vol. vi. p. a29.)
It seems strange to award the last praise
to the divider of Poland ; yet it is not un-
deserved. It is known that she consented to
that measure when her energy was enfeebled
by disease, under the pressing influence of
Kaunitz, and as it should seem under the fear
of a northern league against her. But she
wrote under Kaunitz's minute the memorable
words :
**^ Placet, since so. many great and learned
men will have it so : but when I have long been
dead, men will learn the consequences of this
violation of all that has hitherto been regarded as
just and holy.* . . . ' I observe well,' she added
in another scrap of paper, still preserved, • that I
am left alone, and no longer en vigueur; there-
fore, I let thinflfs take their course, though to my
deep sorrow.' "
'* * Like all great spirits,' Vehse proceeds, ' she
was enthusiastic in love and friendship. Who-
ever was loved hy her became the entire possessor
of her afiection. The feeling of gratitude was in her
unusually strong ; she never forgot the slightest
service, OF most trivial mark of alUchmenl. The
Hungarians, who had rescued her at the outset of
her reign, were among the last thoughts which
occupied her deathbed ; nor did she ever forget
that the Turks had abstained from turning her
extremity on that occasion to their advantage.
....... She was whenever there was occa-
sion for it, heroic in demeanor, clear in judg-
ment, consistent in conduct. Of humor, and
the genial, jovial temperament of her ancestor
Rudolf, she possessed nothing whatever. Yet
she was always cheerful, and in her vouth, a
lover of amusement and festivity. The most
threatening vicissitudes of fortune disturbed her
outward composure but little. Impatient appre-
bensiveness was an ingredient altogether foreign
from her thoroughly princely blood.'^
The household virtues of correct life and
family aflTection in great princes have become,
fortunately, matter of rather common-place
encomium at the present day ; it was not so
in Maria Theresa's ; and her conduct in these
respects contrasted nobly with that of the
crowned profligates of her sex who succeeded
each other on the neighboring throne of
Russia. Young and beautiful, amidst all the
vice of a corrupt age, and all the temptation
to uncontrolled indulgence which the world's
ready acquiescence or approval could have
afforded, she was preserved at once by strong
religious principle, and by that passionate,
imaginative attachment which women of her
temperament can often bring themselves to
feel for a handsome, good-natured, rakish
pococurante husband, with no one tittle of
their owti heart or intellect, and who loves
them but
" A little better than his horse, a little dearer than
his hound."
The married life of Maria Theresa and
Francis of Lorraine should be portrayed by
the hand — a great deal too cunning in such
disagreeable delineation — which has described
for us the menage of Lady Castle wood and
her profligate of a Viscount. We should,
however, do the Emperor Francis injustice
by too close a comparison. Though so ill edu-
cated that he could hardly read or write, his
unaffected good sense and amiable character
made him one of the most attractive persons
of his age ; and irresistible, it seems, by many
besides nis empress. She was ready to sacri-
fice all and everything for him, save power,
the darling of her life, which even conjugal
endearment could not win from her. She
could bear no partner on the throne, and
Francis had not the force of character to gain
from her the cherished possession. Reduced
to unwilling insignificance, yet disagreeably
conscious of his own unfitness, even if allowed
to take any real share in the government of
his realm, he became, as his son Joseph II.
described him, '* an idler, surrounded by flat-
terers." " Be warned by me," said the £m*
1853.]
MABIA THEBBSA AKD HKB SOIT.
189
press, in a fit of confidence to her reader
Madame Greiner, "and never marry a man
who has nothing to do."
It was a natural consequence that she
plagued his life out with jealousy. She
tried to get rid of all the pretty aristocratic
faces which might tempt the eyes of her
saantering consort. Like her great English
prototype Elizabeth, though from a very
diflferent development of character, she got,
by degrees, to detest gallantry and flirtation,
and all that could recall to her mind the
frailty of marital nature. " Elle voudrait,"
says the Prussian envoy. Count Podewils, in
1747, " par le m^me principe, bannir tout
galanterie de la cour. Elle voudrait faire un
manage bourgeois.'' The effect even survived
the cause, and Maria Theresa's close and con-
ventual watchfulness over the morals of her
court and metropolis, after her husband's
death, became by no means the most digni-
fied feature in her administration. ''The
thought," says Vehse, '* incessantly accompa-
nied her, that it was her duty, as the first of
her sex, to protect its morals and dignity."
Some of the consequences of this notion, the
secret drawine-room inquisition or "Sitten-
gericht," the ''uleuschheits- Commission," and
the like, might furnish a ludicrous commen-
tary on the results of such imperial fancies.
But if Maria Theresa did little but mischief
by this meddling, there can be no doubt of
the immense effect for good of her imperial
example. Every one conversant with the
history of our country, has done justice to
the influence of the domestic life of George
III. on its moral progress ; even higher merit
of the same order was due to Maria Theresa,
in less auspicious times. It is not too much
to say, that by the proof which she gave,
that beauty, and grace, and enthusiasm, the
love of admiration and the love of power^
and every other quality of the queenly lady,
were compatible, not only with high religious
views, but with a strict and religious life, she
greatly raised, in Germany, the dignity of her
own sex, and its appreciation by the other,
and counteracted successfully the evil influ-
ences which radiated from that seat of cold
and cynical profligacy, the court of her victo*
nous neighbor Frederick. Perhaps the
greater directness of the influence of that
example on the female half of her court,
produced the result so frequently observed on
by Sir R. Keith in his correspondence, — that
the ladies of Vienna were far superior, in
point of cultivation and intellect, to the men.
It must be added to this part of her por-
trait, that even injuries on the tenderest point
neither affected her constitutional magna-
nimity, nor her constant attachment. When
the remains of her husband were at Hall on
the Inn, waiting for conveyance to Vienna,
after his sudden death at Innspruck, she ap-
peared in public for the first time. Alone in
a corner of the room, in deep mourning, and
avoided by all, stood the last object of his
too notorious admiration, the beautiful Prin-
cess Heinrich von Auersperg. The empress
stepped at once from the circle and took her
by the hand : *' We have indeed both lost
much, meine Liehey And from that day she
took the princess under her protection!*
Maria Theresa survived her husband fifteen
years, living amid the emblems of perpetual
mourning. She shut herself up on the
eighteenth of every month, and the whole of
every August, the day and month of bis
death. As her life drew near its end, she
spent many days at times in the funeral cha-
pel, before the picture of her husband, taken
as he lay in his coflin, and her last ^ords,
well understood by those around her, were,
"I come to thee."
But perhaps the empress's maternal virtues
constituted a higher claim on the affections of
the good-humored Viennese than even her
conjugal. Who can estimate the value, for
the promotion of loyalty, of those sympathies
of the nursery and the school- room which so
irresistibly attach the most influential half of
mankind? The happy mother of sixteen
little archdukes and archduchesses, absorbed
in the endless details of their teething, wean-
ing, and education, possessed a source of in-
nocent popularity which her good-natured
and somewhat gossiping disposition rendered
still more efficacious. She lived, so to speak,
in public, and make all Vienna and all Aus-
tria as far as she could, the confidants of her
maternal pleasures and anxieties. There was
no loss of dignity or refinement to be hazard-
ed by such condescension as this : least of all
in a country where the romance of life, and
its commonest domestic details, have always
been linked together more closely than else-
where ; where lieroines are still said to effect
their conquests while cutting slices of bread
and butter, and sentiment to find its favorite
lodging in the store-room. When the news
arrived of the birth of her grandson (after-
wards Francis the Second) in 1768, she hur-
* Some ingenious German «peoiilator has oon-
jeetured that the pefsoDsge called **the German
prinoew," whoae mysterious diaooverj under a hay-
stack near Bristol, oocnpied the lovers of the mar-
vellous in 1780, was a daughter of Franeis L bj
this lady.
190
MARIA THERBSA AND HER SON.
[Oct.,
ried off to the opera, where she had not been
for a long time, in most domestic dishabille,
leant over the ledge of the box, and called to
her neighbors loud enough for the informa-
tion of the whole house, " Poldel" (Leopold)
" has got a boy and on my wedding day too ;
is not that gallant?'* Pit and boxes were
electrified.
Yet though Maria Theresa was the home-
liest and most natural of mothers, so long as
she could keep her children under her wing,
her affection was ev^r subordinate to the
fatal *^ Region di Stato," to that political game
which was the great object of her life. She
never understood the noble character of her
son Joseph, her " Starrkopf," as she called
him. The bigotry of his education made him
reserved and suspicious, while its pedantry
rendered him ill-informed* ; and by her ob-
stinate refusal to part with one atom of her
power to him, though nominally associated
with her and already advanced in middle age
when she died, she made his love of reform,
which would have found a thousand useful
events, ferment within him to a dangerous re-
volutionary passion. Iler beloved daughters
were sacrificed one by on^ to state conveni-
ence. Three of them in turn were destined
for the royal wretchedness of union with Fer-
dinand of Naples; two were rescued from
the honor by death. " Je regarde la pauvre
Josdphe," (she said of the favorite among
them) ^'comme un sacrifice de politique;
pourvu qu'eile fasse son devoir envers Dieu et
son 6poux, et qu'elle fasse son salut, dut-elle
m^me Hre malheureuse, je serai contente."
In an evil day for the Neapolitan people and
for humanity, Josepha was replaced by Caro-
line in the contract with the Lazzarone king,
who received his Austrian princesses fresh
and fresh, as they were served up, with per-
fect indifference. A courtier asked him how
be liked the bride ? *' Dorme come un' am-
mnzzata, e suda come un porco," was the po-
* It is diatresaiog to think of the Bufferings the
young philosopher must have undergone at the
hand of liia well-meaning instructorB. The history
of the Aufttrian Empire was written on purpose for
him, in fifteen folio volumes. Some judsment of
its diaracter may be formed from what Mailath says
of the Hungarian division, written by a patrioUo
canon, in which twice as much space was allotted
to the Huns and Avars as to events after the suc-
cession of the House of Hapeburg. One result on
Joseph's mind, among others, was a great distaste
for the acquisition of positive knowledge, usually
the branch in which sovereigns of any education
have shone the most; insomuch that there was
some truth in Firederick's remark, that though al-
ways learning, he knew nothing. His fancy was
^11 of idea% ma memory barren of faotn
lite reply. But Maria Theresa's darling wish
was fulfilled, when her youngest daughter
was summoned to the proudest and appar*
ently the happiest of unions which affection
or policy could have desired, — the brightest
and most cloudless morning which ever belied
its promise.
As was in natural accordance with a do-
mestic character of this description, affability
and ease, the favorite Gutmiithigkeit of her
country, — something com.pounded of good
nature and good humor — were among the
chief charms of Maria Theresa's disposition,
and the chief secrets of her influence. It
seemed strange, that one who appeared to the
world wrapt in the stateliest etiquette, and
who was, moreover, everywhere regarded as
a punctilious asserter of her rights and dig-
nity, should be at the same time so accessible
to those about her, and so little excited by
trifling neglect or even affront ; but so it was.
Even the weakness which Wraxall remarks
in her, of believing too readily the stories
which found their way to her private ear, and
taking partial views in consequence, arose out
of the same disposition. The liberties which
were sometimes taken with so mighty an
Empress, and in public too, seem surprising.
The young Prince Christian von Lowenstein
was banished on one occasion from Court
for some excess. He appeared there the
next day notwithstanding. The Empress
had him brought before her to give account
of his audacity. ** At Berlin," was his an-
swer, ** an order is given only once, but at
Vienna you must speak three times before a
thing is done.*' The Empress smiled, and the
order was withdrawn. In her zeal for cor-
recting the morals of her people, she one day
commenced an address to her great minister
Kaunitz, as he attended in her CHbinet, on the
subject of his extravagances. ''Je ferai ob-
server & S.M.," was his reply, "que je suis
venu ici pour lui parler de ses affaires, et non
des miennes." The imperial lecturer was si-
lenced at once.
This kind of yielding disposition in trifles,
coupled with stubbornness in essentials, was
far from unsuccessful, as in countries requir-
ing stronger management it might have been.
It suited the character of the German- Aus-
trians, the courtiers and court aristocracy,
the townsfolk of Vienna, the public under
whose immediate observation Maria Theresa
had chiefly to act her forty years' part. Like
Elizabeth's courtier Lord Hunsdon, " nati sunt
ex salice, non ex quercu." Good temper,
yieldingness, a habit of bowine to adverse
fortune, and taking defeat and oppression
185d.J
MARIA THERESA AND HSR SON.
191
with a kind of simple resignation, have always
characterized them among the nations of Eu-
rope. During the endless reverses of the Si-
lesian and Seven Tear's Wars, Empress,
army, and citizen seemed to vie with each
other in this half-comic submission to destiny,
and mutual forgiveness of faults and weak-
nesses, as Sganarelle and Pantaloon take
their thrashings on the theatre. Witness the
trait which ticl&led Horace Wal pole's fancy
so much that he perpetually quotes it, in
Count Neipperg's despatch oii the defeat at
MoUwitz: " Je suis fach6 de dire a S.M. que
son arm^e & 6t^ battue, et tout par la faute
de son serviteur, Neipperg." Charles of Lo-
raine, — the loser of battles, der Schlachtver-
lierer, as he is styled, was never punished for
his many sins in this line, except by the oc-
casional pasquinades of the very gentle wits
of Vienna. These fell also to the lot of Daun,
the Austrian Fabius, who now and then won
a battle, but invariably went to steep in his
quarters for some months afterwards. When
his wife drove to court after one of these
feats, she was saluted in the street with au
universal shower of nightcaps. As for the
Prussians, they mocked at their Southern
rivals, even in occasional defeat, as the Athe-
nians did at the Boeotians. When General
Haddick took Berlin, he despatched to his
gracious sovereign two dozen pair of Berlin
gloves, stamped with the city arms, by way
of spolia qpima, but he forgot to send a file
of his grenadiers to superintend the packing:
when the pnrcel was opened at Vienna, the
gloves proved all left-handed !
Maria Theresa was doubtless proud, as be-
came a descendant of eo many Caesars; but it
can hardly be said that pride formed a sub-
stantial element in her character ; what passed
for such in public estimation of her, was ra-
ther love of power and extreme jealousy of
her authority. Such pride as she possessed
easily yielded to any suggestion of policy. In
her anxiety to found the French alliance, she
demeaned herself so far as to address Madame
de Pompadour under her own hand as ** Ma-
dame, ma chdre soeur et cousine." The fa-
vorite addressed her playfully in answer as
"chere reine." When her husband, the j6vial
Fran4, read the letter, he threw himself on
two chairs and laughed till they cracked under
his weight. '' What is there to laugh at ?" she
quietly asked. '' I have written to Farinelli
before now."
Not only Maria Theresa's pride, but her
devotion — a far stronger principle of laction —
was sinffularly subordinate to her engrossing
political zeal and her masculine understand
ing. Devout she was even to excess ; her
piety degenerating into a world of scrupulous
observance and idle questions of conscien-
tious casuistry. Her bigotry made her commit
many foolish actions, and not a few unjust
ones ; but it scarcely exercised any percepti-
ble influence on the general destinies of the
empire under her sway. Dearly a^ she loved
her spiritual teachers, she kept the priestly
^olus in general pretty closely confined to
his natural province of court and chamber in-
fluence— illci sejactat inauld — excluding him
from the wider region of politics. And .
therefore the latest political champion of
Ultramontanism, Count Montnlembert, re-
gards her reign as a period of persecution to
the Church. She, the most pious sovereign
in Europe, whs the chief leader in the over-
throw of the Jesuits. Dr. Vehse says that she
yielded this point to Kaunitz only after long
resistance and many tears, and finally on his
giving her proof that a general confession
made by her to Father Harobacher had been
taken down in writing, and sent to the general
of the ordt^r. Others affirm that she gave
way to the direct spiritual injunction of the
Pope. But the secret history of the fall of
the Jesuits, after all that has been written on
it, seems to remain secret still.
Baron Gleichen says of her, that when at
the point of death, "as soon as she had ascer-
tained from her physician the* number of
hours she had to live, she hastened to receive
the sacraments ; and this done, she dis-
missed altogether the material objects of her
habitual devotions, did not even look at the
crucifix, despatched several afifairs of business,
and ended her life seated on a sofa in the
middle of her family." The Baron himself
believing in nothing but ghosts, magnetism,
and alchemy, merely cites the story as evi-
dence of the general unreality of religious
professions. If there be any truth in it, we
imagine him to be wholly wrong. Such
resolute return to her ordinary duties was the
act of devotion, in extremis^ of a noble and
most conscientious spirit, persuaded that the
execution even to the last of the great earthly
task alloted to it was due not to the world
only, but to its own eternal welfare.
No picture of Maria Theresa's reign, how-
ever slight, would be complete without a
sketch of the great minister Von ELaunitz,
who managed her foreign aflaira without in-
* Aooording to one story, she authorized him to
give her notice of her approAchiog end by a pre-
oonoerted question. When he asked "whether she
wanted lemonade!" she knew that sentence was
paaed.
in
MARIA THERESA AKD HER SON.
[Oct,
terrapiion for twenty years, and, nominally,
those of her son during his whole reign :
and whose influence was strongly perceptible
in much of her internal policy also. The
figure of Kaunitz is one of those which come
out in more definite importance as we recede
from their times, and are better able in some
respects to judge of them than their contem-
poraries, since we see as great and consistent
political schemes what the latter only observed
m fragraenis. The author of three great
political events, the long French alliance of
Austria, the fall of the Jesuits, and (jointly
with his northern coadjutors) of tlie partition
of Poland, cannot pass into the oblivion
which awaits ordinary premiers ^fter their
day of influence ; although none of these
three strokes of policy have been strictly
speaking, permanent; for the French alliance
died with the French Revolution, and Austria
fell back on her more natural affinities ; the
Jesuits have returned ; and the partition of
Poland, though a subsisting fact, has turned
almost wholly to the profit of Russia.
Kaunitz was a Moravian of a converted
Protestant family ; an exception to the gene-
ral rule, that the greatest Austrian statesmen,
as well as soldiers, have been foreigners.
There was, however, no national feeling or
character about him. As a public man, he
was the servant of a crown, not a country ;
and in private his affectation of French man-
ners and predilections were carried to an
absurd excess. He remained through life a
coxcomb and petit maiire, — a German petit
maitre, too, who never could, by the most
laborious exertions, attain the graces of the
native article. The French laughed at him
while ^e aped their manners and language to
the extent of purposely speaking their bad
German. Many strange things are told of
him by our countrymen Wraxall and Swin-
burne ; and Dr. Yehse has gleaned his anec-
dotes from their pages as well as from other
quarters ; but we will ourselves borrow the
pen of a personal observer, the Baron Von
Gleichen, whose curious ^'Denkwiirdigkeiten''
were published in 1847, under a German
title though composed by himself in French.
'* Kaunitz was tall and ivell made, particular in
his dress, notwithstanding the somewhat ludi-
crous appearance presented by his five tailed
wie; he was dignified in his hearing, and his
address was rather stiflT and ceremonious. His
formality of manner, however, sat more easily
upon him than upon most of the Austrian nobles ;
for it seemed of right to belong to him, and to
bear the stamp of a superior mind.
'^His usual salutation was merely a nod, but it
was accompanied by a benevolent smile to his
friends, and a patronising air towaids others. He
was kindhearted, upright, loyal, and disinterested,
although by no means disinclined to receive pre-
sents from different courts, of wine, horses,
pictures, and other articles which gratified his
taste. He expressed himself in carefully chosen
language, and in a slow, deliberate manner. Pew
men had such an extensive acquaintance with
technical language as he had, and he highly ap-
preciated a command of it in others. An unusual
word of this description would win his good
opinion as easily as a hon-mot would that of the
Duke of Choiseul. He was well informed and
fond of art, especially of painting, and patronised
artists of every class. He had a great esteem
for accomplished craftsmen, even in the subordi-
nate branches of handiwork, and had a real passion
for well executed productions of every kind.
Prudent and dispassionate, his excellent judgment
and long experience well entitled him to the
name they won for him, of the political Nestor
of his age. He was happy in possessing a
variety of elegant tastes, without being under
the influence of any one ruling passion. His
friends complained of the coolness of bis partial*
ity to them, but his enemies, on the other hand,
could accuse him of no harsh or vindictive
conduct. He would listen with patience and
attention to the most prolix details, and was very
full and precise in his replies, but be would rarely
permit a rejoinder. He was singularly sparing
uf his labor, and seemed often to be throwing
away his time on dreams and trifling occupations,
but his real object was to save time fur tnought,
and to keep his head clear and collected. One of
the maximn that he was constantly quoting, and
which the Emperor Joseph might have studied
with advantage, was, never to do one's self what
another can do for o^« ' I would rather tear
up paper,' he used tp.'i^y, 'than write a line
which another persorroould write as well as my-
self.' He was indeec] so sparing of his writing,
that his less important letters were only sign^
with a K. On the other hand, he made it a rule
never to leave his office till all the business on
hand was dispatched. He carried his care of his
health to the length of egotism. Anxious to keep
himself free from every species of annoyance, he
sacrificed every consideration to his personal com-
fort and convenience. Even in his youth, he
used to make the Empress Maria Theresa aTlow
him to close the window of her apartment if he
felt it cold, and to wear his cap In her presence.
In order to keep himself in an equal temperature,
he carried a great coat and a cloak in the winter.
It was his habit to retire every evening at eleven
o'clock, and neither the presence of an archduke,
nor even of the Emperor, could induce him to put
any conntraint upon himself; and if he happened
to be plnying billiards with the latter, when eleven
o'clock struck, he would make his obeisance, and
leave His Majesty standing. He bad a great
aversion to scents, and if approached by a lady
who had any about her, even though she might
be a stranger to him, he would accost her bluntly
with the words, 'Allez, madame, vous puez.'
He tried to keep death and old age out of his
thoughts, and would allow no notice to be taken
18S3.]
MARIA THERBSA AND p£B SON.
198
of his bifthday. In the instrnctionfl which he
wrote with his own hiakkl for bis reader, he
earnestly reqaested him never to name the words
desth or small-pox in his presence.
**To such a lengrth did he carry bis self-estAem,
that be was accastomed to speak of himself as
of a third person. The Emperor Joseph had
caused busts of Marshal Lascy and Prince
Raanitz to be made. Under that of the latter had
been placed a Latin inscription, fall of magnificent
enloffies on the minister. Some one praised the
excellent style of this inscription in his presence,
and the prince replied, ' i wrote it.' (It is said
of him by Vehse that, if be wanted to praise any-
thing very highly, he used to say, * Mein Gott, I
coald not have done that better myself) He
was a good judge of horses, and was greatly
pleased when any one admired his performances
in his riding school, where he was always to be
met with before dinner. Thd Ehiglish ambassa-
' dor, Keith, sent one of bis conntrymen there on
one occasion, charging him to pay the prince the
highest compliments be could, and to season them
as strongly as was required for a man already
sated with praises. The Englishman, who was
no adept in the art of flattery, hesitating and
blnsbing, brought out the words, * Oh ! mon
prince^ you are the best rider I ever saw in my
life.' * ( believe I am,' was the only answer he
leceived."
The death of this singular being was in
keeping wi^h the rest of his career. He lived
to the age of eighty-four, outlasting two gen-
erations of his masters, and witnessing the
B'rench Revolution and reign of Francis II.
Deaf and doting, he clung to power with
tenacious jealousy, and they were obliged at
last to withdraw important papers from his
cognizance by stratagem. When, like Achi-
tophel of old, ho saw that his counsel was no
more followed, he is said to have refused
sustenance, and died of exhaustion.
With the really greater though less impos-
ing operations of Maria Theresa's reign —
those of reform in the internal administration
of her states — Kaunitz had only indirectly to
do. Her ablest counsellor in this department
was Count Haugwitz, a Silesian, born a Pro-
testant subject of Austria, but who abandoned
bis religion and came to Vienna when his
native province was conquered by Frederick.
The task of administration reform imposed
on her at her accession was indeed enormous ;
yet tbere were circumstances which rendered
it less difficult than might have been suppos-
ed from its apparent magnitude. We must
eoncaive the Austrian empire, in 1740, as not
so much a State as a bundle of States under
one sovereign, — ^a monarchy of the middle
affes in the middle of the eighteenth century.
£ch separate state had its viceroy or stadt-
holder, its diet, its administration, and a sepa- 1
TOI^ ILSSL. NO. n.
rate branch of the Council in Vienna in com-
munication with it. There was great pres-
sure of taxation on the people, with scarcely
any return to the treasury ; an army neither
regularly equipped nor recruited ; a crown
singularly poor in domain lands and private
revenues, the resources of most German
sovereigns.' There was every obstecle which
ignorance or apathy could oppose to re-
form ; but there was no active hostility to
it ; scarcely any section of the people in the
hereditary states were inclined or able to make
a stand for privilege. The inhabitants of the
old Austrian provinces were docile and man-
ageable. In Bohemia, Moravia and Silesia,
there was, as we have seen, a kind of con-
dottiere-descended nobility very slightly root-
ed in the soil, and leaning on the crown for
support ; and a populace tamed into submis-
sion by ages of tj^ranny. Where any popular
spirit existed, it was but the jealousy of rival
rights and nationalities, holding each other in
perpetual check, and looking to the crown as
the only umpire. Accordingly, great as the
changes effected by her government were, yet,
being temperately though firmly introduced,
we hear little or nothing of any difficulty ex-
perienced in their execution. In a few years,
the old stattholderships and separate govern-
ments were totally abolished, and exchanged
for A centralised sjrstem of government from
Vienna; a large revenue was raised from
regular taxation ; the largest standing army
in Europe recruited by regular conscription ;
a great absolute monarchy compacted out of
a multitude of limited principalities.
With the detached portions of the empire
enjoying distinct constitutional rights — the
Tyrol, the Netherlands, Hungary — those
which really possessed a national spirit — the
prospect or success was widely different in
the eyes of a prudent sovereign, however
despotically inchned. Accordingly, we do-
not find that Maria Tberesa meddled with the
rights of the two former at all. Her dealings
with her ancient and eccentric kingdom of
Hungary, too near and powerful a neighbor
to Vienna to be simply disregarded, were
throughout very characteristic. In that re-
gion there was fiery spirit enough, and jealous
opposition to all increase of the central power;
but, on the other hand, there were those deep-
rooted internal divisions which have caused
the masses ever to play the Austrian game*,
—differences of religion, differences of race
(the latter not less felt in those times than
in our own, although their effect was less ap-
preciated,) and the constant suppressbd war-
fare between the populus and tne mUira can-
18
I9i
MARIA THERESA AND HER SON.
[Oct.,
tribuens plebs, the half a million of nobles
and the iuiIl4on$ of trampled peasants. Above
all, there was that organized anarchy which
the HungHfians then called a constitution ;
which, by maintaining a perpetual conflict of
rights, claims, and protests, kept all internal
government at a dead lock, and rendered re-
course to the central power, however distaste-
ful, matter of sheer necestiitj, when there was
anything really* to be done : even as the con-
tending parties in the play must have stood
for ever with their points at each other's
throats, had not some one entered to bid
them, *' in the Queen's name, drop all their
swords and daggers." It was clear that,
although Hungary could not, without en-
counteiing violent resistance, be so governed
as to add much to the regular financial or
military strenglh of the monarchy, it might
at least be so governed as to furnish no cause
of weakness in ordinary thnes, and a great
reserve of strength in emergencies, by an ad-
ministration content neither to anticipate nor
oppose the course of events, and to leave
" progress" to take care of itself. The flowers
of constitutional privilege, the attempt to
pluck which by force from the national tree
irould draw blood, would fall of themselves,
lik« ripe figs into the mouth of the eater, if
left alone. Such was the general and most
successful pohcy of her Hungarian govern-
ment. She did "nil contra legem, multa
prsater legem." She convoked three diets,
and quarrelled with all of them about internal
reforms ; she then resolved to convoke no
more, and none met during the last sixteen
years of her reign. Nor did she appoint a
Palatine, the ancient mediator between the
crown and nation in Hungary, after the death
of Louis Bathyany in 1765. But what the
nobles had refused to the Plebs, she took
advantage of an apprehended Jacquerie .to
confer, of her own authority. The famous
"Urharium,"— -the bill of rights, such as it is,
of the Hungarian peasantry — was simply
published by the crown, and not confirmed
by the Diet until many years after her death.
The privileged classes submitted — under per-
petual protest of course — to the gentle vio-
lence which did fof them what the esprit de
corps of the inferior nobility would never have
allowed them to do for themselves; and
they submitted, with similar apathy, to the
gradual and indirect substitution of the
ready, active, and helpful subordinates of the
executive for their own clumsy municipal
authorities. '* The Constitution would have
fairly gone to sleep," says Mailath, " if Ma-
ria Theresa had lived much longer."
But the great Empress-queen loved the
Magyars; and that chivalrous race were
proud of the gracious and accomplished sove-
reign, whom they had rescued in her utmost
necessity; and this tie between them con-
tributed even more than policy to the main-
tenance of her authority. She made her
favorite friends and gossips of the ladies of
their aristocracy; she drew their magnates to
Vienna by all the attractions of her perf^onal
influence ; she carried on the Germanizing of
the nobility, of which stern patriots at times
complained, by the most quiet and gradual
means. Only an occasional outbreak of feel-
ing would betray the intense jealousy with
which she watched any revival of the old
independent spirit. An Austrian Count, As*
permont, enjoyed larg^ Hungarian estates
through a female descent from the greal *
Prince of Transylvania, Ragoczj. The
Count's carriage once stuck fast on a journey
in the depths of a Hungarian cross road.
Numbers of peasants were passing in their
market carts, but they remained deaf to all
the solicitations of his servants for help, and
only enjoyed the sight of the Germans in a
" fix." At last the Count got on the roof of
his carriage and shouted, ** Will you let the .
grandson of Rigoczy be smothered in the
mud?" They rushed to his assistance at
once, and drew him out in triumph. When
next he appeared at Court, the Empress
called him before her. — ** Listen to me, As-
permont : I do not wish you to be smothered
in the mud; but leave alone this nonsense
about Ragoczy, or I shall assuredly send
you to prison." — (Vol. vii. p. 169.)
' Great, however, as were the administrative
reforms effected under Maria Theresa, it can
hardly be said that they extended so far as
to produce any substantial change in the
social condition of her people. In this re-
spect, undiscriminating eulogy has done her
rather more than justice. Little impression
was made, during her time, on the vast mass
of barbarism and serfdom which overspread
the bulk of her empire. Her good disposi-
tions towards the inferior classes of her sub-
jects, whatever they may have been, found
but little practical scope. She was probably
very willing to make mankind happy under a
beneficent despotism ; her tendencies, as an
Austrian writer describes them, with some
affectation but some truth, were "idyllisch-
autocratisch ;" her fancy may have aspired
to a pastoral reign among neatly powaered
Arcadians after the fashion of Watteao. But
the loving mother of the empire knew little,
face to face, of the sufferings and oppressions
1859.]
MARIA. THERESA AKB HER SOK.
106
of her poorer children. Her legislation, in
these respects, followed with a lagging pace
the spirit of the age. She reK>rmed tiie
crimiDal law indeed, but hers wns still '* ein
grausames Gesetzbuch/' a savage code ; tor-
ture was only abolished, even at Vienna, in
1776, the law of witchcraft "modi6ed" about
the same time, justifying the saying attri-
buted to Pitt, that Austria "is always an
idea behind the rest of the world." What
she did for the peasants of Hungary has al-
ready been noticed; in the German States,
she went no farther than to ameliorate, in
some respects, the condition of "leibeigen-
Bchafi" or personal servitude.
It was, above all things, the sense of this
great duty unaccomplished, fermenting in a
dharacter of strong will and positive judgment,
during twenty years of nominal power and
real impotence under his mother's rule, which
made of Joseph II. what he was, the royal
comet, travelling with brilliant but question-
able impetus without the regular orbit in
which crowned luminaries usually revolve.
The world has judged this sovereign, the
despotic precursor of the French Revolution,
as it usually Judges, by success. Because he
failed, he has become a bye-word ; had he
carried through the great scheme of policy
which he had conceived, he would have been
regarded as the greatest, and with all his ab-
solutism the most beneficent, sovereign who
ever swayed the destinies of the human race.
And bad not his early death intervened, it is
difficult to say that a large portion of that
scheme might not have been realized. We
cannot safely pronounce on what might have
been, nor decide whether, as the popular
notion is, his death rescued him from general
rebellion, or whether it cut short the career
of one who was beginning to learn, by expe-
rience, the right means towards his magnifi-
cent ends, and who would in a few years
more have changed much more than the
surface of European politics and society.
But however this may be, we utterly dis-
claim the test of mere success in the judgment
of characters such as his. That one bred up
in an atmosphere of bigotry, court flattery,
and aristocratic pride, should for years have
been framing to himself a distinct perception
and thorough appreciation of the iniquities
and oppressions wrought under the sun ; that
he should have realized the depth of popular
ignorance, the crying injustice of noble privi-
leges, the canker of idle monachibm, the
countless sufferings of the enslaved mjilti-
tttde ; that he should have formed within his
mind the deliberate resolution. These things
shall not be ; they are simply evil, and they
shall perish, if my power is torn up by the
roots along with them^ if my own ease and
popularity, and life itself, are shattered to
pieces in the encounter with them ; — that he
should have issued at once to attack these
gigantic abuses, like Thalaba among the en-
chanters, without parley or preparation, rely-
ing on his own good right alone, and reso-
lutely cutting away his own chance of re-
treat ; — ^all this amounts, in point of k priori
moral probability, to little less than a miracle.
It were a likelier task for nature to produce
another Napoleon than another Joseph II.
Yet he is generally passed by with the cur-
sory sentence, that he was one who formed
vast projects, but lacked judgment, tact, and
moduration to put them into useful execution.
That his composiiion did lack these whole-
some diluents is certain, but it is equally
certain that a man possessed of them to any
large amount would never have formed such
projects at all. As well complain of want of
judgment, tact, and moderation in Shaw, the
life-guardsman at Waterloo.
How many inferior qualities go to make
up a mind like his — how much there may
have been of vanity, and desire to astonish,
and love of power in his character — a bio-
graphical analyst may think it his duty to
inquire : for our purpose, the purity and lofti-
netjs of its chief elements dispenses with the
duty of examining how much of the grosser
clay was mixed with it. The main springs of
his policy were a fervent love of mankind, and
an intensely acute sense of justice; and his
chief errors were caused by the excess of these,
not by any intrusion of baser motives. That
philanthropy is a somewhat revolutionary
virtue we now well know : excessive love of
justice in a sovereign is hardly less so.
"L'art de bouleverser les ^tats" (says Pascal)
*' est d'^branler les cotltumes ^tablies, en son-
danti usque dans leur source, pour marquer
leur aefaut de justice : il faut, dit-on, recourir
aux lois fondamentales et primitives de I'^tat,
qu'une costume in juste a abolis. C'est un
jeu stir pour tout perdre ; rien ne sera juste &
cette balance.'' This strong conscientiousness
Joseph inherited from his mother : but the
passion for ideal political justice was his own.
He carried it to a point at which it became
not only a weakness in the eyes of statesmen,
but in those of the multitude a positive vice.
To take an instance which strongly exempli-
fies our meaning : the popular notion that a
sovereign should: only mterfere with the sen-
tences of criminal courts to remit them, that
a "King's face should give grace" — is insepa-
196
BIABIA THERESA AND HEE SON.
[Oct,
rable in feudal Europe from the very idea of
monarchy. But this one-sided interference
was revolting to his sense of absolute equity.
He was the only Christian monarch out of
Russia, so far as we know, who ever assumed
as a regular course, the function of increasing
as well as diminishing the punishments
awarded by the ordinary tribunals : and this
innovation, founded as it was on the strictest
view of right, was the very first which he was
compelled by public feeling to withdraw.
Never, assuredly, was so complete a sweep
made of old institutions and usages, as far as
mere change of the law could do it, as in the
five first years of Joseph's reign. That of the
French Revolution itself will hardly bear the
comparison, especially when regard is had to
the different genius, and state of preparation,
of the two communities. It was like the sud-
den change in the locomotion of the same
country, from the old Eilwagen crawl of four
miles an hour, without intervening innprove-
ments, to the speed of the railway. It takes
away the breath of those accustomed to the
bit-by- bit proceedings of constitutional coun-
tries, to recite the mere catalogue of Joseph's
reforms. In the short space of time we have
mentioned, all exclusive rights and privileges
were clean abolished ; serfdom and compul-
sory feudal dues* and services, ceased legally
to exist : all men became equal before the
law under the sovereign. All old local con-
stitutions, including that of Hungary, with
which his mother had dealt so warily, were
abolished or violently invaded, old provinces
obliterated from the map, and a division of
the whole empire into thirteen great depart-
ments, with a civil administrator (Kreish-
hauptmann) at the head of each, substituted.
All ecclesiastical dependence on the see of
Rome was removed; all convents not con-
nected with useful institutions, such as schools
and hospitals suppressed ; universal religious
toleration, or rather equality, established,
except for some unlucky deistica] sectaries,
who, instead of toleration, incurred the Aus-
trian classical number of fifty-five " Stockpru-
gel," or blows with a stick ; for Joseph, with
all his radicalism, was a religious man, and no
friend to deists. " I am no divine," he said
to the professor of theology at Bologna, "but
* It waa in referenoe to some change of this kind
that the Bohemian Count Chotek remonstrated,
and declared that the peasants ought to pav, and
mnst be made to pay. " I fancy, dear Chotek," Jo^
seph wrote in reply, " that physical force is after all
on the aide of tne peasants ; and if it ever should
happen that they vul not pay, what is to become of
usaUr
a soldier : but this much I know, that there
is only one road to Heaven, and only one
doctrine, that of Jesus Christ."* Education
was made national, the press rendered free,
the old and inveterate " unwesen" (to use a
German word for which we want an equiva-
lent) of guilds and corruptions in the towns,
and other restrictions on internal commerce,
utterly abolished ; the superstructure of ages
rased down to the very foundation.
It need not be said, that a great number
of these changes remained in the form of de-
crees only, and never attained a practical ex-
istence. Yet he actually performed much ;
energetically, but intemperately, and without
the slightest trace of that politic respect
which might have been shown for interesta
injured, or feelings wounded in the process.
Meffis ad exemplar, the subordinates who
were entrusted with the execution of the Em-
peror's innovating decrees, set to work with
a revolutionary violence which seems scarcely
credible in a civilised and regular State. In
fact, much of what we read of the Austrian
reforms of 1780 — 1785, resembles the some-
times grotesque and sometimes terrible scenes
which took place ten years later in France.
Convents were ransacked with merciless vio-
lence, their, goods plundered, the precious
contents of their libraries destroyed or scat-
tered ; the bones of the dead disturbed by
official rifiers of the graves. At the 'Char-
treuse, at Vienna, the mummied corpse of Al-
bert the Wise was ejected from its leaden
coffin, for the sake of the metal, and lay for
months exposed. to the curiosity and insults
of the populace. An order was at one time
issued by Joseph for the conversion of that
venerable pile, the ancient palace of the
Hradschin, at Prague, into barracks : to be
executed by a given day. Instantly a band
of Vandals was let loose, to strip it of the
accumulated relics of centuries. The mys-
terious treasure chamber of the star-gazing
Emperor Rudolf was utterly despoiled of its
renowned antiquarian collections. " The sta-
tues were sold off; a torso found no pur-
chaser ; it was thrown at last out of the
window into the garden ; an oculist of
Vienna, Barth, bought it for six ' siebzehner.'
It was sold at the congress of Vienna to the
Crown Prince, Louis of Bavaria, for 6000
ducats — it is the Ilioneus of the Glyptothek
at Munich. The antique coins were sold by
weight. An inventory of the contents of the
treasury was made, which was preserved in
the Schonfeld Museum, at Vienna; a Leda
of Titian figures in it, as ' a woman bitten by
an enraged goose." (Vol. iii. p. 8.) Tet>
1858.]
MABIA THSBISA AKD HSR SOJT.
197
after all this mischief was done, Joseph was
induced by the murmers of the Bohemians
to revoke his order ; a strong proof of the
truth of Frederick's sarcasm, that ''he always
took the second step before the first."
The truth is, that Joseph had learned,
during his long apprenticeship in his mo-
Xher's court, a Kind of cynical contempt for
men. He connected this, in his own mind,
with the equalising precepts of his* philo-
sophy: he admired the constant exhibition
of it by his great model, Frederick, of whose
peculiar aquafortis wit he possessed nothing.
He did himself probably more injury by his
labored smartnesses against religious frater-
nities and monks — those ulemas and fakirs,
as he affected to call them — than by suppres-
sing their convents. His nobility could more
easily have for^ven his attacks on their pri-
vfleges, and his endeavor to diminish their
importance by pitchforking into their class
a herd of insigmficant people, civil function-
aries, municipal authorities, and the like, the
notorious ^' Bagadelladel" of Austria, than his
parade of maxims about the equality of man-
kind, and the grim satisfaction with which
he gave the Viennese, by way of corollary to
these maxims, the spectacle of a count who
had forged banknotes, sweeping the streets in
chains ; and another, a grey-haired colonel of
the guards who had ^undered his military
chest, exposed in the pillory.
Closely allied with tnese peculiarities, were
a roughness of manner carried to affectation,
a harsh and dictatorial air ; an assumed out-
side, which covered singular delicacy as well
as strength of sentiments : feelings trembling-
ly alive to every variation in those of the
persons whom he loved ; a lively sympathy
for suffering, a special fondness for elegant
and particularly female society ; his only re-
laxation in later years, and in which he ap-
peared to great advantage, as what Kaunitz
described him, in his barbarous Frenchified
dialect, '' ein ganz aimabler perfecter Cava-
lier.'* Baron Reizenstein, in his "Journey to
Vienna *' (1780), describes not amiss this dou-
ble aspect of Joseph's outward demeanor.
••When I entered the room," he says, " the
Emperor was still speaking with a gentleman
to whom he gave some orders. His tone was
so rough, so harsh, his pronunciation so Aus-
trian, that the impression made on me was
unpleasing in the highest degree. Immedi-
ately afterwards, two French ladies were in-
troduced to him. How polite, refined, and
soft his manner at once oecame! The im-
perious monarch disappeared ; the most pre-
possessing, attractive man of the world stood
before me instead." His death is said to have
been accelerated by his passionate grief at
the loss of his favorite niece, Elizabeth of
Wirnemberg, the first wife of Francis the Se-
cond. One of the most touching of the
many pieces of his writing which remain, is
the billet of adieu to the Princess Frances
Lichtenstein, written just before his decease,
and addressed " Aux cinq dames r^unies do
la soci6t6, qui m'y tol^raient." The reader
will find it at vol. viii. p. 807 of the work
before us.
It was in his ecclesiastical reforms, in real-
ity the most beneficial part of his operations,
that Joseph encountered the first and most
violent, if not most determined resistance.
The leader of the Ultramontane opposition
was the Cardinal Archbishop of Vienna, Mi-
gazzi, no saint, but more resembling Thomas
k Becket before he began to exhale the odor
of sanctity ; a " handsome, gallant man of
the world," says Vehse, and a great intriguer
in the former reign. It was under the influ-
ence of the representations of Migazzi and his
party, that Pius VI. determined on his me-
morable journey to Vienna, in 1782.
It was in truth a memorable journey ; and
we of the third generation after it, are now
for the first time able to perceive its true sig-
nificance. It is scarcely an exaggeration to
call it one of the turning points m the his-
tory of the world. Rome on that occasion
renewed her youth by touching her mother
earth ; the succeseor of the Apostles becamct
for a moment, the brother and companion of
that mass of mankind from which his first
predecessors sprang. In earlier days, during
the life and death .struggles of the Reforma-
tion, the importance, in religious quarrels, not
only of exciting the general sympathies of the
multitude, but of downright popular agita-
tion with all its vulgar incidents, had been
thoroughly understood on both sides of the
question. To know how and when to let
loose with success the passions of, the popu-
lace, lacker la grande Uvriere, as the leaders
of the French League were wont to call it, was
then an important point in the politician's art.
But the age of popular enthusiasm had now
long passed : and in Germany especially,
where the Thirty Years' War degenerated
from a great religious quarrel into a struggle
of rival condottieri, the importance of the
plebeian element in Church politics was prac-
tically forgotten. Of the intriguing and
diplomatic statesmen-popes of theseventeentli
and eighteenth centuries, not one would have
thought of descending from his pedestal to
invoke the aid of the masses in an emergen-
id8
MARU THERESA AKD HER SON.
[Oct.,
cj, any more than he would have thought
of preaching a crusade.
Nor do we believe that Pius VI. for a mo-
ment enleitained the notion. He was a
good and zealous churchman, but neither
wiser nor more original in his views than
cardinals in general. His idea seems only
to have been that of making a personal im-
pression on Joseph, partly by his own per-
suasive powers — for there entered no small
amount of vanity into his composition —
partly through that traditional aid from above
which had made Attila quail before Leo.
In this sense only his project was judged,
when his advisers strenuously urged him
against it, and the wise men of the world
taied him with consummate folly. " I was
almost beginning to believe in your master's
infallibility," said Frederick to Pius's envoy
at Berlin, " but this journey to Vienna !*' Nor
did the adoration of the multitudes which
threw themselves at his feet in sudden en-
thusiasm during that long Alpine journey,
or of those who flocked from far and near to
Vienna to idolise him, insomuch that a famine
was apprehended during his stay, however it
might affect the feelings of observers, alter
the general estimate of his undertaking.
Even now some liberal historians, like Schlos-
ser, affect to donbt the reality of its effects,
and assert that the great South German '* re-
vival" of 1785 evaporated in smoke. They
do not perceive the new impulse which was
then given to the minds of men, if not to the
immediate march of events. The progress
of religious democracy in Catholic countries
since that day, is but too marked a feature
in modern history. There was but too much
significance in the emblematic medal which
the legate at Munich struck on the occasion,
representing Religion as Cybele, drawn in
her car by lions among the prostrate bodies
of men.
The Pope , indeed, gained no present ad-
vantage by his journey, as is well known.
Joseph received him with a polite affectation
of keeping all serious conversation at a dis-
tutji-e. Kaunitz, according to the anecdotes
repealed by Vehse, thought it politic to treat
the unwished-for stranger with peculiar rude-
ness, as if in contempt of his supposed power,
shook lustily the hand which Pius offered him
to IkIss ! received him at his villa in morning
dishabille, talked of nothing but his statues
and pictures, and pushed his visitor into all
kinds of places and postures in order to give
him a better sight of them, insomuch that
the high-bred Italian, at once pontiff and
patrician, remained *' tutto stupefatto." Jo-
seph even gave his supposed victory over his
Holiness something of a comic turn, by paying
him a return visit at Rome, where the popu-
lace, always an ti- papal whatever the senti-
ment may be elsewhere, received him with
shouts of " Long live the Emperor-king, sUte
a casa vostra, siete il padrone.^ But the work
of resistance to his reforms was not the less
effectively commenced. The cause of reac-
tion had received a moral aid, worth more
than myriads of bayonets. Joseph was
taught how thoroughly he had miscalculated,
in his heedlessness, the influence of the ule-
mas and fakirs — the objects of his scorn —
over the masses which he deemed made but
to obey a beneficent despot. He knew that
there was a powar within his states greater
than that of the Smperor ; that half the al-
legiance, and more than half the reverence,
of the millions, belonged to another than him.
His pride was no less wounded than his pur-
pose thwarted. And the blow was a fatal
one.
We have no space to dwell on the details
of that reaction which completes, as it were,
the dramatic unity of Joseph's ten years of
reign. Perpetual opposition in Church and
State made him in no degree alter his pur-
pose, but it rendered him impatient and vio-
lent, and apt to exercise his power the more
stubbornly in trifles, because he felt hindself
bound fast by a thousand invisible chains,
when he attempted any greater movement.
He became suspicious ; and Vienna swarmed
with government agents, noble and plebeian
spies, instruments of the~ secret police, who
poisoned his ear with suggestions of imag^i-
nary plots, and led him into the commission
of acts of injustice towards some of his most'
faithful subjects. Then commenced in reali-
ty or in popular belief, that fearful system
of the employment of agens provocateurs to
stir up the opposition of classes and races,
with which Austrian policy under several
reigns has been reproached, how far justly
it IS impossible to say. When the Hunga-
rian nobles were in organized passive resist-
ance to the attack on their Constitution
(1784), a Wallach boor, Horya, became the
leader of a peasant insurrection against them.
His supposed complicity with government
agents was never proved ; but he had tokens
to show which worked strongly on the ima-
gination of his followers ; a golden chain with
a picture of the Emperor, a writing in gold
letters which he called an imperial patent.
The revolt was accompanied with great atro-
cities, and was repressed with equal cruelty.
Horya was executed by the wheel, a hundred
1853.]
MARIA THEBEBA AND HER SOK.
199
and fifty of bis pe5ple " after their country-
fashion,'* th^t b, impaled alive. These hor-
rors worked powerfully on the sensitive mind
of Joseph, which was by this time lapsing into
fixed disgust and weariness of life.
It was mainly to shake off the pressure of
disappointment at home that he rushed into
the Turkish war, only to see thousands of his
soldiery perish of fever in the marshes of the
Lower Danube, and an Austrian army, for
the first time since the rescue of Vienna, re*^
treat in disorderly dispersion before the un-
believers. Then came the successful progress
of the Belgian revolt, a revolt of which the
cause was as undeniably rightful, as the con-
duct and agents were contemptible; begun
by the drunken students of Louvain shouting
for " better beer, bread, and tobacco, and or-
thodox doctrine and discipline," continued by
a coalition of priest-led zealots and empty
democrats. Conquered at last, he had to
withdraw reforms and restore privileges,
even with greater precipitation than he had
evinced in the first part of his career. In a
few months, all his greater innovations were
cancelled, except the abolition of serfdom
and the toleration edict. He could not sur-
vive his broken hopes and outraged authori-
ty. By whatever name his last disease might
pass in the physician's catalogue, over-exer-
tion, dropsy of the chest, malaria fever
brought bacK from the Turkish frontier — the
true cause, a broken heart, was plain enough
to all. Yet he retained to the last, both the
fundamental heroism of his character, and
bis clear conviction of the righteousness of
his cause. " I know my own heart," he wrote ;
'' 1 am convinced in my innermost soul of the
purity of my intentions ; and I hope, that
when I am no more, posterity will examine,
aye and judge, more considerately, more
justly, and more impartially than the present
age, what I have done for my people."
"Here lies Joseph II." is his well-known
self-composed epitaph, "who failed in every-
thing he undertook. They were the words
of disappointment, not of truth. The great-
ness of what he achieved has been under-
estimated, only because measured by the
gigantic scale of what he projected. The
two great measures which we have just
noticed, alone suffice to immortalize him : the
liberation of the Leibeigeners, which has re-
mained an accomplished fact ; and the JBdict
of Toleration, which, however it may have
appeared at times to be menaced) has never
as yet been seriously encroached upon. But
these torm only a part of what his empire
has to thank him for. As his latest biogra-
pher (Rose) observes, much of what he re-
tracted was lost in form only, but preserved
in substance. Independently, of mere politi-
cal theory, the importance of his administra-
tive changes is fully recognised by Austrian
statesmen, who know the practical necessity
of unity of action on the part of the central
power. The obstinate and compact strength
opposed by Austria to the invasions of Na-
poleon, is mainly attributed by some to the
solidity which his reforms communicated to
her executive ; and Count Ficquelmoi>t, in
his recent writings, appeals to the occurrences
of 1848, as bearing the most decisive evidence
to the correctness of his judgment of her
prospects and requirements. The national
system of education, often admired even by
those least in love with Anstrian institutions,
is mainly the result of his regulations. The
good which he did by the removal of feudnl
and municipal obstructions to industry, it is
scarcely possible to over-estimate. Without
believing what some affirm — that the popu-
lation of Austria increased by one- fourth in
the ten years of his reign, while its revenue
undoubtedly doubled- — we have no doubt
that a great and simultaneous increase of
population and wealth bore incontestable evi-
dence to the soundness of his economical
measures.
Has posterity yet attained that impartiality
respecting him for which he prayed ? Placed
beyond the sympathies of both the great
leagues of modern thinkers, he has been con-
demned and satirized by liberals as an abso-
lutist— by the partisans of reaction as a dem-
agogue. With courtiers and statesmen it
was the fashion, particularly during the rev-
olutionary era, to sneer at him as a mistaken
visionary. There was, at all events, one class
among whom his memory was long and fond-
ly cherished : and it was that to the sym-
pathies of which he would best have loved
to make his appeal. The Austrian peasant-
ry of German blood are at once an eminently
loyal race, and one on which affection' and
kindness are rarely thrown away. They
were never misled in their judgment of him.
Even when they were kneeling before the
carriage of the Pope, they had no idea that
they were assuming an attitude of opposition
to their friend and Emperor. No royal name
lives among them at this day, in revel'ential
tradition, so truly as that of Kaiser Joseph.
Their estimate of him cannot be better ex-
pressed than in the simple apologue which is
still popular in Austria. The peasantry of a
Styrian village are assembled to discuss the
news of the Emperor's death. They will not
200
MARIA THERESA AND HER SON.
[Oct.,
believe it, — it is a he of the coart nobles,
the lawyers, the lazy friars. While they
are debating, information is brought of the
revival, bit by bit, of the old order of
things : the Carthusians have returned to
the neighboring abbey, the Capuchins have
resumed their rounds, the Forstmeister and
the gamekeeper have reoccupied their lodges
and the steward is sitting at the receipt of
feudal dues. The old^t peasant risei^ and
takes off his hat, — " Then Joseph is dead in-
deed,— may Heaven have mercy on his soul."
Sixty years have since elapsed, and the
prolific house of Hapsburg-Lorraine has fur-
nished two numerous generations of princes,
several distinguished for civic virtues, and
one at least of high military renown ; but no
spirit like that of Joseph, or his mother, has
animated the race since his remains desended
to the vaults of the Capuchins, nor has any-
thing occurred to refute the saying of Eau-
nitz, that it takes " a hundred years to make
an Austrian great nian." We should have
wished^ had space permitted, to follow Dr.
Vehse through his last volume, bringing the
internal history of the monarchy to our own
times, and showing the connection of the
present with the past. We should then
have seen, how the long struggle with France
purified away, as it were, whatever there
was of encroaching and arbitrary in the
foreign policy of Austria, and substituted for
it a strong principle of self-sufficing forbear-
ance. We should have seen how the same
events raised into life, for the third time, the
military monarchy, and created that heroic
army, itself almost a nation, of which the
endurance and constant fidelity are among
the most remarkable features of political his-
tory in our age ; whose unsoldierly spirit is
the one living principle of unity in that mis-
cellaneous empire. We should recognize,
in the long administration of Metternicn, one
painful endeavor to maintain the status quo,
by a temperate and self-denying policy with-
out, but by unsparing and unsleeping re-
pression within : a repression the less endu-
rable, because enforced by statesmen who
had no faith in its effects, like religious per-
secution by unbelievers. For all the while,
as we have said above, these have seemed
to labor under the consciousness that the
elements of that stability, to which they sa-
crificed all other considerations, were tempo-
rary only. And so matters remain to this I
day, notwithstanding tj^e unquestionable
strength which the cause of order^ as under-
stood in Austria, has derived from the mad
outbreak of 1848 and its first conseqnences.
There are indeed many who imagine, though
recent events have made the trade of pro-
phesying more hazardous than ever, that
those events may have brought the catas-
trophe nearer. Many of the manifestations
of local feeling then elicited, may now ap-
pear irrational enough. We may smile as
we please on the recollection of Austro- Ger-
mans raving abuut the Frankfort Parliament
and the National Fleet ; haughty Magyars
preaching French democracy, with one foot
trampling on the Wallach and the other on
the Croat; fierce military borderers brandish-
ing their sabres, not as of old for plunder
and provant, but for Federalism, and Pan-
slavism, and all the inconceivable dreams of
the German Professorate. But the practi-
cal question for our day is, whether the
events to which we refer have increased that
mutual repulsion between the several races,
through which the strength of the central
government is now mainly preserved, or whe-
ther they have been taught something of the
necessity of union, and of forming mutual
and balanced leagues for their support. If
the latter be really the case, the map of Eu-
rope can hardly remain long as it is. And
those politicians, both within and without
Austria, who wish to avert such an end, and
at the same time look beyond the probable
duration of a throne supported by bayonets,
and a bundle of States tied together by red
tape, have to consider the double alternative
which now deeply occupies many minds,
whether Austria must revert to the centraH-
ztng policy of Joseph, substituting by de-
grees liberty for repression, as becomes the
age, and creating an Austrian nation through
and benel^th Austrian institutions, or must
have recourse, in due measure, to that feder-
al principle which has had such triumphant
results elsewhere. Either project is full of
difficulties, but neither, perhaps, beyond the
reach of practical accomplishment, if the en-
ergy which Austria has shown in self-asser-
tion and defence, were turned towards inter-
nal reform, and courageous concessions made
to that spread of political will and intelli-
gence which is inevitably transforming the
community, there as elsewhere, from an inert
mass, to a living body.
1858.3
MODERN BRIT]pH OJUTOBa
201
From Hogg'i Initmctor.
MODERN BRITISH ORATORS.— No. 1. EDMUND BURKE.
BT OXOROB OILFILLAN.
All bail to Edmund Burke, the greatest
and least appreciated man of the eighteenth
century, even as Milton had been the great:
est and least appreciated man of the century
before ! Each century, in fact, bears its pe-
culiarly great man, and as certainly either
neglects or abuses him. Nor do after ages
always repair the deficiency. For instance,
between the writing of the first and second
sentences of this paper, we have happened to
take up a London periodical, which has new-
ly come in, and have found Burke first put
at the feet of Fox, and secondly, accused of
being actuated in all his political conduct by
two objects — those of places and pensions
for himself and his family ; so that our esti-
mate of him, although late, may turn out,
on the whole, a " word in season." It is, at
all events, refreshing for us to look back
from the days of a Derby, a Disraeli, and a
Biographer Russell, to those of the great
and eloquent Burke, and to turn from the
inhuman rayings and essential atheism of the
"Latter Day Pamphlets," to the noble rage and
mi^ificent philippics of a *' Regicide Peace."
First of all, in this paper, we feel ourselves
constrained to proclaim what, even yet, is
not fully understood — Burke's ,unutterable
superiority to all his parliamentary rivals.
It was not simply that he was above them as
one bough in a tree is above another, but
above them as the sun is above the top of
the tree, and Sirius above the sun. He was
'• not of tbeir order." He had philosophic in-
tellect, while they had only anthmetic. He
had genius, while they had not even fancy.
He had heart, while they had only passions.
He had widest and most comprehensive
views ; their minds had little real power of
generalization. He had religion; most of
them were infidels of that lowest order, who
imagine that Christianity is a monster, bred
between priestcraft and political expediency.
He loved literature with his inmost soul ; they
rPox on this point must be excepted) knew
little about it and cared less. In a word,
tbey were men of their time ; he belonged to
all ages, and his mind was as catholic as it
was clear and vast.
Contrast the works and speeches of the
men ! Has a sentence of Pitt's ever been
quoted as a maxim ? Does one passage of
Fox appear in even our common books of
elocutionary extracts ? Are Sheridan's flights
remembered except for their ambitious and
adventurous badness? Unless one or two
showy climaxes of Gratten and Curran, what
else of them is extant ? How different with
Burke I His works are to this hour burning
with genius, and swarming with wisdom.
You cannot open a page, without finding ei-
ther a profound truth expressed in the short-
est and sharpest form, looking up at you like
an eye ; or a brilliant image flashing across
with the speed and splendor of a meteor ; or
a description, now grotesque, and now gor-
geous ; or a literary allusion, cooling and
sweetening the fervor of the political discus-
sion ; or a quotation from the poets, so point-
ed and pat, that it assumes the rank of an
original beauty. Burke's writing is almost
unrivalled for its combination and dexterous
interchange of excellencies. It is by turns
statistics, metphysics, painting, poetry, elo-
quence, wit, and wisdom. It is so cool and
so warm, so mechanical and so impulsive, so
measured and so impetuous, so clear and so
profound, so simple and so rich. Its senten-
ces are now the shortest and now the long-
est ; now bare as Butler, and now figured as
Jeremy Taylor ; now conversational, and now
ornate, intense, and elaborate in the highest
degree. He closes many of his paragraphs
in a rushing thunder and fiery flood of elo-
quence, and opens the next as calmly as if
he had ceased to be the same being. Indeed,
he is the least monotonous and manneristic
of modern writers, and in this, as in so many
other respects, excels such authors as Mac-
aulay and Chalmers, who are sometimes ab-
surdly compared to him. He has, in fact,
four or five distinct styles, and possesses
equal mastery ovep alL He exhibits speci-
mens of the law-paper style in his artiolee
202
MODEBN BRITISH ORATOB&
[Oct.,
of charge against Warren Hastings ; of the
calm, sober, nncolored argument, in his
'' Thoughts on the present Discontents ;" of
the ingenious, high-finished, but temperate
philosophical essay, in his "Sublime and Beau-
tiful ;" of the flushed and fiery diatribe, here
storming into fierce scorn and invective, and
there soaring into poetical eloquence, in his
" Letter to a noble Lord," and in his '* Regi-
cide Peace ;" and of a style combining all
these qualities, and which he uses in his
speech on the Nabob of Arcot's debts, and
in his " Reflections on the French Revolution."
Thus you may read a hundred pages of him
at once, without finding any power but pure
intellect at work, and at other times every
sentence is starred with an image, even as
every moment of some men's sleep is spirit-
ualized by a dream ; and, in many of them,
figures cluster and crowd upon each other in
bickering profusion. It is remarkable that
h^ imagination becomes apparently more
powerful as he draws near the end of his
lourhey. The reason t)f this probably wf^,
he became more thoroughly in earnest toward
the close. Till the trial of Warren Hastings,
or even on to the outbreak of the French
Revolution, he was a volcano speaking and
snorting out fire at intervals — ^an Etna at ease
— but from these dates he began to pour out
incessant torrents of molten lava upon the
wondering nations. Figures are a luxury to
cool thinkers ; they are a necessity to pro-
phets. The Isaiah, Jeremiah, and Ezekiel
have no choice. Their thought must come
forth with the fiery edge of metaphor around
it. The Minerva of deep earnest feeling ever
rushes out in armor.
Let us look, in the course of the re-
marks that follow, to the following points — to
Burke's powers, to his possible achievements,
to his actual works^ to his oratory, to his
conversation, to his private character, to his
critics, and to the question, what has been
the net result of his influence as a writer and
a thinker ?
I. We would seek to analyze shortly his
powers. These were wonderful, in their va-
riety, comprehensiveness, depth, harmony,
and brilliance. He was endowed in the very
"prodigality of heaven" with genius of a crea-
tive order, with boundless fertility of fancy,
with piercing acuteness and comprehension
of intellect, with a tendency leading him ir-
resistibly down into the depths of every sub-
ject, and with an eloquence at once massive,
profuse, fiery, and flexible. To thewe pow-
ers he united, what are not often found in
their company, slow plodding perseverance,
indomitable industry, and a cautious balan-
cing disposition,. We may apply to him the
wonis of Scripture, " He could mount np
with wings as an eagle, he could run ana
not be weary, he couldtoa^X; and not be faint.^
Air, earth, and the things under the earth,
were equally familiar to him, and you are
amazed. to see how easily he can fold up the
mighty wings which had swept the ether,
and '*knit" the mountain to the sky, and turn
to mole-like minings in the depths of the
miry clay, which he found it necessary also
to explore. These vast and various powers
he had fed with the most extensive, most
minute, most accurate, most artistically man-
aged reading, with elaborate study, with the
closest yet kindliest observation of human
nature, and with free and copious intercourse
with all classes of men. And to inspirit and
inflame their action, there were a profound
sense of public duty, ardent benevolence, the
passions of a hot but generous heart, and a
strong- felt, although uncanting and unosten-
tatious piety.
2. His possible achievements. To what
was a man like this, who could at once soar
and delve, overtop the mountain, skim the
surface, and explore the mine, not competent?
He was, shall we say ? a mental cameleopard
— patient as the camel, and as the leopard
swift and spotted with splendor. We nave
only in his present works the fragments of
his genius. Had he not in some measure,
** Bom for the universe, narrowed his mind,
And to party given up what was meant for
mankind, '
what rich works on general subjects had he
written ! It had been, perhaps, a system of
philosophy, merging and kindling into poetry,
resembling Brown's "Lectures," but informed
by more masculine genius; or it hvd been,
perhaps, a treatise on the Science of Politics,
viewed on a large and liberal scale ; or it had
been, perhaps, a history of his country,
abounding in a truer philosophy and a more
powerful narrative than Hume, and in pic-
tures more brilliant than Macaulay^s ; or it
had been, perhaps, a work on the profound-
er principles of literature or of art ; or it had
been, perhaps — for this too was in his power
— some stram of solemn poetry, rising higher
than Akenside or Thomson ; or else some
noble Argument or Apology for the faith
that was in him in the blessed religion of
Jesus. Any or all of these tasks we believe
to have been thoroughly within the compass
of Burke's universal mind, had his lot been
otherwise cast, and had his genius not been
1858.]
MODERN BRITISH ORATOBR
2f>3
so fettered by oircumstonce and subject, that
be Beems at times a splendid generalizer in
chains.
8. These decided views, as to the grand
possibilities of this powerful spirit, must not
be permitted to blind us to what he has
actually done. This, alike in quantity and in
quality, challenges our wonder. Two mon-
ster octavos of his works are lying before us ;
and we believe that, besides, there is extant
matter from his pen equal to another volume.
What strikes you most about the quality of
his writing, is the amazinpf restlessness and
richness of his thought. His book is an ant-
hill of stirring, swarming, blackening ideas
and images. His style often reposes — his
mind never. Hall very unjustly accuses him
«f amplification. There are, indeed, a few
passages of superb amplification sprinkled
through his writings ; but this is rarely his
manner, and you never, as in some writers,
see a thought small as the bodj gf a midge
suspended between the wingrs of an eagle.
He has too much to say, to care in general
about expanding or beating it thin. Were
he dallying long with, or seeking to distend,
an image, an hundred more would become
impatient for their turn. Foster more truly
remarks, ^ Burke's sentences are pointed at
the end — instinct with pungent sense to the
last syllable, they are like a charioteer's
whip, which not only has a long and effective
lash, but cracks and inflicts a still smarter
sensation at the end. They are like some
serpents, whose life is said to be fiercest in
the tail." It is a mind full to overflowing,
pouring out, now calmly and now in tumult
and heat, now deliberately and now in swift
torrents, its thoughts, feelings, acquirements,
and speculations. This rich restlessness
might, by and by, become oppressive, were
it not for the masterly ease of manner, and
the great variety, as well as quantity, of
thinking. He never harps too long on one
string. He is perpetually making swift and
subtle transitions from the grave to the gay,
from the severe to the lively, from facts to
figures, from statistics to philosophical specu-
lations, from red-hot invective to caustic
irony, from the splendid filth of his abuse to
the flaming cataracts of his eloquence and
poetry. His manner of writings has been ac-
cused of '^ caprice," but unjustly. Burke
was a great speculator on style, and was
regulated in most of its movements by the
principles of art, as well as impelled by the
force of genius. He held, for instance, that
every great sentence or paragraph should
contain a thought, a sentiment, and an image ;
and we find this rule attended to in all his
more elaborate passages. He was long
thought a " flowery and showy" writer, and
contrasted, by Parr and others, unfavorably
with such writers as Macintosh and even
Paine. Few now will have the hardihood to
reiterate such egregious nonsense. His flow-
ers were, indeed, numerous ; but they sprang
out naturally, and were the unavoidable
bloom of deep and noble thought. We call
the foam of a little river " froth," that of
Niagara, or the ocean, "spray." Burke's
imagination was the giant spray of a giant
stream, and his fancy resembled the rain-
bows which often appear suspended in it.
Besides all this, he had unlimited command
of words and allusions, culled from every
science, and art, and page of history ; and
this has rendered, and will ever render, his
writings legible to those who cire very little
for his political opinions, and have slender
interest in the causes he won or lost. His
faults were not numerous, although very
palpable. He cannot always reason with
calm consecutiveness. He sometimes per*
mits, not so much his imagination, as his
morbidly active intellect and his fierce pas-
sions, to run him into extravagance. He
lays often too much stress upon small causes,
although this sprung from what was one of
his principal powers — that of generalizing
from the particular, and, Cuvier-like, seeing
entire mammoths in small and single bones.
He is occasionally too truculent in his invec-
tive, and too personal in his satire. His
oracular tone is sometimes dogmatic and
offensive ; and he frequently commits errors
of taste, especially when his descriptions
verge upon the humorous ; for. Irishman
though he was, his wit and humor were far
inferior to his other powers.
We select three, from among his produc-
tions, for short special criticism : his Speech
on the Nabob of Arcot's debts, his " Reflec-
tions on the French Elevolution," and his
" Letters on a Regicide Peace." The first is
probably the most complete oration in litera-
ture. Henry Rogers, indeed, prefers the
speeches of Demosthenes, as higher speci-
mens of pure oratory ; and so they are, if
you take oratory in a limited sense, as the
art of persuasion and immediate effect. But.
Burke's speech, if not in this sense equal to
the " Pro Corona," even as Milton's " Areo-
pagitica" is not in this sense equal to Sheri-
dan on the *' Begum Charge," is, in all other
elements which go to constitute the excel-
lence of a composition, incomparably supe-
rior. You see a great mind meeting with a
204
If ODEBN BBiriBH bSATORa
[Oclt
great subject, and intimate with it» in all its
length, and breadth, and depth, and thick-
ness ; here diving down into its valleys, and
there standing serene upon its heights ; here
ranging at ease thrown its calms, and there,
with tyrant nerve, ruhng its storms of pas-
sion and harrowing interest. The picture of
Hyder All, and of the " Cloud" which burst
upon the plains of the Camatic, has been
subjected to Brougham's clumsy and captious
criticism, but has come out unscathed ; and,
we venture to say, that in massive, unforced
magnificence it remains unsurpassed. There
is no trick, no heaving effort, no " double,
double toil and trouble," as in most of Lord
Brougham's own elaborate passages. The
flight is as calm and free, as it is majestic
and powerful ;
*^ Sailing with supreme dominion,
Through the azure deep of air.'*
His "Reflections" was certainly the most
powerful pamphlet ever written, if pamphlet
It can be called, which is only a pamphlet in
form, but a book in reality. It should have
been called a " Reply to the French Revo-
lution." Etna had spoken, and this was
Vesuvius answering in feebler, but still strong
and far-heard thunder. Its power was
proved by its effect. It did not, indeed,
create the terror of Europe against that
dreadful Shape of Democracy which had
arisen over its path, and by its shadow had
turned all the waters into blood ; but it con-
densed, pointed, and propelled the common
fear and horror into active antagonism with
its opponent. It sharpened the sword of
the prevailing desire for the fight. It was
the first wild wailing trumpet of a battle-
field of twenty-four years' duration. One is
reminded of the contest between Fingal and
the Spirit of Loda. There seemed, at first,
a great disparity between the solitary warrior
and the dreadful Form riding upon the mid-
night tempest, and surrounded with his
panoply of clouds. But the warrior was
ipse agmeut his steel was sharp and true ; he
struck at the demon, and the demon shrieked,
rolled himself together, and retired a space,
to return, however, again, with his painful
wound healed, and the fury of his blasts
aggravated, when there was no Burke to
oppose him. The merits of this production
are, we think, greatly enhanced by the sim-
plicity of the vehicle in which its thoughts
ride. The book is a letter ; but such a let-
ter 1 It reminds us of a Brobdignagian
epistle. In this simplest shape of literature,
we find philosophy the most subtle ; invec-
tive the most sublime ; speculation the most
fior-stretching ; Titanic ridicule, like the
cachinnation of a Cyclops ; piercing pathos ;
powerful historic painting; and eloquence
the most dazzling that ever combined depth
with splendor. That it is the ultimate esti-
mate of * the French Revolution, is contended
for by no one. That shall only be seen after
the history of earth is ended, and after it is
all inscribed (to allude to the beautiful
Arabian fable) in laconics of light ever
" Allah's head ;" but, meantime, while ad-
mitting that Burke's view of it is in some
points one-sided, and in others colored hj
prejudice, we contend that he has, with
general fidelity, painted the thing as it thea
was — the bloody bantling as he saw it in the
cradle — although he did not foresee that
circumstances and events were greatly to
modify and soften its features, as it advanced.
Let him have praise, at least, for this, that he
discerned and exposed the true character of
modem infidelity, which, amid all the dis-
guises it has since assumed, is still, and shall
remain till its destruction, the very monster
of vanity, vice, malignity, and sciolism*
which he has, by a few touches of lightning,
shown it to be. How thoroughly he com-
prehended the devil-inspired monkey, Vol-
taire ; and the winged frojg, Rousseau ; and
that iron machine of artbtic murder, Carnot;
and La Fayette, the republican coxcomb;
and that rude incarnation of the genius of
the guillotine, Robespierre I Through those
strange satanic shapes he moves in the
majesty of his virtue and his manly genius,
like a lofty human being through the corner
of a museum appropriated to monsters —
not, like Carlyle, snuffing the tainted air, and
doing violence to his own senses by seeking
to include them in the catalogue x>f men, nor
in an attitude of effected pity and transcen-
dental charity; — but feeling and saying,
" How ugly and detestable these miscreations
are, and, faugh 1 what a stench they emit."
In a similar spirit, and with even greater
power, does he seek to exorcise the evil
spirit of his times, m his "Letters on a
Regicide Peace." These glorious fraffments
employed his last hours, and the shadow
of the grave lies solemnly upon them, fluc-
tuating, as it were, at times, in the breath of
his impetuous genius. When he wrote
them, although far from being a very old
man (he was just sixty-four), yet the cur-
tains of hb life's hope had suddenly been
dropped around him. It was not that he
and his old friends, the Whigs, had qurrelled ;
it was not that he had stood by the death-
1858.]
MODERK BBmSH ORATOBa
205
bed of Johnson, and had undergone the far
severer pang which attended his divorce
from the friendship of Fox ; it was not that
his circumstances were straitened; it was
not that hu motives were misrepresented ;
it was not that ^* misery had made him ac-
quainted wMth strange bedfellows/' and
driven him to herd with beings so inferior
and radically different as Pitt and Dundas ;
— but it was that death had snatched away
him in whom he had " garnered up his heart
— ^his son. Be it that that son was not all
his father had thought him to be, to others
— he VHU it all to him. If not rich himself,
was it nothing that his father had lavished
on him his boundless wealth of esteem and
affection ? As it is, he shines before us in
the light of his father's eloquence for ever-
more. Strange and enviable this power of
Senius 1 It can not only *' give us back the
ead even in the loveliest looks they wore,*'
but it can give them a loveliness they never
possessed; it can defy the obscure, it can
illuminate the dark/it can enbalm the de-
cayed ; and in its transforming splendor, the
common worm becomes a glow-worm, the
common cloud a cloud of fire and glory,
every arch a nunbow, every spark a star,
and every star a sun. It can preserve ob-
scure sorrows, and the obscurer causes of
these sorrows, and hang a splendor in the
tears of childhood, and eternize th& pathos
of those little pangs which rend little hearts.
How De Quincey, for example, has beautified
the sorrows, ana peculiarities, and small ad-
ventures of his boyhood — and in what a
transfiguring beam of imagination does he
show the dead face of his dear sister, Eliza-
beth!* And this young Burke sleeps at
once guarded and glorified beneath the
bright angel wings of his father's mighty
genius.
It is most affecting to come upon those
plaintive expressions of desolation which
abound in Burke's later works, as where he
calls himself an ** unhappy man," and wishes
to be permitted to " enjoy in his retreat the
melancholy privileges of obscurity and sor-
* The anthor, in this beantifiil panage, refers to
the "Atttobiographieal Sketehea" of Thomas de
Qnincey, last publiahed, formiDg the first volume
of his ooflected and selected worka^ The readers
of this jounial know the reason why we do not
draw their attention to thi» volame, by extracting
from it, or otherwise; but no feeling of delicacy
ahall prevent us from anggesting, that they will do
themselves a lastinff benefit by beeoming subaori-
ben to the work. — Mitar^
row ;" and where he compares himself to an
" old oak stripped of his honors, and torn
up by the roots." But not for nothing
were these griefs permitted to environ him.
Through the descending cloud, a mighty
inspiration stooped down upon his soul.
Gnef roused, and bared, and tossed up his
spirit to its very depths. He compares him-
self to Job, lying on his dunghill, and in-
sulted by the miserable comfort of his
friends. And as Job's silent anguish broke
out at last into sublime curses, and his
dunghill heaved up into a burning prophetic
peak, so it was with the " old man eloquent"
oefore us. From his solitary Beaconsfield,
with its large trees moaning around, as if in
sympathy with his incommunicable sorrow,
he uttered prophetic warnings which startled
Europe; he threw forth pearls of deepest
thought and purest eloquence; he blew war-
blasts of no uncertain sound, to which
armies were to move, and navies to expand
their vast white wings ; he poured out plaints
of sorrow, which melted the hearts of millions ;
his "lightnings also lie shot out," forked
bolts of blasting invective, against the ene-
mies or pretended friends, the impostors
high or low, who dared to intrude on his
sacred solitude ; and it fared alike with a
Duke of Bedford and a Thomas Taine, as
with the rebel angels in Milton : —
" On each wing
Uriel and Raphael, his vaunting foe,
Though huge, and in a rock of diamond arm*d,
Vanquish^ Adramelech and Asmadai,
Two potent thrones, that to be less than ^ods
Disdam'd, hat meaner thoughts learnM in their
filght,
Mangled with ghastly wounds through plate and
mail.
Nor stood unmindful Abdiel to annoy
The atheist crew, but, with redoubled blow,
Ariel and Arioch, and the violence
Of Ramiel scc^rch'd and blasted, overthrew.'*
But he had not only the inspiration of
profound misery, but that, also, of a power
projected forward from eternity. He knew
that he was soon to die, and the motto of
all his later productions might have been*
" Moriturus vos saluto." This gave a deeper
tone to his tragic warnings, a higher dignity
to prophetic attitude, and a weightier em-
phasis to his terrible denunciations. He
reminded inen of that wild-eved prophet,
who ran around the wall of doomed Jeru-
salem till he sank down in death, and cried
out, " Wo, wo, wo, to thifl city." In the
utterance of such wild but musical and
106
MODERN BRmSH ORATOB&
[Oct,
meaning cries, did Burke breathe out bis
spirit.
The " Regicide Peace" contains no pas-
sages so well known as some in the " Reflec-
tions," but has, on the whole, a profounder
vein of thinking, a bolder imagery, a richer
and more peculiar language, as well as
certain long and high-wrought paragraphs,
which have seldom been surpassed. Such
is his picture of Carnot " snorting away the
fumes of the undigested blood of his sove-
reign ;" his comparison of the revolutionary
France to Algiers ; his description of a sup-
posed entrance of the regicide ambassadors
into London : and the magnificent counsels
he g^ive Pitt as to what he thought should
have been his manner of conducting the war.
As we think this one of the noblest swells
of poetic prose in the language, and have
never seen it quoted, or even alluded to by
•former critics, we shall give it entire : —
" After such an elaborate display had
been made of the injustice and insolence of
an enemy, who seems to have been irritated
by every one of the means which had com-
monly been used with effect to soothe the
rage of intemperate power, the natural re-
sult would be, that the scabbard in which
we in vain attempted to plunge our sword,
should have been thrown away with
scorn. It would have been natural, that,
rising in the fulness of their might, insulted
magesty, despised dignity, violated justice,
rejectea supplication, patience goaded into
fury, would have poured out all the length
of the reins upon all the wrath they had so
long restrained. It might have been ex-
pected, that, emulous of the glory of the
youthful hero (Archduke Charles of Austria)
in alliance with him, touched by the example
of what one man, well formed and well placed,
may do in the most desperate state of affairs,
convinced there is a courage of the cabinet
full as powerful, and far less vulgar, than
that of the field, our minister would have
changed the whole line of that useless pros-
perous prudence, which had hitherto pro-
duced all the effects of the blindest temerity.
If he found his situation full of danger (and
I do not deny that it is perilous in the ex-
treme), he must feel that it is also' full of
glory, and that he is placed on a stage, than
which no muse of fire, that bad ascended
the highest heaven of invention, could ima-
gine anything more awful or august. It
was hoped that, in this swelling scene in
which he moved, with some of the first
potentates of Europe for his fellow -actors,
and with so many of the rest for the anxious
spectators of a part which, 68 be plays it,
determines for> ever their destiny and his
own, like Ulysses in the unravelling point of
the epic story, he would have thrown off
his patience and his rags together, and,
stripped of unworthy disguises, he would
have stood forth in the form and in the
attitude of a hero. On that day it was
thought he would have assumed the port
of Mars; that he would h^ive bid to be
brought forth from their hideous kennel
(where his scrupulous tenderness had too
long immured them) these impatient dogs
of war, whose fierce regards affright even
the minister of vengeance that feeds them ;
that he would let them loose, in famine,
fever, plagues, and death, upon a guilty
race, to whose frame, and to all whose habit,
order, peace, religion, and virtue are alien
and abhorrent. It was expected that he
would at last have thought of active and
effectual war ; that he would no longer
amuse the British lion in the chase of rats
and mice ; that he would no longer employ
the whole power of Great Britain, once the
terror of the world, to prey upon the
miserable remains of a peddlrng commerce,
which the enemy did not regard, and from
which none could profit. It was expected
that he would have re-asserted the justice
of his cause ; th&t he would have re-animated
whatever remained to him qf his allies, and
endeavored to recover those whom their fears
had led astray ; that he would have re-
kindled the martial ardor of his citizens;
that he would have held out to them the
example of their ancestry, the asserier of
Europe, and the scourge of French ambition ;
that he would have reminded them of a
posterity, which, if this nefarious robbery,
nnder the fraudulent nan^e and false color
of a government, should in full power be
seated in the heart of Europe, must for ever
be consigned to vice, impiety, barbarism, and
the most ignominious slavery of body and
mind. In so holy a cause, it was presumed
that he would (as in the beginning of the
war he , did) have opened all the temples,
and, with prayer, with fasting, and with
supplication (better directed than to the
grim Moloch of regicide France,) have called
upon us to raise that united cry which has
so often stormed heaven, and, with a pious
violence, forced down blessings upon a re-
pentant people. It was hoped that, when
he had invoked upon his endeavors the
favorable regards of the Protector of the
human race, it would be seen that his mena-
ces to the enemy, and his prayers to the
1859.]
MODERN BRITISH ORATOR&
201
Almighty, were not followed, but accom-
panied, with corresponding action. It was
hoped that bis shrilling trumpet should be
heard» not to announce a show, but to sound
a charge."
We come now to Burke as an orator. And
here we must correct a prevailing miscon-
ception. Many seem to imagine that he had
no power of oratorical expression ; that he
was a mere " dinner-bell ;" and that all his
speeches, however splendid, fell still-born
from his lips. So far was this from being
the case, that his very first orations in Par-
liament— those, namely, on the Stamp Act —
delivered when he had yet a reputation to
make, according to Johnson, " filled the town
with wonder;' ^an effect which, we fancy,
their mere merit, if unaccompanied by some
energy and interest of delivery, could hardly
have produced. So long as he was in office
under Lord Rockingham, and under the Co*
alition Ministry, he was listened to with def-
erence and admiration. His speech against
Hastings was waited for with greater eager-
ness, and heard with greater admiration, than
any of that brilliant series, except, perhaps,
Sheridan's on the Begum Charge ; and in
its closing passage, impeaching Hastings " in
the name of human nature itself,'* it rose,
even as to effect, to a height incomparably
above any of the rest. His delivery, indeed,
and voice were not first-rate, but only frib*
biers or fools regard such things much, or at
least long, in a true drator ; and when Burke
beoanae fully roused, his minor defects were
always either surmounted by himself, or for-
gotten by others. The real secret of his
parliamentary unpopularity, in his latter
years, lay, Ist, in the envy with which his
matchless powers were regarded ; 2d, in
his fierce and ungovernable temper, and the
unguarded violence of his language ; 3d, in
the uncertainty of his position and circum-
stances ; and, lastly, in the fact, as Johnson
has it, that *' while no one could deny that
he spoke well, yet all granted that he spoke
too often and too long. His soul, besides,
generally soared above his audience, and
sometimes forgot to return. In honest Gold-
smith's version of it,
*' Too deep for his hearers, he went on refining,
And thought of convincing, while they thought
of dining.'*
But he could never be put down to the last,
and might, had he chosen, have contested
the cheap palm of instant popularity even
with the most voluble of his rivals. But the
"play was not worth the candle." He
mingled, indeed, with their temporary con-
flicts ; but it was like a god descending from
Ida to the plains of Troy, and sharing in the
vulgar shock of arms, with a high celestial
purpose in view. He was, in fact, over the
heads of the besotted parliaments of his day,
addressing the ears of all future time, and
has not been inaudible in that gallery.
Goldsmith is right in saying that so far he
"narrowed his mind." But, had he nar-
rowed it a little farther, he could have pro-
duced so much the more of immediate im-
pression, and so much the more have circum-
scribed his future influence and power. He
w<M by nature what Clootz pretended to be,
and what all genuine speakers should aim at
being, '* an orator of the liuman race," and
he never altogether lost sight of this his high
calling. Hence, while a small class adored
him, and a large class respected, the majority
found his speaking apart from their purpose,
and if they listened to it, it was from a cer-
tain vague impression that it was something
great and splendid, only not very intelligible,
and not at all practical. In fact, the brilhance
of bis imagination, and the restless play of
his ingenuity, served often to conceal the
solid depth and practical bearings of his wis-
dom. Men seldom give a famous man credit
for all the faculties he possesses. If they
dare not deny his gonius, they deny his sense;
or, if they are obliged to admit his sense,
they question his genius. If he is strong, he
cannot be beautiful, and if beautiful, he must
be weak. That Burke suffered much from
this false and narrow style of criticism, is un-
questionable ; but that he was ever the gi-
gantic bore on the floor of the House of
Commons which some pretend, we venture
to doubt. The fact was probably this — on
small matters, he was thought prosy, and
coughed down, but, whenever there was a
large load to be lifted — a great question to be
discussed — a Hastings to be crushed, or a
French revolution to be analysed — the eyes
of the House instinctively turned to the seat
where the profound and brilliant man was
seated, and their hearts irresistibly acknow-
ledged, at times, what their tongues and
prejudices often denied.
And yet it is amusing to find, from a state-
ment of Burke's own, that the Whigs whom
he had deserted solaced themselves for the
unparalleled success of the " Reflections on
the French Revolution," by underrating it in
a literary point of view. Is this the spirit of
real or of mock humility in which he speaks,
in his " Appeal from the New to the Old
Whigs ?" '* The gentlemen who in the name
208
HODERK BRITISH OBATOBa
[Oct,
of the party have passed sentence on Mr.
Burke's book in the lieht of literary criticism,
are judges above all challenge. He did not
indeed flatter himself that, as a writer, he
could claim the approbation of men whos^
talents, in his judgment and in the public
judgment, approach to prodigies, if ever such
persons should be disposed to estimate the
merit of a composition upon the standard of
their own ability.*' Surely this must be
ironical, else it would seem an act of volun-
tary humility as absurd as though De Quincy
were deferring in matters of philosophy or
style to the " superior judgment" of some of
our American-made doctors ; or as though
Mrs. Stowe were to dedicate her next novel
to the author of the "Coming Struggle."
Pretty critics they were ! Think of the glo-
rious eloquence wisdom, passions, and poe-
try, the " burning coals of juniper, sharp
arrows of the strong," to be found in every
page of the "Reflection," the power of
which had almost stifled the ire of a na-
tion, and choked up a volcano which was
setting the world in flames ; sneered at by
two men, at least, not one of whose works
is now read — by the writer of a farrago like
the ** Spital Sermon," or by the author of
such illegible dullness as the "History of
James II.," or even by Sheridan, with his
clever, heartless plays, and the brilliant fal-
setto of his speeches ; or even by Macintosh,
with the rhetorical logic and forced flowers
of his "Vindiciae Gallicse." Surely Burke
did, in his heart, appeal from their tribunal
to that of a future age. To do Macintosh
justice, he learned afterwards to form a far
loftier estimate of the author of the "Re-
flections." He was, soon after the publica-
tion of his "Vindiciae Gallicse," invited to
speed some days at Beaconsfield. There be
found the old giant, now toying on the car-
pet with little children, now cracking bad
lOkes and the vilest of puns, and now pour-
mg out the most magnificent thoughts and
images. * In the course of a week's animated
discussion on the French Revolution, and
many cognate subjects, Macintosh was com-
pletely converted to Burke's views, and came
back impressed with an opinion of his genius
and character, far higher than his writings
had given him. Indeed, his speech in de-
fence of Peltier — by much the most eloquent
of his published speeches — bears on it the
fiery traces of the influence which Burke had
latterly exerted on his mind. The early ser-
mons too, and the " Apology for the Liberty
of the Press," by Hall, are less colored, than
created by the power which Burke's writings '
had exerted on his dawning genius. But
more of this afterwards.
What a pity that Boswell had not been
bom a twin, and that the brother had not
attached himself as fondly and faithfully to
Burke, as Jemmy to Johnson! Boswell's
life of Burke would now have been even
more popular than Boswell's Life of John-
son. For, if Johnson's sayings were more
pointed and witty, Burke's were profounder
and sublimer far. Johnson had lived as
much with books and with certain classes of
men, but Burke had conversed more with
the silent company of thoughts; and all
grand generalizations were to nim palpable,
familiar, and iife-like as a gallery of pictures.
Johnson was a lainr, slumbering giant, sel-
dom moving himself except to strangle the
flies which bussed about his nostrils ; Burke
wrought like a Cyclops in his cave, or like a
Titan, piling up mountains as stepping-stones
to heaven. Johnson, not Burke, was the
master of amplification, from no poverty, but
from indolence ; he often rolled out sounding
surges of commonplaces, with no bark and
little beauty, upon i1^ swell of the wave ;
Burke's mind, as we. have seA" before, was
morbidly active; it was impatient #QYrcular
movement round an idea, or of floise and
agitation without progress : his motto ever
was " Onwards," and his eloquence always
bore the stamp of thought. Johnson looked
at all things through anjitniosphereof gloom;
Burke was of a more sanguine temperament;
and if cobwebs did at any time gather, the
breath of his anger or of his industry speed-
ily blew them away. Johnson had mingled
principally with scholars, or the middle class
of the community ; Burke was brought early
into contact with statesmen, the nobility and
gentry, and this told both upon his private
manners and upon his knowledge of human
nature. Johnson's mind was of the sharp,
strt)ng, sturdy order ; Burke's, of the subtle,
deep, revolving sort; as Goldsmith said, he
" wound into every subject like a serpent."
Both were honest, fearless, and pious men ;
but, while Burke's honesty sometimes put on
a court dress, and his fearlessness sometimes
" licked the dust," and his piety could stand
at ease ; Johnson in all these points was ever
roughly and nakedly the same. Johnson, in
wit, vigor of individual sentences, and solemn
pictures of human life, and its sorrows and
frailties, was above Burke ; but was as far
excelled by him in power of generalization,
vastness of range and reading, exuberance of
fancy, daring rnetoric, and m skillful man-
agement and varied cadence of style. John-
1858.]
HODXRir BRTTIBH ORATOB&
208
son had a philosophical vein, but it had
never received much culture; Burke's had
been carefully fed, and failed only at times
througn the subjects to which it was directed.
Johnson's talk, although more brilliant, me-
morable, and imposing, was also more set,
starched, and produced with more effort
than Burke's, who seemed to talk admirably
because he could not help it, or, as his great
rival said, ** because his mind was full."
Johnson was, notwithstanding his large pro-
portions, of the earth earthy, after all ; his
wingSy like those of the ostrich, were not
commensurate with his size ; Burke, to vast
bulk and stature, added pinions which bore
him from peak to peak, and from one gor-
geous tract of "cloudland" to another.
Boswell and Prior have preserved only a
few specimens of Burke's conversation, which
8re» however, so rich as to excite deep regret
Chat more has not been retained ; and a pro-
found conviction that his traditional reputa-
tion has not been ezaggeratedt and that his
talk was the truest revelation of bis powers.
Every one knows the saying of Dr. Johnson,
that you could not go with Burke under a
shed to shun a shower, without saying, "this
is an extraordinary man." Nor was this
merely 'because he could talk cleverly and at
random, on all subjects, and hit on brilliant
things ; but that he seemed to have weighed
and digested his thoughts, and prepared and
adjusted his language on all subjects, at the
same time that impulse and excitement were
ever ready to sprinkle splendid impromptus
upon the stream of his speech. He combmed
the precision and perfect preparation of the
lecturer, with the ease and fluency of the con-
versationalist. He did not, like some, go on
throwing out shining paradoxes; or, with
fithers, hot gorgeous metaphors, hatched be-
tween excitement and vanity ; or, witli others^
ffive prepared and polished orations, disguised
m the likeness of extempore harangues ; or,
with others, perpetually strive to startle, to
perplex, to mystify, and to shine ; or, with
others still, become a kind of oracle, or ste-
reotyped prophet, coiled up in the ^corner of
a drawing-room, and uttering voces ambigueu,
Borke's talk was that of a thoroughly fur-
lUBhed, gifted, and profoundly informed man,
ikmkinp aloud. His conversation was just
the course of a great, rich river, winding at
ha sweet or its wild will-'-always full, often
overflowing ; sometimes calm, and sometimeB
fretted and fierce; sometimes level and deep,
and aometim^ starred with spray, or leaping
into cataracts; Who shall venture to give us
an ''imaginary conversation" between him
TOLb XXX. NO. IL
and Johnson, on the subject referred to by
Boswell, of the comparative merits of Homer
and Virgil, or on some similar topic, in a style
that shall adequately represent the point,
roughness, read mess, and sense of the one,
and the subtlety, varied knowledge, glares of
sudden metaphonc illumination, crossing the
veins of profound reflection, which distin-
guished the other — the " no, sirs," and the
*• therefores" of the one, with the *' huts,"*
the '*unlesses," and the terrible "excuse me,
sirs" of the other ? We wonder that Savage
Landor has never attempted it, and brought
in poor Burns — the only man then living in
Britain quite worthy to be a third party in
the dialogue ; now to shed his meteor light
upon the matter of the argument ; and now,
by his wit or song, to soothe, and calm, and
harmonize the minds of the combatants.
Burke's talk is now, however, as a whole»
irrecoverably lost. What an irrepressible^
sigh^escapes us, as we reflect that this is true
of so many noble spirits I Their works may
remain with us, but that fine aroma which
breathed in their conversation, that wondrous
beam which shone in their very eyes, are for
ever gone. They have become dried flowerSb
Some of the first of men, indeed, have had
nothing to lose in this respect. Their coa-
Yen»ation was inferior to their general powera.
Their works were evening shadows, more
gigantic than themselves. We have, at least,
their essence preserved in their writings.
This probably is true even of Shakspere and
Milton. But Johnson, Burke, Bums, and
Coleridge were so constituted, that conversa-
tion was the only magnet that could draw out
the full riches of their transcendent genius ;
and all of them would have required each hia
own Siamese twin to have accompanied him
through life, and with the pen and the pa-
tience of BoKzy, to have preserved the con-
tinual outpourings of their fertile brains and
fluent tongn<B8. We are not, however, argu-
ing their superiority to the two just mentioned,
or to others of a similar stamp, whose wri-
tings were above their talk — far the reverse
— but are simply asserting that we may re-
gret more the comparative meagreness of
biography in the case of the one class than
of the other.
Burke, in private, was unquestionably the
most blameless of the eminent men of his dav.
He was, in all his married life at least, entirely
free from the licentiousness of Fox, the dissi-
Eation of Sheridan, and the hard-drinking
abita of Pitt. But he was also the most
amiable and actively-benevolent of them.
Wise as a serpent, he was harmless as a (^
U
810
MODERN BRIUBH OBATOBa
[Oct.,
and» when the deep sources of his virtuous
indignation were not touched, gentle as a
lainb. Who has forgot his fatherly interest
in poor Crabbc — that flower blushjng and
drooping unseen, till Burke lifted it up in his
hand, and gave his protege bread and immor-
tality ? or his kindness to rough, thankless
Barry, whom he taught and counselled as
wisely as if .he had been a prophet of art, not
Eolitlcs, and as if he had studied nothing else
ut painting (proving thus, besides his tender
heart, that a habit and power of deep and
genuine thinking can easily be transferred
from one branch to all, and that the great
genius is great all round — a truth substantia-
ted, besides, by the well-known aid be ffave
Sir Joshua Reynolds in his lectures) ; or last,
not least, his Good Samaritan treatment of
the wretched street-stroller he met, topk
home, introduced, after hearing her story, to
Mrs. Burke, who watched over, reformed,
and employed her in her service ? " These
are deed^ which must not pass away." Like
green laurels on the bald head of a Caesar,
they add a beauty and softness to the gran-
deur of Burke'a mind, and leave you at a loss
(fine balance! rare alternative I compliment,
like a biforked sunbeam, cutting two ways!)
whether more to love or to admire him. Fit
it was that be should have passed that
noble panegyric on Howard, the ''Circum-
navigator of Charity," which now stands, and
shall eternally stand, like a mountain before
Its bla^k and envious shadow, over against
Carlyle's late unhappy attack on the unri-
▼ailed philanthropist.
We promised a word on Burke's oritios.
They have been numerous and various. From
Johnson, Fox, Laurence, Macintosh, Words-
worth, Brougham, Hazlitt, Macaulay, De
Quincey, Croly, H. Rogers, <&c., down to
Prior, &c, Johnson gave, again and again,
his sturdy verdict in his favor, which was
more valuable then than it is npw. " If I
were," he said, when once ijl and unable to
talk, ** to meet that fellow Burke to-night, it
would kill me." Fox admitted that he had
learn^ more from Burke's conversation than
from all his reading and experience put to-
ffether. Laurence, one of his executors, has
left recorded his glowing sense of his friend's
genius and virtues. Of Macintosh's admira-
tion We have spoken above; although, in an
article which appeared in the " Edinburgh
Review," somewhere in 1830, he seems to
modify his approbation; induced to this,
partly, perhaps, by the influences of Holland
bouse, and partly by those chilb of age
which, falling on the higher genius and na-
ture of Burke, served only to revive and
stimulate him, but which damped whatever
glow Macintosh once had. Wordsworth's
lofty estimate is given in Lord John Russell's
recent biography of Moore, and serves not
only to prove what his opinion wlus, but to
establish a strong distinction between the
mere dilettante litterateur like Canning, and
the mere statesman like Pitt, and a man who,
like Burke, combined the deepest knowledge
of politics, and the most un^ected love for
literature and literary men. Brougham's
estimate, in his "Statesmen," <&c., is not
exactly unfair, but fails, first, through his
lordship's profound unlikeness, in heart,
habits, kind of culture, taste, and genius, to
the subject of his critique — (Burke, to name
two or three distinctions, was always a care-
ful, while Brougham is often an extempore,
thinker. Burke is Cicero, and something far
more ; Brougham aspires to be a Demosthe-
nes, and is something far less. Burke rea-
sons philosophically — a mode of ratiocination
which, as we have seen, can be employed
with advantage on almost all subjects; Broug-
ham reasons geometrically, and is one of
those who, according to Arbtotle, are sure to
err when they turn their mathematical method
to moral or mental themes. Burke's process
of thought resembles the swift synthetic alge-
bra; Brougham's, the slow, plodding, geo-
metric analysis. Burke had prophetic in-
sight, earnestness, and poetic fire ; Brougham
has marvellous acuteness, the earnestness of
passion, and the fire of temperament. Burke
had genuine imagination^ Brougham had
none) ; and, second, through his prodigious
exaggeration of Burke's rivals, who, because
they were near and around, appear to him
cognate and equal, if not superior; even as
St. Peter's is said to be lessened in effect by
some tall but tasteless buildings in the neigh-
borhood ; and as the giant Ben Macdhui was
long concealed by the lofty but subordinate
hills which crush in aroi|nd him. Hazlitt,
Macaulay, and De Quincey have all seen
Burke in a truer light, and praised him in the
spirit of a more generous and richer recogni«
tion.
Hazlitt has made, he tells us, some dozen
attempts to describe Burke's style, without
pleasing himself, — so subtle and evasire he
found its elements, and so strange the com-
pound in it of matter of fact, speculation, and
poetic eloquence. His views of him, too,
veered about several times, — at least they
seem very different in his papers in the "Edin-
burgh'Review," and in his acknowledged
essays ; although we believe that at heart he
MODERN BRmSH OBATOBa
1858.]
always admired him to enthusiasm, and is
often his unconscious imitator. Macaulay has
also a thorough appreciation of Burke, the
more that he is said to fancy — it is nothing
more than a fancy — that there is a striking
resemblance between his hero and himself !
De Quincey following in this, Coleridge has
felt, and eloquently eicpressed, his immeasur-
able contempt for those who praise Burke's
fancy at the expense of his intellect. Dr.
Croly has published a Political Life of Burke,
full of eloquence and fervid panegyric, as
well as of strong discrimination; Burke is
manifestly his master, nor has he found an
unworthy disciple. Henry Rogers has edited
and prefaced an edition of Burke^s works, but
the prefixed essay, although able, is hardly
worthy of the author of *' Rieason and Faith, '
and its eloquence is of a laborious mechanical
sort. And Hall has, in his " Apology for the
Liberty of the Press," which was in part a
reply to the " Reflections," painted him by a
few beautiful touches, less true, however,
than they are beautiful ; and his pamphlet,
although carefully modelled on the writings
of his opponent, is not to be named beside
them in depth, compass of thought, richness
of imagery, or variety and natural vigor of
style ; his splendor, compared to Burke's, is
stiff; his thinkmg and his imagery imitative —
no more than in the case of Macaulay do you
ever feel yourself in contact with a "' great
virgin mind," melting down through the heat
and weight of its own exhaustless wealth,
although in absence of fault, stateliness of
manner, and occasional polished felicities of
expression. Hall is superior even to Burke.
That Burke was Junius, we do not believe :
but that Burke had to do with the com-
position of some of these celebrated letters,
we are as certain as if we had seen his careful
front, and dim, but searching eyes looking
through his spectacles over the MS* He
was notoriously (see Prior's Life) in the
secret of their authorship. Johnson thought
him the only man then alive capable of wri-
ting them. Hall's objection, that '* Burke's
freat power was amplification, while that of
unius was condensation," sprung, we think,
from a totally mistaken idea of the very
nature of Burke's mind. There is far more
condensed thinking and writing in many
. parts of Burke then in Junius, — the proof of
which is, that no prose writer in the language
except, perhaps, Dean Swift, has had so
many single sentences so often quoted. That
the motum of the mind of Junius differs ma-
terially from Burke's, is granted ; but we
could account for this (even although we
211
contended, which we do not, that he was the
sole author,) from the awkwardness of the
position in which the Anonymous would
necessarily place himself. He would become
like a n&an writing with his left hand. The
mask would confine as well as disguise him.
He durst not venture on that free and soar-
ing movement which was natural to him.
Who ever heard of a man in a mask swaying
a broadside? He always uses a stiletto or
a dagger. Many of the best things in Junius
are in one of Burke's manners; for, as we
have seen, many manners and styles were
his. He said to Boswell, in reference to
Crofts' "Life of Young," " It is not a good
imitation of Johnson : he has the nodosities
of the oak, without its strength — the con-
tortions of the sibyl, without her inspiration."
Junius says of Sir W. Draper, '• He has all
the melancholy madness of poetry, without
the inspiration.'^ How like to many sentences
in Burke are such expressions as these
(speaking of Wilkes:) — "The gentle breath
of peace would leave him on the surface, un-
ruffled and unremoved ; it is only the tem-
pest which lifts him from his place." We
could quote fifty pithy sentences from Junius
and from Burke, which, placed in parallel
columns, would convince an unprejudiced
critic that they came from the same mind.*
It is the union in both of point, polish, and
concentration — a union reminding you of the
deep yet shining sentences of Tacitus — that
establishes the identity. Junius has two salts
in his style — the sal acridum, and the sal
atticum. Sir Philip Francis was equal to the
supply of the first ; Burke alone to that of
the second. It adds to the evidence for this
theory, that Burke was fond of anonymous
writing, and that in it he occasionally *' chang-
ed his voice," and personated other minds :
think of his " Vindication of natural society,
in the manner of Lord Bolingbroke." He
* Amid the innumerable full-grown beauties, or
even hints of beaatieiv borrowed by after- writers
from Burke, we have just noticed one, which Mao-
Intoah, in hit famous letter to Hall, has appropri-
ated without acknowledgment It is where he
speaks of Hall turning from literature, Ac^ to -the
far nobler task of " rememherina the forgotteti,** ^c
This grand simplicitj, of which Maolntofth was
altogether incapable, maj be found in Burke's
panegyrio on Howard. Indeed, we wish we had
time to go over Burke*B works, and to prove that
a vast number of the profound or brilliant thiufcs
that have since been uttered (disguised, or partially
altered,) in most of our favourite writers on grave
subjects, present and past, are stolen from the great
fountain mind of the eighteenth century. We may
do so on some future occasion; and let the pla-
giarists tremble I Enough at present
212
MODERN BRTTIBH ORATOBa
[Oct,
often, too^ assisted other writers suh rosoj
such as Barry and Reynolds, in their pre-
lections on painting. We believe, in short,
this to be the truth on the subject : he was
in the confidence of the Junius Club — for a
club it confessedly was ; he overlooked many
of the letters ; (Prior asserts that he once or
twice spoke of what'was to be the substance
of a letter the day before it appeared ;) and
he supplied many of his inimitable touches,
just as Lord Jeffrey was wont to add spice
even to some of rlazlitt's articles iu the
"Edinburgh Review.'' So that he could
thus very safely and honestly deny, as be re-
peatedly did, that he was the author of
Junius, and yet have a strong finger in that
•trangely-concocted eel-^\e.
We come, lastly, to speak of the influence
which Burke has exerted upon his and our
times. This has been greater than most
even of his admirers believe. He was one of
the few parent minds which the world has
produced. Well does Burns call him " Dad-
die Burke." And both politics and literature
owe filial obligations to his unbounded genius.
In politics, he has been the father of moderate
Conservation, which is, at least, a tempering
of Toryism, if not its sublimation. That con-
servatism in politics and in church matters
exists now in Britain, is, we believe, mainly
owing to the genius of two men, Burke and
Coleridge. In literature, too, he set an ex-
ample that has been widely followed. He
unintentionally, and by the mere motion of
bis powerful mind, broke the chains in which
Johnson was binding our style and criticism,
without however, going back himself, or
leading back others, to the laxity of the
Addisonian manner. All good and vigorous
English styles since — that of Godwin, that
of Poster, that of Hall, that of Horsley, that
of Coleridge, that of Jeffrey, that of Hazlitt,
that of De Quincey, that of the "Times"
newspaper — are unspeakably indebted to the
power with which Burke stirred the stagnant
waters of our literature, and by which, while
professedly an enemy of revolutions, he him-
self established one of the greatest, most
beneficial, and most lasting — that, namely,
of a new, more impassioned, and less con-
ventional mode of addressing the intellects
and hearts of men.
Latterly, another change has threatened
to come over us. Some men of genius have
imported from abroad a mangled and mystic
Germanism, which has been for a while the
rage. This has not, however, mingled kindly
with the current of our literature. The
philosophic language or jargon-^-and it ia
partly both — of the Teutons has not been
well assimilated, or thoroughly digested
among us. From its frequent and affected
use, it b fast becoming & nuisance. While
thinkers have gladly availed themselves of
all that is really valuable in its terminology^
pretenders have still more eagerly sought
shelter for their conceit or morbid weakness
under its shield. The stuff, the verbiage,
the mystic bewilderment, the affectation, the
disguised common-place, which every per-
iodical almost now teems with, uqder the
form of this foreign, phraseology, are enor*
mous, abd would require a Swift, in a new
" Tale of a Tub" or •* Battle of the Books,"
to expose them. We fancy, however, we
see a reaction coming. Great is the Anglo-
Saxon, the language of Shakspere and Byron,
and it shall yet prevail over the feeble refine-
ments of the small toadies of the Teutonic
giants, Germany was long Britain's humble
echo and translator. Britain, please God!
shall never become its shadow. Britain's
literature never, shall we say ? can thus be-
come its own grandchild. Our thought, too,
and faith, which have suffered from the same
cause, are in due time to recover; nay, the
process of restoration is begun. And among
other remedies for the evil, while yet it in a
great measure continues, we strongly recom-
mend a recurrence to the works of our great
classics in the past ; and among their bright
list, let not him be forgotten who, apart from
his genius, his worth, and his political achieve-
ments, has in his works presented so
many titles to be considered hot only as the
facile princeps among the writers of his own
tibie, although this itself were high dis-
tinction, but as one of the first authors who,
in any age or country, ever speculated or
wrote.
185S.J
WniiAH MACGILUVRAT, THB NATUBALIBT.
213
From Elisa Cook'a J«arnaL
WILLIAM MAC6ILLIVKAY, THE NATURALIST.
This country has as yet produced no
naturalist so distinguished as Audubon in his
particular department of science. Wilson,
the Paisley weaver, published an admirable
work on the birds of Ainerica, and, having
settled in that countryi he oame to be regard-
ed as an American rather than as a British
writer. The subject of this memoir, who
died only a few months ago, certainly stands
at the head of all our native writers on
British birds. His history is similar to that
of many other ardent devotees of science
and art. His life was a long and arduous
struggle with difficulties, poverty, and neg-
lect ; and it was only towards the close of
his career, when he had completed the last
volume of his admirable work that he saw
the clouds which had obscured his early for-
tunes clearing away and showing him the
bright sky and sunshine beyond ; — but, alas I
the success came too late ; his constitution
had given way in the ardor of the pursuit,
and the self-devoted man of science sank
lamented into a too early grave.
William Macgillivray was bom at Aber-
deen, the son of comparatively poor parents,
who nevertheless found the means of sending
him to the university of his native town, in
which he took the degree of master of arts.
It was his intention to have taken out a
medical degree, and he served an appren-
ticeship to a physician with this view, but
his means were too limited, and his love of
natural history too ardent, to allow him to
follow the profession as a means of support.
He accordingly sought for a situation which
should at the same time enable him to sub-
sist and to pursue his favorite pursuit.
Such a situation presented itself in 1823,
when he accepted the appointment of assist-
ant and secretary to the regius professor of
natural history, and keeper of the museum
of the Edinburgh University. The collection of
natural history at that place is one of peculiar
excellence, and he was enabled to pursue his
studies with increased zest and profit, — not,
however, as regarded his purse, for the office
was by no means lucrative ; but, having the
charge of this fine collection, he was enabled
to devote his time exclusively to the study
of scientific ornithology during the winter,
while durinff the summer vacation he made
long excursions in the country in order to
investigate and record the habits of British
birds. He was afterwards appointed con-
servator to the museum of the Royal College
of Surgeons at Edinburgh, where we have
often seen him diligently pouring over, dis-
secting, and preparing the specimens which,
from time to time, were added to that fine
collection. It was while officiating in the
latter capacity that he wrote the three first
volumes of his elaborate work on British
birds. His spare time was also occupied in
the preparation of numerous other works on
natural history, some of them of standard
excellence, by which he was enabled to eke
out the means of comfortable subsistence.
Mr. Macgillivray was a man of indefati-
gable industry, of singular order and method
in his habits, a strict economist of time, every
moment of which he turned to useful account.
Although he studied and wrote upon many
subjects, — zoology, geology, botany, mol-
lusca, physiology, agriculture, the feeding of
cattle, soils and sub-soils, — ornithology was
always his favorite pursuit. He accom-
panied Audubon in most of his ornithological
rambles in Scotland, and doubtless imbibed
some portion of the ardent enthusiasm with
which the American literally burned. Mr.
Macgillivray wrote the descriptions of the
species, and of the alimentary and respiratory
organs for Audubon's great work. His own
British Birds reminds us in many parts of
the enthusiasm of Audubon, and of the grace
of that writer's style. Like him, Macgil-
livray used to watch the birds of which he
was in search by night and day. Wrapped
m his plaid, he would lie down upon the
open moor or on the hill-side, waiting the
approach of morning to see the feathered
tribes start up and meet the sun, to dart
after then: prey, or to feed their impatient
brood. We remember one such night spent
by him on the side of the Lammermoor b**^
21i
WILLIAM MACGILLIVBAY, THE NATORAUBT.
[Oct^
described in one of his early works, which is
fall of descriptive beauty as well as of sound
information upon the subject in hand. There
is another simiUr description of a night spent
by him among the mountains of Braemar.
He had been in search of the gray ptarmi-
gan, whose haunts and habits he was en-
gaged in studying at the time, and had traced
the river Dee far up to Us sources among the
hills, when all traces of the stream became
lost; clouds began to gather about the sum-
mits of the mountains, still he pressed on
towards the hill-top, until he found himself
on the summit of a magnificent precipice,
several hundred feet high, and at least half
a mile in length. " The scene," he says,
" that now presented itself to my view was
the«mo8t splendid that I had then seen. All
around rose mountains beyond mountains,
whose granite ridges, rugged and tempest-
beaten, furrowed by deep ravines worn by
the torrents, gradually became dimmer as
they receded, until at length on the verge of
the horizon they were blended with the
clouds or stood abrupt against the clear sky.
A solemn stillness pervaded all nature; no
living creature was to be seen ; the dusky
wreaths of vapor rolled majestically over the
dark valleys, and clung to the craggy sum-
mits of the everlasting hills. A melancholy,
pleasing, incomprehensible feeling creeps over
the soul when the lone wanderer contem-
plates the vast, the solemn, the solitary
scene, over which savage grandeur and ste-
rility preside.
.••♦*•♦
*' The summits of the loftier mountains ;
Oairngorm on the one hand,Ben-na-muic-dui,
and Benvrotan, on the other, and Loch-na-
gar on the south, were covered with mist ;
but the clouds had rolled westward from
Ben-na-buird, on which I stood, leaving its
summit entirely free. The beams of the
setting sun burst in masses of light here and
there through the openings in the clouds,
. which exhibited a hundred varying shades.
There, over the ridges of yon brown and tor-
rent-worn mountain, hangs a vast mass of
livid vapor, gorgeously glowing with deep
crimson along all its lower-fringed margin.
Here, the white shroud that clings to the
peaked summits assumes on, its western side
a delicate hue like that of the petals of the
pale- red ro$e. Far away to the north gleams
a murky cloud, in which the spirits of the
storm are mustering their strengh, and pre-
paring the forked lightnings, which at mid-
night they will fling over the valley of the
Spey,"
The traveller, seeing niffht coming on, struck
into a corry, down which a small mountain
streamlet rushed ; and having reached the
bottom of the slope, began to run, starting
the ptarmigans from their seats and the does
from their lair. It became quite dark ; still
he went on walk'ng for two hours, but all
traces of path became lost, and he groped
his way amid blocks of granite, ten miles at
least from any human habitation, and " with
no better cheer in my wallet," he says, "than
a quarter of a cake of barley and a few
crumbs of cheese, which a shepherd had
given me. Before I resolyed to halt for the
night, I had, unfortunately, proceeded so far
up the glen that I had left behind me the
region of heath, so that I could not procure
enough for a bed. Pullin^p some ^grass and
moss, however, I spread it in a sheltered
place, and after some time succeeded in fall-
ing into a sort of slumber. About midnight
I looked up on the moon and stars that were
at times covered by the masses of vapor that
rolled along the summits of the mountains,
which, with their tremendous precipices, com-
pletely surrounded the hollow in which I
cowered, like a ptarmigan in the hill-corry.
Behind me, in the west, and at the head of
the glen, was a lofty mass enveloped in
clouds; on the right a pyfamidal rock, and
beside it a peak of less elevation ; on the left
a ridge from the great mountain, terminatinff
below in a dark conical prominence; and
straight before me, in the east, at the dis-
tance apparently of a mile, another yast mass.
Finding myself cold, although the weather
was mild, 1 got up and made me a couch of
large stones, grass, and a little short heath ;
unloosed my pack, covered one of my ex-
tremities with a night-cap, and thrust a pair
of dry stockings on ^he other, ate a portion
of my scanty store, drank two or three glasses
of water from a neighboring rill, placed my-
self in an easy posture, and fell asleep.
About sunrise I awoke, fresh but feeble ;
ascended the glen ; passed through a mag-
nificent corry, composed of vast rocks of
granite ; ascended the steep, with great diffi-
culty, and at length gained the summit of
the mountain, which was coyered with light
grey mist that rolled rapidly along the ridges.
As the clouds cleared away at intervals, and
the sun shone upon the scene, I obtained a
view of the glen in which I had passed the
night, the corry, the opposite hills, and a
blue lake before me. The stream which I
had followed, I traced to two large fountains,
from each of which I took a glassful, which
I quaffed to the health of my best friends.
1803.]
WILLIAM MACQILLIYRAT, THE NATURAUBT.
215
" Desoendinff from this Bummit, I wan-
dered over a uigh moor, came upon the
briDk. of rocks that bounded a deep valley,
in which was a black lake ; proceeded over
the unknown region of alternate bogs and
crags ; raised several flocks of gray ptarmi-
gans,, and at length, by following a ravine,
entered one of the valleys of the Spey, near
Che mouth of which I saw a water ouzel. It
was not until noon that I reached a hut, in
which I procured some milk. In the even-
ing, at ELingussie, I examined the ample store
ofplants that I had collected in crossing the
Grampians, and I refreshed myself with a
long sleep in a more comfortable bed than
one of granite slabs, with a little grass and
heather spread over them."
Macgillivray's description of the golden
eagle of the highlands, in its eloquence, re-
minds one of the splendid descriptions' of his
friend Audubon. We can only give a few
brief extracts.
" The golden eagle is not seen to advan-
tage in the menagerie of a zoological society,
nor when fettered on the smooth lawn of an
aristocratic mansion, or perched on the rock-
work of a nursery garden ; nor can his habits
be well described by a cockney ornithologist,
whose proper province it is to concoct sys*'
tems, ' work out' analogies, and give names
to skins that have come from foreign lands,
oarefuUy packed in boxes lined with tin.
Far away among the brown hills of Albyn,
is thy dwelling place, chief of the rocky glen!
On the crumbling crag of red granite — that
tower of the fissured precipices of Loch-na-
gar — thou hast reposed in safety. The croak
of the raven has broken thy slumbers, and
thou gatherest up thy huge winffs, smooth-
eat thy feathers on thy sides, and preparest
to launch into the aerial ocean. Bird of the
desert, solitary though thou art, and hateful
to the sight of many of thy fellow- creatures,
thine must be a happy life 1 No lord hast
thou to bend thy stubborn soul to his will,
no cares corrode thy heart ; seldom does fear
chilli thy free spirit, for the windy tempest
and the thick sleet cannot injure thee, and
the lightning^ may flash around thee, and the
thunders shake the everlasting hills, without
rousing thee from thy dreamy repose.
* * «r «r «r «r
*' See how the sunshine brightens the yel-
low tint of his head and neck, until it shines
almost like gold ! There he stands, nearly
ereot, with his tail depressed, his large wings
half raised by his side, his neck stretched
outp and his eye glistening as he glances
around. Like other robbers of the desert,
he has a noble aspect, an imperative mien, a
look of proud defiance ; but his nobility has
a dash of churlishness, and his falconsbip a
vulturine tinge. Still he is a noble bird,
powerful, independent, proud, and ferocious ;
regardless of the weal or woe of others, and
intent solely on the gratification of his own
appetite; without generosity, without honor ;
bold against (he defenceless, but ever ready
to sneak from danger. Such is his nobility,
about which men have so raved. Suddenly
he raises his wings, for he has heard the
whistle of the shepherd in the corry; and
bending forward, he springs into the air.
Oh I that .this pencil of mine were a musket
charged with buckshot 1 Hardly do those
vigorous flaps serve at first to prevent his
descent ; but now, curving upwards, he glides
majestically along. As he passes the corner
of that buttressed and battlemented crag,'
forth rush two ravens from their nest, croak-
ing fiercely. While one flies above him the
other steals beneath, and they essay to strike
him, but dare not, for they have an instinctive-
knowledge of the power of his grasp; and
after following him a little way, they return
to their home, vainly exulting in the thought
of having driven him from their neighbor-
hood. Bent on a far journey, he advances
in a direct course, flapping bis great wings
at regular intervals, then shooting along
without seeming to move them. * *
"Over the moor he sweeps at the height
of two or three hundred feet, bending his
course to either side, his wings wide spread,
his neck and feet retracted, now beating the
air, and again sailing smoothly along. Sud-
denly he stops, poises himself for a moment,
stoops, but recovers himself without reaching
the ground. The object of his regards, a
golden plover, which he had espied on her
nest, has eluded him, and he cares not to
pursue it. Now he ascends a little, wheels
m short curves — ^presently rushes down head-
long— assumes the horizontal position, —
when close to the ground, prevents his being
dashed against it by expanding his wings
and tail, thrusts forth his talons, and grasp-
ing a poor terrified ptarmigan that sits cow-
ering among the gray lichen, squeezes it to
death, raises his head exultingly, emits a
clear shrill' cry, and springing from the
ground pursues his journey.
"In passing a tall cliff that overhangs a
small lake, he is assailed by a fierce pere-
grine falcon, which darts and plunges at him
as if determined to deprive him of nis booty,
or drive him headlong to the ground. This
216
WILLIAM HAC6ILIJVBAT, THE KATUKALISr.
roou
proves a more dangrerous foe than the raven,
and the eagle screams, yells, and throws
himself into postures of defiance; but at
length the hawk, seeing the .tyrant is not
bent on plundering his nest, leaves him to
pursue his course unmolested. Over woods
and -green fields, and scattered hamlets,
speeds the eagle ; and now he enters the
bng valley of the Dee, near the upper end
of which is dimly seen through the thin
gray mist the rock of his nest. About a
mile from it he meets his mate, who has
been abroad on a similar errand, and is re-
turning with a white hare in her talons. They
congratulate each other with loud yelping
criesf' which rouse the drowsy shepherd on
the strath below, who, mindful of the lambs
carried off in spring time, sends after them
his malediction. Now they reach their nest,
and are greeted by their young with loud
clamor."
His descriptions of the haunts of the wild
birds of the north are full of picturesque
beauty. Those of the grouse, the ptarmigan,
the merlin, are full of memorable pictures,
and here is a brief sketch of the haunts of
the common snipe, whieh recalls many de-
lightful associations : — " Beautiful are those
green woods that hang upon the craggy sides
of the fern-clad hills, where the heath-fowl
threads its way among the tufts of brown
heath, and the cuckoo sings his ever-ple^ing
notes as he balances himself on the gray
stone, vibrating his fan -like tail. Now I
listen to the simple song of the mountain
blackbird, warbled by the quiet lake that
spreads its glittering bosom to the sun, wind-
ing far away among the mountains, amid
whose rocky glens wander the wild deer,
tossing their antiered heads on high, as they
snuff the breeze tainted with the odor of the
slow-paced shepherd and his faithful dog.
In that recess, formed by two moss-clad slabs
of mica-slate, the lively wren jerks up its
little tail, and chits its merry note, as it re-
calls its straggling young ones that have
wandered among the bushes. From the sedgy
slope, springled with white cottoorgrass,.
comes the shrill cry of the solitary curlew ;
and there, high over the heath, wings bis
meandering way the joyous snipe, giddy with
excess of unalloyed happiness.
^' There another has sprung from among
the yellow-flowered marigolds that profusely
cover the marsh. Upwards slantingly, on
rapidly vibrating wings, he shoots, uttering
the while his shrill, two-noted cry. Tissick,
tissick, quoth the snipe as he leaves the bog.
Now, in silence, he wends his way, until at
length having reached the height of perhaps
a thousand feet, he zigzags along, emitting a
louder and shriller cry of zoo-zee, zoo-zee^
zoo-zee ; which over, varying his action, hs
descends on quivering pinions, curving to-
wards the earth with surprising speed, while
from the rapid be^ts of his wing the tremu-
lous air gives to the ear what at first seems
the voice of distant thunder. This noise some
Ittve likened to the bleating of a goat at a
distance on the hill- side, and thus have named
oxSt bird the Air-goat and Air-bleater."
In his later volumes, the naturalist gives
many admirable descriptions of the haunts of
seabirds along the rock-bound shores of his
native Highlands. He loves to paint the
coasts of the lonely Hebrides, where he often
resorted in the summer months to watch and
study the divers and plungers of the sea.
Here, for instance, is a picture of the grey
heron on a Highland coast : —
"The cold blasts of the north swept aloi^
the ruffled surface of the lake, over whose
deep waters frown the rugged crags of r rusty
gneiss, having their crevices sprinkled with
tufts of withered herbage, and their sum-
mits covered with stunted birches and aiders.
The desolate hills around are partially covered
with snow, the pastures are drenched with
the rains, the brown torrents scum the heathy
slopes, and the little birds have long ceased
to enliven those deserted thickets with their
gentle songs. Margining the waters, extends
a long muddy beach, over which are scat-
tered blocks of stone, partially clothed with
dusky and olivaceous weeds.. Here and thens
a gull floats buoyantly in the shallows ; some
oyster-catchers repose on a gravel bank, their
bills buried among their plumage ; and there,
on that low shelf, is perched a solitary heron»
like a monument of listless indolence, — a bird
petrified in its slumber. At another time^
when the tide has retired, you may find it
wandering, with slow and careful tread,
among the little pools, and by the sides of
the rocks, in search of small fishes and crabs ;
but, unless you are bent on watching it, you
will find more amusement in observing the
lively tringaa and tumstones, ever in rapid
motion ; for the heron is a dull and lazy bird,
or at least he seems to be such ; and even if
you draw near, he rises in so listless a man-
ner, that you think it a hard task for him to
unfold his large wings and heavily beat the
air, until he has fairly raised himself. But
now, he floats away, lightly, though with slow
flapping, screams his harsh cry, and tries to
soar to some distant place, where he may re-
main unmolested by the prying naturalist.
1858.]
WILLIAM MA06ILIIVSAT, THE KATITRALIST.
211
** Perhaps yoa may wonder at finding him
in 80 cold and desolate a place as this dull
ae»-ereek, on the most northern coast of Scot-
land, and that too, in the very midst of win-
ter; but the heron courts not society, and
seems to care as little as any one for the cold.
Were you to betake yourself to the other ex-
tremity of the island, where the scenery is of a
Tery different character, and the inlands swarm
with ducks and gulls, there, too, you would
find the heron, unaltered in manners, slow
in his movements, careful and patient, ever
hnnsry and ever lean, — ^for even when in best
condition, he never attains the plumpness that
pves you the idea of a comfortable ezist-
We should like also to give his descriptions
of the haunts and habits of the "Great
Northern Diver," and the ''Great Black-
baoked Gull," which are most vigorously
painted ; but we must forbear; referring the
reader to the fifth volume of the work itself,
which is throughout a most able one. At
present we shall conclude our brief sketch of
the naturalist's too brief life.
In 1841, Mr. Macgillivray was appointed
by the Crown to the Professorship of Natural
Hutory in Marischal College, Aberdeen,
solely on account of his acknowledged merit,
for he had no interest whatever ; and the
seal, ability, and success, with which he dis-
charged his duties, amply justified the nomi-
nation. He was an admirable lecturer, —
clear, simple, and methodical, laboring to lay
securely the foundations of knowledge in the
minds of his. pupils. He imbued them with
the love of science, and communicated to
them — as every successful lecturer will do —
a portion of his own enthusiasm.
In the autumn of 1850, he made an excur-
sion to Braemar, with the intention of writing
an account of the Natural History of Bal-
moral ^which was ready for publication at the
time or his death) ; and he afterwards ex-
tended his excursion to the central region of
the Grampians, in pursuit of the materials for
another work. The fatigue and exposure
which he underwent on this occasion seriously
affected his health ; and he removed to Tor-
quay, in Devon, in hopes of renewed vigor.
But he never rallied. A severe calamity be-
fel him while in Devon, through the sudden
death of his wife, to whom he was tenderly
attached. Nevertheless, he went on steadily
with his work, which even his seriously im-
paired health did not allow him to interrupt.
We can conceive him in such a state to have
written the following passage^ which appears
in the preface to his last work, published in
the week of his death : —
*' As the wounded bird seeks some quiet
retreat, where, freed from the persecution of
the pitiless fowler, it may pass the time of its
anguish in the forgetfulness of the outer
world, so have I, assailed by disease, betaken
myself to a sheltered nook, where, unannoyed
by the piercing blasts of the North Sea, I
had been led to hope that my life might be
protracted beyond the most dangerous season
of the year. It is thus that I issue from
Devonshire 'the present volume, which, how-
ever, contains no observations of mine made
there, the scenes of my labors being in dis-
tant parts of the country. • • ♦
" It is well that the observations from
which these descriptions have been prepared,
were made many years ago, when I was full
of enthusiasm, and enjoyed the blessings of
health, and freedom from engrossing public
duties ; for I am persuaded that now I should
be in some respects less qualified for the
task, — more, however, from the failure of
physical than of mental power. Here, on the
rocky promontory, I shiver in the breeze,
which, to my companion, is but cool and
bracing. The east wind rufiles the sea, and
impels the little waves to the shores of the
beautiful bay, which present alternate cliffs
of red sandstone and beaches of yellow sand,
backed hy undulated heights and gentle, ac-
clivities, slowly rising to the not distant
horizon ; fields and woods, with villages, and
scattered villas, forming — not wild nor alto-
gether tame — a pleasing landscape, which,
m its summer and autumnal garniture of grass
and corn, and sylvan verdure, orchard blos-
som and fruit, tangled fence- bank, and furze-
clad common, will be beautiful indeed to the
lover of nature. Then, the balmy breezes
from the west and south will waft health to
the reviving invalid. At present, the cold
vernal gales sweep along the channel, con-
veying to its haven the extended fleet of boats
that render Bircham, on the opposite horn of
the bay, one of tne most celebrated of the
southern fishing-stations of England. High
over the waters, here and there, a solitary
gull slowly advances against the breeze, or
shoots ath warty or with a beautiful glidmg
motion sweeps down the aerial current. At
the entrance to Torquay are assembled many
birds of the same kind, which, by their hover-
ing near the surface, their varied evolutions,
and mingling cries, indicate a shoal, probably
of athennes or sprats. On that little pyra-
midal rock, projecting from the water, repose
1
S18
THB TOMB OF POFffS KUBSB.
fOct,
two dusky Cormorants; and, far away, in
the direction of Portland Island, a eannet,
well-known by its peculiar flight, winpows
its exploring way, and plunges headlong into
the deep."
And, speakioff of the conclusion of his
great work, on the last page, he says of it : —
" Commenced in hope, and carried on with
seal, though ended in sorrow and sickness, I
can look upon my work without much regard
to the opinions which contemporary wnters
may form of it, assured that what is useful
in it will not be forgotten ; and knowing that
already it has had a beneficial effect on many
of the present, and will more powerfully in-
fluence the next generation of our home-
ornithologists. I had been led to think that
I had occasionally been somewhat rude, or at
least blunt, in my criticisms ; but I do not
perceive wherein I have much erred in that
respect, and I feel no inclination to apologise.
I have been honest and sincere in my en-
deavors to promote the truth. With death,
apparently not distant, before my eyes, I am
pleased to think that I have not countenanced
error, through fear or favor : neither have I
in any case modified my statements so as to
endeavor thereby to conceal or palliate my
faults. Though I might have accomplished
more, I am thankful for having been per-
mitted to add very considerably to the know-
ledge previously obtained of a very pleasant
subject. If I have not very frequently in-
dulged in reflections on the power, wisdom,
and goodness of God, as suggested by even
my imperfect understanding of his wonderful
works, it is not because I have not ever been
sensible of the relation between the Creator
and his creatures, nor because my chief en-
joyment, when wandering among the hilla
and valleys, exploring the rugged shores of
the ocean, or searching the cultivated fields,
has not been in a sense of His presence.
' To Him who alone doeth great wonders ' bo
all the glory and praise. Header, farewell 1 ^
Mr. Macgillivray was able to return to
Aberdeen — to die. He expired on the 5th
of September last, at the age of fifty-six,
leaving a large family behind him, for whom
he had been unable (through the slendemess
of his means throughout life) to make any
provision. His eldest son has, however,
already distinguished himself as a naturalist,
having been employed by the late earl of
Derbv, on board the expedition sent by him
round the world ; and he is now absent aa
Government Naturalbt on board the Rattle^
make, which lately sailed to carry out and
complete the exploration of the Eastern
Archipelago and Southern Pacific. We may
therefore expect to have considerable acces-
sions to our Knowledge of the Natural His-
tory of these regions from his already ex-
perienced pen.
H ^ H
The Tomb o» Pope's STurse.^" I lately
observed, on the outside wall of Twickenham
Church, a plain but respectable stone, with
the following inscription, which I have never
seen in print : —
• To the Memory of
Mary Beach,
who died Nov. 6, 1726, aged 78.
Alex. Pope, whom she nurseid in his infancy,
aiid constantly attended for 38 years,
in gratitude to a faithful old servant,
erected this stone.'
I confess I read this affectionate memorial
with more pleasure and admiration than the
smartest or most elaborate epitaph of the
illustrious poet in Westminster Abbey or
elsewhere. Whatever was the irritability of
his feelings towards dunces or the great, his
domestic affections were warm and constant;
he was the best of sons, and the above is
but one of the many proofs he gave of his
gratitude for the attention he received from
those in humble life, which his feeble and
sickly frame rendered necessary; His old
and faithful servant, John Searl, was remem-
bered under that character in his will ; he to
whom was addressed the well known ' Shut,
shut the door, good John, fatigued I said ;'
and who can forget the lines : —
* Me let the tender office long engage
To rock the cradle of reposing age,
With lenient arts extend a mother's breath.
Make languor smile, and smooth the bed of
death.' "
1858.]
INDIA, ITS PEOPLE, AND ITB GOYERNHEKTB.
210
From Tail's Magazine.
INDIA, ITS PEOPLE, AND ITS GOVERNMENTS.
No. 1— THE HINDOOS AND MUSSULMANS.
BT J. MO ORBGOOB.
If the nations who inhabit the regions ex-
tending from the Himalaya to Cape Comorin,
from the Indies to the Burhampootra, spoke
one language and possessed one literature,
professed one religion and were under one
sovereignty, they might, notwithstanding the
distinction of races, constitute the most pow-
erful empire in the world.
But from the earliest accounts — from the
conquests by Alexander, limited to no great
distance beyond the Indies, those nations
have been engaged in destroying the inhabi-
tants and devastating the territories of each
other, enfeebling their strength, disturbing
their internal tranquillity, and rendering life
and property insecure. In fact, religious
bigotry and traditional hatred have involved
them in almost perpetual civil war, and
opened their country and their cities to
foreign invasion, rapine, and bloodshed.
We are not goingto write even a sketch
of Indian history. We will endeavor to re-
view clearly and briefly the condition of the
nations of Hindostan, before and since they
became subject to British authority.
Without some accurate knowledge of the
former as well as of the present condition of
the religions, traditions, customs, and govern-
ment of the people, it would be impossible to
judge of, or legislate for, an empire of many
nations, inhabited by 150 millions of Hin-
doos, Mohammedans, Parsees, and other
Asiatics ; all now ruled over by a Christian
race, of which not more than 12,000, ex-
cluding the British regiments, are residents
within the vast dominion of India.
Europeans usually judge of all other coun-
tries according; to European ideas of right
and wrong, of what is practicable and im-
practicable. Frenchmen, especially, judge
all things according to French ideas; and
nearly all Englishmen, whose travels have
been confined to the United Kingdom, view
through an English social and political me-
dium, all other countries and people. This
local and false view, has often led to the
most unjust and impracticable conceptions
and legislation.
Locke drew up the most beautiful and
rational theory ever designed, of a Constitu-
tion, extending to one hundred and fifty-two
clauses, for the government of Carolina. It
was perfect and practical for such a nation,
or state, as has never yet existed, and for a
people all rationally and fully educated, with
no supreme church — no intolerance in religion
— with the utmost civil and political liberty,
and with the most refined civilization ; Mr.
Locke's perfect constitution was, therefore^
found utterly impracticable for the govern-
ment of Carolina*
So with India. In our recent debates in
the Commons, the arguments and remedies
used by the opponents of the India Bill, were
all excellent for Christians and Englishmen ;
but they were utterly unfit and impractica-
ble for the government of Hindoos, Moham-
medans, and other Asiatics.
If we seriously, impartially, and justly ap-
preciate the empire over which the British
Crown has extended its rule during the last
hundred years, the responsibility of the
Queen's government in administering, and of
Parliament in legislating for India, constitute
an accountability on the part of the Crown^
of the Peers, and of the representatives of
the people, tremendous in its magnitude and
awful in its contemplation ; but still not im-
practicable, with wisdom, intelligence, and
justice, guiding those who administer the
government, laws, and institutions of that
mighty empire.
Let us, therefore, review the past, in order
to bring knowledge anil experience to aid
220
INBIA, ITB FEOPtiE; AND FFS OOVEBNHENT.
[Oct,
our judgment in legislating with regard to
the present and the future^of India.
Notwithstanding the accounts which we
have of the ezpeditioDS to India under Qaeen
Semiramis and Darius, the only reliable ac-
quaintance which we have of any part of
India or its people is the notices which have
been preserved of the conquests by Alexan-
der to and beyond the Indus to the Hyphasis
or Sutlej, and the voyage of Nearchus down
the latter and the Indus to the ocean, and
thence by sea to the Persian Gulf and the
Euphrates,
Alexander was prevented by his mutinous
army from crossing the deserts which sepa-
rate Lahore from the fertile countries drained
by the streams of the Ganges. He, how-
ever, felled sufficient quantities of the majes-
tic timber that grew on the banks of the
Hydaspes to enable the Phoenician carpen-
ters and mariners who accompanied him to
construct a fleet of more than 2,000 ships,
eighty-three of which had three banks of
oars. With this splendid navy he descended
the Indus to the sea, and he might have re-
turned to the Euphrates and the Tigris by
sea, but his army and mariners, all except
his Admiral, Nearchus, and a few seamen,
were terrified at the rise and fall of the tides,
and the mysterious and apparently boundless
ocean.
The Macedonian king, with his army, re-
turned over the Sands of Beloochistan and
other savage lands, finally reaching Kerman
and his capital Babylon. His conquests in
India were consequently abandoned, and we
only know that he fought battles, performed
hardy and daring exploits, that the inhabit-
ants were Hindoos in religion, and ruled by
their High Priests or Brahmins — that they
were divided into hereditary castes, each of
which had their respective employments and
dignities — that the regions watered by the
Jehun, Sullej, and Indus, were populous and
cultivated much in the same way, as when, in
the beginning of the eleventh century, they
were invaded and devastated by Mahmud,
the Ghaznavide, and that the manners, cus-
toms, and habitations of the Hindoos were
nearly similar to those which prevail at the
present time.
It would appear from the short account
given us by Arrian, who wrote also the voy-
age of Nearchus, that Seleucus, the genera]
of Alexander, made an expedition to India
to claim as his successors the countries Con-
quered by the Macedonian ; but meeting with
the formidable power of Sandrocotta (or
Ohadragupta) the Emperor of nearly all
India, the general abandoned his pretensions
to any territory east of the Indus, and by
inter-marriage and mutual presents, a treaty
of peace and friendship was concluded be-
tween the Hindoo monarch and the Greek
warrior.
According to the account, preserved by
Arrian, given by the ambassador sent by
Seleucus to Palibothra, the capital of the em-
pure, this metropolis, supposed by D'Auville,
to be the holy city ofAUahabad, at the junction
of the Jumna with the Ganges, was then ten
miles in length by two in breadth. It had
lofty walls, with 670 towers, 60 gates, and
surrounded by a broad ditch thirty cubits
deep. Major Rennel insists that the city
stood where Patna is now situated ; and nu-
merous other places, by Ptolomy and Pliny,
as well as modern writers, are given as its
site. The Emperor's army, says Arrian, con-
sisted of 400,000 soldiers, with 2,000 chari-
ots and 20,000 horsemen.
Such are the earliest reliable accounts of
the Hindoos and of India, The Arabians
from that period commenced to make voyages
to India. Until the discovery of a passage
round the Cape of Good Hope to India, by
the Portuguese ; and until that nation openea
a trade, formed settlements, and made con-
quests in Asia, during the early part ^ of the
sixteenth century, the Moors, or Arabs, alone,
traded with the empire of the Hindoos and
Moguls, and supplied the Venetians and other
European nations with the spices, precious
gems, and cotton and silk fabrics of Hindos-
tan. They described the countries they visi-
ted as rich and populous; and these accounts,
no doubt, afterwards excited the avarice of
the Mohammedan invaders, who, in their
conquests, were remorseless in their cruelty,
imsparing in their devastation, and tyrants in
their domination over all the regions of Hin-.
dostan.
The early history of India, like that of
many other countries, is utterly unknown, or
fabulous. Their writers divide their annals
into four periods or YuffS,
The social and moral conditions of nations
and of races, are, in all countries, intimately
and hereditarily influenced and moulded,
according to the simplicity or complexity,
the truth or the falsehood of their religious
creed and the ceremonies and practices of
their worship. Never in the history of the
world has there been seen so absurd a cata*
logue of gods, doctrines, and monstrosities,
as in the creed of the HindooB.
The fabulous accounts of Menu, the son of
Brahma, assert that a self-existent and invisi-
1858.]
INDIA, HB PEQFUBl AND ITS GOYSRNMSNIB.
921
ble god had transformed the world from
indlsceraible darkness by the breaking of a
golden eggy withiq which resided Brahma,
the parent of all rational beings. Brahma,
for many years, while within that egg, had
meditated upon himself; and when delivered
from it, on its being broken by the onset of
a bull, he divided it into two eqaal parts,
forming one into the heavens, the other into
the earth, dividing them by the subtle aether
and the eisht points of the world, within
which was formed a permanent receptacle of
waters. The Veda, written in the Lahyrinthic
Devinagara characters, and understood only
by the Brahmins, is considered to be a divine
revelation* The various Sastraa, or Com-
mentaries, are composed in Sanicrit, the lan-
guage in which also is written the Puranas,
or circles of Hindoo science.
The first Tug or period of time, the Satya-
yog comprised 1,728,000 years, the second
or Trelayug 1,296,000, the Dwaparyug
864,000 years, and the remaining or Calya-
yug is to extend to 432,000 years. The first
of these periods is described as the Golden
Age of Innocence. In their fabulous wriUngs
they also give long lists of the dynasties of
their kings, during the three past yugas, as
well as of the dynasties who reigned at the
same time in the sun and moon. Some of
the Hindoo dynasties they say sprung from
Pavana, the god of lands and rivers, and
others from the firmaments.
After Brahma, the first god, next to the
invisible of the great Hindoo Trinity, and
who shares the essence of the supreme god,
comes Vishnu, the preserver or deliverer,
whose avatars or monstrous transformations
in his descents to the earth, are so conspicu-
ous in the theology of the Hindoos. Vishnu
sometimes appeared on earth or in the waters
as a fish, or as a horse with several heads,
and in various other hideous forms. Siva or
the Destroyer b the third deity. Some of
the Hindoos consider this god, who also
makes xnsitations in various hideous forms,
superior either to Brahma or Vishnu.
Among the female deities Doorga is the
chief. Her original name was Farvati, but
having at the head of an army of 9,000,000
of warriors, who, all armed cap-a-pie, sprung
out of her body, destroyed the giant Doorga,
she assumed his name. She is the partner
of Siva, the destroyer. This goddess assumes
as many transformations as Vishnu; occa-
sionally appearing perfectly black, as Kalee
the goddess of murder, the chief deity of
the Thugs, with the skulls and hands of
numerous slaughtered giants hanging round
her waist, and two dead bodies suspended as
ear-rings. The avatars of this monster are
the most hideous of all representations of
horrors. She is the peculiar goddess of the
JDakoits, or robber-gangs of Bengal. The
Thugs also alwaya invoke and worship her,
before setting out to commit their assassina-
tions. Besides these gods and goddesses,
there are a multitude of inferior deities,
inhabiting the Swerga, a kind of heaven, and
their number is represented as 333,000,000.
A selection only is worshipped. One great
deity is Kartikeya, the god of war. He has
six heads and twelve hands, all bearing wea-
pons, and he is represented as riding, upon a
huge peacock. Among the other deities is
Ganessa, a fat monster, with the head of an
elephant. A pious Hindoo will do nothing
without invoking this terrible god. There
are also other respective gods, as Suraya of
the Sun ; Pavana, of the winds ; Agnee, of
fire; Varuna, of the waters; Kuvera, of
riches ; Aswinder, of physicians ; and Yama
is a deity who judges the dead. Venus and
Ceres appear united in the goddess of plenty
and beauty, called Laksmi, The patrbness
of learning is called Saras watti.
The Hindoos have also their devils, who
occasionally storm and occupy the abodes of
the Gods. The rivers and mountains are
also deified. Even the serpents are included
in the many objects of devotion ; but the cow
is the holiest of all animal deities. Transmi-
g ration of souls is inculcated by all the
rahmins and priests, and believed by fdl
Hindoos.
The most splendid temples have been
erected for the worship of the Hindoo dei*
ties; with all their vices and all the crimes
sanctioned by Brahminical doctrines^ they
had virtues and morals, yet it is almost im-
possible for human imagination to conceive a
religion so low and degrading to the human
intellect as that which generally prevailed
over India from the earliest period to the
time of the first Mohammedan invasion. The
Hindoos had however their system of as*
tronomy, their zodiacs, and a knowledge of
sciences not altogether peculiar to themselves.
India, at the, period of the first Mohammedan
conquest, and long afterwards, presented the
extremes of magnificence and barbarisoL
There were contrasted with splendid palacea
and temples. Suttees, Thugees, Dakoitees,
and infanticide, as universally prevailing cna^
toms and crimes sanctioned by religion.
Sir William Jones has, however, made us
acquainted with some of the most sublime
doctrines of one Supreme Deity found in the
222
INDIA, ITS people; Am> ITS OOYERNMENTa
[Oct.,
Vedas, especially the Holiest Text, which
sets forth, *^ Let us adore the supremacy of
that divine Sun, the godhead, who illumioes
all — who recreates alt-— from whom all pro-
ceed-^to whom all must return — whom we
invoke to direct our understanding aright in
our progress towards his holy seat.
*< What the Sun and light are to the vbi-
ble world, that are the supreme good and
truth, to the intellectual and invisible uni-
verse. Without eyes, he sees — without ears,
he hears — without hand and foot, he runs
rapidly and walks firmly. He knows what-
ever can be known, but there is none who
knows him. Him' the wise call the Supreme,
Pervadiiig Spirit."
But unhappily these beautiful and sublime
ideas are inundated and drowned in the
superstitious, idolatrous, and horrible worship
of the more terrible and supposed visible, or
at least visitorial deities of the hideous Pan-
theon of the Hindoos. Hope and fear, those
passions which have, and ever will, influence
mankind, are overruling in the superstitions
of India, whether Hindoo or Mussulman.
Nor must we overlook them while governing
or making laws for India.
The first caste among the Hindoos is the
Brahmin, — next the soldier, — then the capi-
talist or trader, — and then immeasurably low
in degradation, the laborer. The distinc-
tions and separations are hereditary and irre-
vocable.
The Bhudist-worship is now chiefly con-
fined to Ceylon, although it originated on the
banks of the Ganges. The first great inter-
ference with the worshippers of the 333,-
000,000 of gods, was by those who came forth
believing in an eternal truth, that there is but
one God, and in the bold and successful false-
hood thatMohamed is His Prophet. Mahmud,
the Ghaznavede, or Ghiznivide, was the son
of Subuktagi, the slave of the slave of the
slave of the Caliph of Bagdad, or comman-
der of the Faithful ; by serving his master in
a succesd'ul revolution, he became his General
in the sovereignty which he founded in
Ghazna, or Ghizni, which included the coun-
try of the warlike Afghans, Cabul, and Can-
dahar. Subuktagi is extolled as distinguished
for wisdom, firmness, mercy, and simplicity.
Mahmud, his son and successor, niade twelve
expeditions to India, between 997 and 1025;
extended his empire from Trt^nsoxiana to the
vicinity of Ispahan, and from the Caspian to
the banks of the Indus. His war against the
Hindoos, by which he acquired great wealth
and historical fame, was a war of the religion
of the Musselman for the destruction of the
idolatrous Gentoos. His conquests were
more wonderful and successful than those of
Alexander or Csesar. Never was Mahmud
discouraged by the formidable difficulties
which lay between his own dominions and
those of India. He overcame all the obsta-
cles of the desert, of mountains, rivers, and
climate. He marcned over Cashmere and
Thibet to the upper Ganges; he encoun-
tered, and captured or destroyed 4,000 boats
ou the Indus; and he entered and plundered
the populous rich cities of Bime, with its
prodigious sacred wealth — of Tanassar, with
its unparalleled rich shrine of gold ; Kanouge,
with its 30,000 Bete shops and 60,000 musi-
cians ; Muttra, sacred to the goddess Krishna,
Moultan, and Delhi, Lahore, all abounding in
wealth and splendor. He reduced the
Rajahs to vassalage and the payment of
tribute ; and though he generally spared the
lives of the people, he attacked the worship
and holy places of the Hindoos with unspar-
ing ferocity. He leveled several hundred
temples and pagodas; thousands of idols
were by his orders broken ; and the precious
metals and gems of which those gods and
pagodas were constructed or adorned, amply
rewarded the army of the Destroyers.
Of all those temples, the Pagoda of Sum-
nath in Guzerat was the most famous. It
was flanked on three sides by the ocean, and
was strongly fortified by art, as well as natu-
rally by a narrow precipice on the land-side.
The neighboring city and country was in-
habited by desperate fanatics. The great
deity of the temple had his service performed
daily by 2,000 Brahmins, and he was washed
each morning in water brought from the
Ganges. Two thousand villages contributed
their whole revenue to maintain this gorgeous
temple. To its service was also attached a
body of 300 musicians, the same number of
barbers, and 500 dancing girls of remarkable
beauty, and belonging to families of distinc-
tion.
The fanatics of Sumnath admitted that the
towns already conquered by Mahmud were
punished for their sins ; but they proudly as-
serted that those who worshipped in their
temple, were so holy in their lives, that, if
the Sultan dared to approach their sacred
ground, the vengeance of their deity would
overwhelm him in destruction. The Islamite
was neither daunted by their threats or by
the difficulties of a siege. Fifty thousand
Gentoos were victimized by the scimitar or
the spear of the Turks. The city and the
temple were taken by assault, the pagoda
was desecrated, and the priests insulted.
1853.J
INDIA, ITS^PSOPLE; AND ITB aOVERNMENTH.
228
The Brahmins stood around their idol, and
as Mahmud approached to cleave its head,
they offered a ransom in money equal ^n
amount to more than £10,000,000 for ito
preservation. Mahmud scorned to bargain
for idolatry. He broke the stone image by
heavy blows with his mace. It was hollow
within, and its belly was filled with rubies
and pearls of incalculably greater value than
the amount offered for its ransom. The fact
affords a probable reason for, the liberality
and devotion of the Brahmins. The treasure
and the fragments of the idol were sent tri-
umphantly to the holy cities of Arabia and
to Ghasna.
Mahmud, the Gkasnavide, returned with
all the magnificence of a conqueror to his own
dominions. He will ever rank as an eminent
personage, and one of the most celebrated
warriors in Oriental history. He was en-
dowed with many virtues ; rendered Ghizni
a celebrated seat of learning — he founded a
nniversity, presided over by the philosopher,
Oonsuri; yet after patronizing, he mortally
offended the celebrated Ferdusi. His avarice
was insatiable, and no man ever accumulated
such great treasures of diamonds, rubies,
pearls, gold and silver. In 1030 he died in
grief, although at the head of an army of
100,000 infantry and 55,000 cavalry, with
1,300 war elephants, because the Turkmans,
introduced by himself, had acquired a power
which threatened the dissolution of his king-
dom, and which, soon after his death, was
overturned by the Seldsckukian Turks, who
established in Persia a new and famous dy-
nasty.
The Ghisnivide Dynasty existed, reviving
but more frequently declining in power, until
destroyed by Mohammed -Ghor, who estab-
lished his brother's throne in Gbisni in 1 174,
annexed Lahore, attacked the powerful king
of the Hindoos, and bis army of 200,000 in-
fantry and 3,000 elephants, and routed them
with terrible slaughter, pursuing them for
forty miles.
The King of Delhi raised a new and greater
army; but the Mussulman marched into
India, and with his squadrons of cavalry
broke down the vaunted " rank-breaking ele-
phants, the war-treading horses, and blood-
thirsty soldiers" of the King of the Hindoos,
although they had sworn by the Ganges to
perish or conquer. The impetuosity of Scy-
thian warfare put into utter confusion and
into complete flight the great army of the
King of Delhi, who felt in this battle, one of
the most bloody on record. During the nine
expeditions of Mohammed Ghor into Hindos-
tan, he carried back to Ghizni, treasures to
an incredible amount, placed bis lieutenant
Cuttub in the Government of Delhi, defeated
the King of Kanouje, besieged and entered
the sacred city of Benares, destfoyed its
thousand shrines of idols, and sent 4,000
camels loaded with its treasures of precious
stones and gold to Ghisni^ But this great
conqueror was assassinated while asleep; near
the banks of the Indus, by a band of G wick-
wars, who forced their way, after slaying the
sentinels, into his chamber, where they
f)lunged twenty daggers into his body. lie
eft no heir, but hJK lieutenant Cuttub founded
an independent kingdom, governed by Mo-
hammedans, in the India of the Hindoos ; *
while another lieutenant ruled in the Mussul-
man territories.
The Affghan Dynasty was distinguished
for its ferocity, assassination, and irregular
accessions to the throne, until broken down
by the inroads and conquests of Timor the
Tartar, called Tamerlane, and until van-
quished by the most remarkable descendant
of Tamerlane, the Great Baber, and the per-
manent founder of the Mohammedan, or
Mogul Dynasty, in 1526.
During the three hundred years of the
Affghan Dynasty, such was the irregularity
of successions, caused by assassinations, civil
wars, and treachery, that no family succeeded
for three generations, in sitting on the throne
of Delhi. No power has been presnant with
greater calamities than those which afflicted
the Hindoos during the whole of the Affghan
tyranny.
From the downfall of the Affghan Sove-
reigns, in 1526, until the death of Auren-
gezibe, in 1707, the Mogul Empire maintained
a power and splendor over all India of the
greatest magnincence ; but from the death of
that bigoted, intolerant, and yet bold and
vigorous monarch, the decline of that empire
was, until its fall, rapid and irretrievable.
The Mogul dynasty — the conquests of the
Portuguese, Dutch, and French — the first in-
tercourse of the English .with Hindostan —
the condition of India at that period — the
progress of the Company until they became
terntorial Sovereigns, after the day on which
Clive fought and gained the battle of Plussy
— the Manratta and othei' wars — the extinc-
tion of Portuguese, Dutch, and French power
and commerce in and with India, we must
reserve for our next, and its following num-
bers. But, after fairly examining the govern-
ment and administration of the East India
Company, since that extraordinary corpora-
don, of usually rather an ignorant than an
224
SATIBB3 OF THOMAS VASB.
[Oct,
intelligent proprietary, became tenitorial
sorereigns, — condemning their previous ava-
ricious policy and the conduct of many of their
officers and agents, "who often committed great
crimes, and outraged both religion and morals,
— and looking at the radical defects of their
plan of government, we are compelled to ad*
mit that it will appear wonderful in history,
not that they have performed so little, but
that they have accomplished so much, for
the benefit of India, for the extension of
Britisb dominion, and with so few crimes to
tarnish the honor, credit, and brarery of tha
nation, which sent forth the adventurers*
merchants, fleets, and soldiers, who from
being more traders for 140 years, have pro-
gressively, during the last 100 years, mads
the Queen of Enffland sovereign over all tha
kingdoms once forming the empire of th»
Hindoos, and afterwards of the Mohamme*
dans and Mahrattas.
H » l»
From th« R«troip«otiTe R«Tt«w.
SATIRES AND DECLAMATIONS OF THOMAS NASH.*
In selecting these works from the many
which the author left behind him, we have
been influenced less by any similarity or con-
gruity between them than by the simple wish
to make our readers acquainted with the once
renowned but now little-known satirist,
whose mirthful sallies passed from mouth to
mouth in the days of queen Bess much as
the good things of a Hood or a Sidney Smith
did m our own younger days. But his wit
88 well as his satire partook largely of the
grossness of the times in which he lived, as
the books before us abundantly testify ; and
in this and other instances of a similar nature
oar object will ever be to present our readers
with the spirit, if not the quintessence, of an
author, while we leave the scum and dregs
of bis productions to their deserved oblivion.
In the present case it is especially incumbent
npon us to adopt this course, for the author,
* Pimree PerUlesse his Supplication to the Devill,
Deteribing the over-tpretuUng of Vice, and the
Buppre99i<m of Vertue, Pleasantly interlaid
with variahle deligkte : and patheticallg intermixt
with canceipted reproofes. Written by Thomas
Nash, Gentleman. London, Imprinted by Rioh-
anl Ihonei^ dwelling at the Siffne of the Rose
and Crowne, nere Holburoe Bridge^ 1692. [Re-
prhited for the Shakespeare Society, 1842.]
bathe's Lenten Stuff^e, containing the JDeseription
and First Procreation and Increase of the Toume
of Cheat Yarmouth in Norffolke: with a new
Play never' played beforCf of the Praise of the
Bed Herring, Fitte of all Clearkee of Noblemene
KUehin* to be read: and not unnecessary by ail
aerving men that have short boardrwageSf to be rs"
membered, Famam peto per undas, London,
Printed for N. Lb ana G. B. and are to be sold at
the west end of Panlea. 1 699.
in the epistle prefixed to his " Christ's Tears,**
says : " Many vain things have I vainly set
forth, ifihereof now it repenteth me, St
Augustine writ a whole book of his Retrao-
tions. Nothing so much do. I . retract as
that whereinsoever I have^^jjifdclalized the
meanest. Into., some splenetive veins of
wantonness heretofore have I foolishly re-
lapsed to supply my private wants : of them
no less do I desire to be absolved than the
rest, and to God and man do I promise an
unfeigned conversion." Now this is nobly
said ; and far be it from us to make tha
Retrospective Review the vehicle for bringing
to light what so ingenuous a mind woula
gladly have consigned to the flames. We
shall, however, make one reservation: we
do not engage to b\oi all that Nash himself
would have blotted, as thereby much of the
riiciness of his personal satire would be lost ;
but blot we will all that could reasonably be
construed into a breach of modesty.
The history of Thomas Nash is that of Sav-
age, Chatterton, Hood — a tale of the misery
(self-procured or otherwise) which is so often
the concomitant of genius. He was born of
gentle parentage at Lowestoffe in Suffolk,
his father being a member of the Nashes of
Herefordshire, and in some way a relative of
Sir Robert Cotton. He took his degree of
B.A. at St. John's College, Cambridge, in
1585, and was, as be himself tells us, a resi-
dent there (" the sweetest nurse of know^
ledge in all that university ") for almost seven
years. For some unexplained reason, how-
ever, he quitted Cambridge without proceed-
ing M.A. Mr. Payne Collier, to whom we
1858.]
8ATIR18 AND DE0LAHATI0N3 OP THOMAS KASH.
22S
are indebted for the edition of '* Pierce Pen-
nileas/' thinka he left his College under some
imputation of misconduct. He appears soon
afterwards to have visited Italy, Ireland, and
many parts of England. In 1587 he was in
London and associated with the celebrated
Robert Greene, the dramatist, in literary oo-
copations. Two or three years later he
engaged in his contest with the Puritans,
which was the opening of the celebrated
''Martin Marprelate controversy." His ad-
versaries were very numerous, but Nash's
sprightly warfare with the small shot of
satire and wit, was unmatched even by a
host of theologians and a cannonade of scrip-
tare quotations. Among all his antaeonists
none had so large a share of his biiterest
objurgations as Gabriel Harvey, with whom
tlie contest was protracted through several
years, until it was at length put a stop to by
the public authorities. Nash also wrote
several plays, and other pieces too numerous
to be named here. The satirist is not a likely
man to get friends: few respect him other-
wise than as some savages are said to worship
tlie devil — lest he should hurt them. This
may partly account for the extreme misery
and distress into which Nash fell ; but ex-
travagance and debauchery are alleged as
other causes ; and these alas ! are no unusual
concomitants of genius when it takes this
direction."* Besides other misfortunes in which
his satirical vein involved him, we find him, in
1697, imprisoned by the Privy Council for
having written a play called " The Isle of
Dogs. " About the same time he wrote a
letter to his kinsman, Sir Robert Cotton, in
which occurs the expression: "I am merry
now, though I have ne'er a penny in my
purse." He died — probably under forty
years of age — in 1601.
It was in one of his ''pennilesse" periods,
if we are to take him literally, that he wrote
the first work on our list: this was in 1502.
** Having spent manie yeres in stndying how to
five, and livde a long time withoat money ; having
Qrred my youth with foUie, and snrfeited my minde
with vanitie, I began at length to looke backe to
fepentannce, and addresse my endevors to pros-
peritie. ^ But all in vaine : I sate up late, and rose
early, contended with the colde, and conversed
with scarcitie; for all my labours turned to losse,
my vulgar muse was despised snd neglected,
my paines not regarded, or slightly rewarded, and
I myselfe, (in prime of my test wit) layde open
to povertie. Whereupon, in a male content
humour, I accused my fortune, raild on my patrones,
bit my pen, rent my papers, and ragde in all
points like a mad man. In which agonie torment-
uig myself a long time, I grew by degrees to a
YOIb ZXX. NO. IL
milde discontent; and pausing awhile over my
standish, I resolved in verise to paynt forth my
passion : which, best agreeing with the vaine of
my nnrest, I .began to complaine in this sort : —
" Why i*6t damnation to despaire and dye,
I When life is my true happinesae' disease ?
My soule; my soule, thy safetie makes me flye,
The faukie meanes that might my paine ap-
pease ;
Divines and dying men may talks of hell,
But in my hart her severall torments dwell.
Ah worthless wit, to traine me to this woe,
Deceitfull artes, that nourish discontent I
III thrive the foliie that bewitcht me so ;
Vaine thoughts adieu, for now I will repent ;
And yet my wants perswade me to proceede,
Since none takes pitie of a 8choller*8 neede.*'
And thus he goes on with his lament of
neglected talents, and the poor requital of
literary labor. <* I cald to mind a cobler,
that was worth five hundred {>ound; aa
hostler that had built a goodly inne, and
might dispende fortie pounds yetely by his
land ; a carreman in a lether pilche that had
whipt a thousand pound out of his horaa
tavle : and have I more wit," he asks, " than
all these ? am I better borne ? am I better
brought up ? yea, and better favored ? and
yet am I a begger? what is the cause?"
The answer to this string of interrogatories ia
much the same in substance, as that which
an unsuccessful or an improvident literary
man would now give, namaly, that it is the
fault of an undiscerning public, which prefers
the trashy and ephemeral to the substantial
and profound. " Everie grosse-brainde idiot
is suffered to come into print, who, if hee set
foorth a pamphlet of the praise of pudding-
pricks, or write a treatise of Tom Thumme,
or the exployts of Untrusse, it is bought up
thicke and three- folde, when better things
lye dead." So complains Pierce Penilesse*
but without redress. '* Opns and U8U8 are
knocking at my door twenty times a weeke,"
he says, '*when I am not at home." At
length, finding that pretended friends will
give him nothing, though entreated for God*s
sake, he bethinks himself of a tale that ho
has heard, of pecuniary advances made by
"the gentleman in black," and thereupon
indites a " Supplication to the Divell." Thb
''supplication is nothing more than a satire
on the prevailing vices of the day ; and we
now proceed to adduce from it, a few speci-
mens of the author's peculiar humor.
** In the inner part of this ugly habitation stands
. Qreedinesse, prepared to devoore all that enter*
' attired in a capouch of written parchment, buU
tond downs before with labels of wax, and lined
16
286
8A33BB3 ASD DBGLAXAIIOIRI OF THOMAS NAfflL
[Oct.,
with 8heep6*8 fels for wairnenea : his eap|>e fard
with catsKins after the Muscovie fashion, and all
be-tasseld with ansle^bookes, instead of aglets,
ready to catch hold of all those to whom he
shewes any hamblenes : as for his breeches, they
were made of the lists of broad cloatbs, which he
had by letters-patents assured to him and his
heyres, to the otter overthrow of bow-cases and
CQshin*nDakers ; and bambasted they were, like
beer barrels, with statnte-marchants and forfeit-
ures."
In Penilesse's " complaynt of pryde," he
18 extremely severe against the sectaries of
his age, who think " to live when they are
dead, by having theyr sect called after their
names.
** * We devide Christ's garment amongeat as in
manie peeces, and of the vesture of salvation
make some of us babies and apes coates, others
straight trusses and divell's breeches, some gaily
Sscoynes, or a shipmans hose ; like the Anabap-
ts and adulterous Familiats, others with the
Martinists, a hood with two fiices to hide their
bypocrisie, and, to conclude, some, like the Bar-
rowists aud Greenwoodians, a garment fal of the
plague, which is not to be worn before it be new
washt. Hence atheists triumph and rejoyce, and
talke as prophanely of the Bible as of Bevis of
Hampton. I heare say there be mathematitians
abroad that will proove men before Adam ; and
they are harboured in high places who will main-
tayne it to the death that there are no divells. It
is a shame f Senior Belzebub) that you ehonlde
suffer yourself thus to be tearmed a bastard, or
not prove to your predestinate children not only
that they have a father, but that you are hee that
must owne them !' A side note adds, * The devill
bath children, bat fewe of them know their owne
father.' "
Pierce, after belaboring the pride of mer-
chants' wives, upstarts, parasites, dec, pro-
ceeds, to point out the peculiar forms and
phases of pride which distinguish various
nations. lie Spaniard, for example, is
''bom a braggart;" the Italian, "a more
cunning, proud fellow;" the Frenchman,
** wholly compact of deceivable courtship."
But it is against the Danes that he inveighs
most bitterly. " The most ffrosse and sense-
lesse proud dolts are the Danes, who stand
80 much upon their unweldie burlibound
souldiery, that they account of no man that
hath not a battle-axe at his girdle to hough
dogs with, or weares not a cock's fether in a
thrumb-hat, like a cavalier : briefly, he is tlie
best foole bragart under heaven. For be-
sides nature hath lent hhn a flabberkin face
like one of the four winds, and cheekes that
■agge over his chin-bone, his apparaile is so
puft up with bladders of taffatie, and his back
}Uke biefe stuft with parslie) so drawn out
with ribands and devises, and blistered with
light sarcenet bastings, that you would think
him nothing but a swarme of butterflyes, if
you saw him afarre off. ... . They are an
arrogant asse-headed people Not
Barbary itselfe is halfe so barbarous as they
are," dec. <&c.
Here we have a sketch of an antiquary's
museum :
* "A thousand jymjams and toyes have they in
thevr chambers, which they heape up together
with infinite ezpence, and are made beleeve of
them that sel them, that they are rare and precious
things, when they have gathered them up on some
dunghill, or rakte them out of the kennell by
chaunee. I knowe one [who] sold an olde rope
with foure knots on it for fours pound, in that ne
gave it out, it was the length and bredth of
Christ's tomb. Let a tinker take a peece of
brasse worth a halfpenie, and set strange stampes
on it, and I warrant he may make it more worth
to him of some fantastical foole than of all the
kettels that ever he mended in his life. This is
the disease of oar new-fiin^led humorists that
know not what to do with their wealth. It argu»
eth a verie rwlie wk io to dooie on toorm^esm
But, into the preface to his second edition,
Nash introduces the following remarks for
the behoof of the insulted archaeologists :
" The antiquaries are offended without cause,
thinking I goe abput to. detract from that
excellent profession, when (God is my wit-
nesse) I reverence it as much as any of them
all, and had no manner of allusion to them
that stumble at it I hope they wil give me
leave to think there be fools of that art as
well as of al other; but to saj I utterly
condemn it as an unfruitful! studie, or seeme
to despise the excellent qualified partes of it,
is a most false and injurious surmise."
The " Supplication" goes on next to lash
envy and wrath ; and here he has, inciden-
tally, a fair chance of a slap at the litigious
spirit of the age. "If John a Nokes his
henne doo but leap into Elizabeth de Gappes
close, shee will never leave hunting her hus-
band till ho bring it to a nisi prius,'* But
we must pass over aome of our author's ex-
cellent stories to give a specimen of his most
cutting invective as directed against his ene-
my, Gabriel Btarvey :
** Put case Tsince I am not yet out of the
^earoe of Wratli) that some tyred jade belonging
to the presse, whome I never wronged in m^ life,
hath* named me expressly in print (as I will not
doo him), and accused me for reviving in an epis-
tle of mine the reverend memorie of Sir Thomas
Moore, Sir John Cbeeke, Dr. Watson, Dr. Had*
don, Dr. Carre, Aiaster Ascham, as if they were
Id58.]
SATIRES AND DKOLAMATIOIIB OF THOMAS KASH.
221
no meate bat for his roasterBhip's moatb ; or none
bat some sacb as the sonne or a ropemaker [the
trade of Harvey's fatberl were worthy to mention
them. To shewe how I can nyle, thus would I
begin to ravle on him : — Thon that hadst thy
hood turned over thy eareH, when thou wert a
bachelor, for abasing of Aristotle and setting Mm
upon the schoole gates painted with asses eares
on his head, is it anie discredit for me, thon great
baboane, thon pigmee braggart, thou pamphleteer
of nothing bat tMnxtw, to be censured by thee,
that hast scorned the prince of philosophers 7 Off
with thy gowne and ontrosse, for ( mean to lash
thee mightily. . . . Poor slave ! I pitie thee that
thoa hadst no more grace bat to borne in my way.
Why could not you have sate quyet at home and
writ catechisms, but you must be comparing me
to Martin, and exclayme against me for reckning
up the high schollers of worthie memorie? Jw-
pUer ingeniiB praibet ma numina volMm, saith
Ovid ; segtM ceUhrari qttoUbet ore ainU, which,
if it be so, I hope I am aiiquia; and those men
quoa honoris catua nominavit are not greater than
gods. Methinks I see thee stand quivering and
quaking, and even now lift no thy hands to hea*
veo, as thanking (iod my choier itf somewhat as-
004 ged ; but thoa art deceived, for however I let
fill! my stile a little, to talk in reason with thee
that hast none, I doo not meane to let thee scape
80.
"Ihavereade over thy sheepish discourse . . .
and entreated my patience to be good to thee
whilst I read it. . . . Monstroas, monstrous, and
palpable ; not to be spoken of in a Christian con-
gregation ! thou hast skumed over the schoole
men, and of the froth of their folly made a dish
of divinitie brewesse, which the dogges will not
eate. If ti»e printer have any i^reat dealings with
thee, he were best get a priviledge betimes, ad
imprvmendum aolwa^ forbidding all other to sell
waste paper but himselfe, or else he will be in a
wofull taking. ... I doubt thou wilt be driven
to leave all, and fall to thy father's occupation
which is to goe and make a rope to hang thyself.
Neqw enim lex ceguior vUa esty quam necia artifir
eea arte perire sua I
^Reaeo ad vos, met audUoree, Have I not
a indifferent pretty veine in spurgalling an asse 7
if yoa knew bow eztemporall it were ai this in-
aUnt, and with what baste it is writ, you would
■ay sa But I would not have you thinke that all
this timt is set down heere is io good earnest, for
then yoa goe by S. Giles the wrong way to
Westminster ; hA onely io aheuf how for a neede I
toM rayle, if I were throughly fyroiP^
llioroQghly fired indeed! and well may
our friend Pierce conolade tbat be himself is
not altogether free from " the sin of wrath'*
against wbicb be has been declaiming ; but,
we must now pass on with him to tho *' com-
playnt of gluttonie." Here be falh foul
with Master Dives, the type of a London
alderman then, and according to the valgar
idea, in our own days. " mitertrt met" he
eiclaiffls, " what a fat charle it is 1 Why, he
hath a belly as big as tho round church in
Cambridge, [ — a bad simile, since it is aa
unlike as may be to a holy sepulchre !] a
face as huge as the whole bodie of a base-
viall, and legs that if they were hollow a
man might keepe a mill in either of them 1"
While upon this subject, we must not lose
an anecdote of the learned Dr. Watson,
quaintly told by our author.
" A notable jest I heard long agoe of Dr. Wat-
son, verie conducible to the reproofe of these
fleshly-minded Belials, or rather belly-alU, be>
cause all theyr mind is on their belly. He being
at supper, on a fasting or fish night, with a great
number of his friends and acquaintance, there
chanced to be in the companie an outlandish doc-
tor, who, when all others fell to suoh victuals
(agreeing to the time) as were before ihem, he
overslipt them ; and there being one joynt of flesh
on the table for such as had meate stoma ekes,
fell freshly to it. Afler that hunger (halfe con-
quered) had restored him to the use of his speech,
for his excuse he said to his friend that brought
htm thether, Profeeto, d^nuine, egosummalisHmuM
piacat^^i meaning by piaeaior, a lish-man ; (which
is a libertie, as also maUsaiMtis^ that outhndish
men in their familiar taike doo challenge, or at
least use, above u^). At tu ea hrmiaaimua cami-
fexf quoth Dr. Watson, retorting very merrily his
owne licentious figures upon him. So of us, it
may be said, we are mcdiaaimi piacatorea but &o-
niaaimi camifioei. I would English the jest for
the edificatiou of the temporalitie, but that it is
not so good in Engliah as in Lattne: and though
it were as good, it would not convert clubs and
cl(futed shoone from the flesh-pots of Egypt to
the provanl of the Low Count reys ; they had ra-
ther (with the serving-man) put up a supplication
to the pariiament House, tbat thev might have a
yard of pudding for a penie, than desire (with the
bajcer) there mtffht bee three ounces of bread sold
for a half-penie.
Sloth is the next " complaint" that Peni-
lesse brings forward ; and, among the meana
to avoid it, he recommends plavs, such espe-
cially as are borrowed out of our English
Chronicles. "How would it have joyed
brave Talbot," he says, " (the terror of the
French) to think that after he had lyne two
hundred yeare in his tomb, he should tri-
umphe againe on the stage, and have hb
bones new-embalmed with the tears of ten
thousand spectators !" With the " seaventh
eomplaynt, of lechery" the *' supplication"
closes.
Pierce having drawn up his document
ready for presentation, and duly addressed
it " To the High and Mi^htie Prince of Dark-
nesse, Donsell dell Lucifer, King of Ache-
ron, Styx, and Phlegeton, Duke of Tartary,
Marquesse of Gocytus, and Lord High re-
gent of Limbo," casts about for the meant
228
SATIRES AND DECLAMATIONS OF THOMAS NASF.
[Oct.,
of its prompt and careful delivery. He bad
understood that the fiend was to be heard
of at Westminster Hall ; but the lawyers
all denied any acquaintance with him, and
recommended him to try his luck at the Ex-
change. The answer of every one there was
Non novi Dogmonem, and Pierce turned away
disappointed, to seek his dinner with Duke
Humphrey. Soon afterwards, however, he
encountered *' a neat pedanticall fellow in
forme of a citizen," who was no other than a
disguised imp, and who readily agreed to de-
liver the "supplication" to his master. But
previously he read the paper, and, having con-
cluded his perusal, exclaimed : " A suppli-
cation caldst thou this ? It is the maddest
supplication that ev«r I saw; me thinkes
thou hast handled all the seaven deadly
sinnes in it, and spared none that exceeds his
limits in any of them. It is well done to
practise thy wit, but I believe our lord will
cun thee little thanke for it." After this,
Pierce interrogates the satanic messenger on
the nature of his native region and its inhab-
itants, and the imp, with a frankness little to
be expected from such a quarter, gratifies
his curiosity in a long dissertation drawn
from a great number of sources — heathen
philosophy and mythology, the Scriptures,
the fathers, and the school-men. It is in
fact nothing more nor less than a clever es-
say on demonology.
Nashe^a Lenten Stuffe is, as may be inferred
from its title, a very singular and quaint pro-
duction. It is written in much the same
humorous and satirical vein as " Pierce Peni-
lease," and, like that, treats of two distinct sub-
J'ects. The first is a kind of outline of the
listory of Great Yarmouth, highly compli-
mentary to that town, its inhabitants, and
their occupations. Parts of it remind as
somewhat of Fuller, although they are want-
ing in the peculiar terseness of that inimitable
writer. Nash's humor is too difuse and
rambling to be at once appreciated. Some-
times indeed our first impression of a passage
is, that it is mere buffoonery or rhodomontade,
but on a second reading it is often found
pregnant with true humor. The second and
larger part of this little book, is a serio-
comic eulogium of the red herring, the pecu-
liar pride of the Norfolk port ; and cert&s, no
fitier encomiast of a Yarmouth bloater could
be found than one who deals so largely in
the inflated and bombastical as Nash does.
Bat to our extracts.
" But how Yarmouth of it selfe bo innumerable
pbpulons and replenished, and in sobarraine a plot
seated, should not onely supply her inhabitants
with plentiful purveyance of sustenance, but
provant and victual moreover this monstrous army
of strangers, was a matter that e|rregiou8ly be-
puzled and entranced my apprehenaion. Uolland-
eru, Zelanders, Scots, French, Wosterne men,
Northern men, besides all the hundreds and wapen-
takes nine miles compasse, fetch the beet of their
viands and mangery from her market. For ten
weeks together [m the herring season] this rabble
rout of outlandisbers are biliitted with her, yet in
all that while the rate of no kinde of food is raised,
nor the plenty of their markets one pinte of butter
rebated ; and at the ten weeks end, when the
campe is broken up, no impression of any dearth
left, but rather more store than before. Some of
the towne dwellers have so larcre an opinion of
their settled provision, that if all her majesties
fleet at once snould put into their bay, with twelve
dayes warning with so much double beere, beefe,
fish, and biskit they would bulke them as they
could wallow away with."
Our next quotation furnishes an early in-
stance of the use of galleries in churches,
and shows the economical cause of their in-
troduction. It is a common notion that these
unsightly appendages, together with the pews,
originated with the puritans, but here we
have an anti-puritan apologising for them.
** The newe building at the west ende of the
church was begunne there 1330, which like the
imperfit workes of Kinges Col ledge in Cambridge,
or Christ Church in Oxford, have too costly large
foundations to be ever finished. It is thought if
the towne had not been so scourged and eaten up
by that mortality [the plague of 1348], out of their
owne purses they woulde have proceeded with if,
but nowe they have gone a neerer way to the
woode, for with wooden galleries in the church
that they have, and stayry degrees of seats in
them, they make as much rooms to sitte heare, as
a new west end would have done."
The cause of Yarmouth's greatness : —
■* I fell a communing hereupon with a gentle*
man, a familiar of mine, and he eftsoones defined
unto mee that the Redde Herring was the old
Jaddecoh^ or Magister Ihcioium that brought in
the red ruddocks snd the grummell seed as thicke
as oatmeale, and made Yarmouth for argent to put
downe the cittv of Argentine. Doe but convert,
said bee, the slenderest twinckling reflexe of your
eie-sight to this flinty rings diat engirtes it, these
towred walles, port-cullizd-gates and gorgeous
architectures that condecorate and adorne it, and
then preponder of Ihe red herringes priority and
prevalence, who is the onely untfxhaustible mine
that hath raisd and begot all this, and minutely to
riper maturity fosters and cberieheth it. The red
herrinff alone it is that countervailes the burden-
some detriments of our haven, which every twelve-
month devours a Justice of Peace, living in weares
and banckes to beate off the sand and overthwart
ledging and fencing it in ; and defrayes all im-
positions and outwards payments to her majestic,
1863.]
SATIRES AND DECLAMATIONS OF THOMAS NASH.
228
in which Yarmouth gives not the wall to sixe,
though Hxteene moaih eaUne hurgess Unones ^ai
have dawbers and thatchera io their mayors^ chal-
lenge in parliament the upper hand of it.'*
As to the herring himsell; we are told that
when the lordly sun, *' the most rutilant
planet of the seven, shines forth in Lent, . .
Heralius herring enters into his chiefe reign
and scepterdome." ** Stately borne, stately
sprung b he — the best bloud of the Ptolomies
no statelier!" "Of so eye-bewitching a
deaurate-ruddie dye is the skin coat of this
Lantsgrave, that happy is that nobleman who
for bis colours in armory can nearest imitate
his chimicall temper ; nay, which is more, if a
man should tell you that God Himen^s saffron
coloor'd robe were made of nothing but ted
herrings' skins, you would hardly beleeve
him : such is tbe obduracy and bardnesse of
heart of a number of infidels in these dayes 1 "
" But to think on a red herring — such a hot
stirring meate it is — ^is enough to make the
cravenest dastard proclaime fire and sword
against Spaine." Tbe greatest milk-sop (we
do not quote verbally here) who eats " the
least ribbe of it, it will embrawne and iron-
crust bis flesh, and harden bis soft bleding
vaines as stiff and robustious as branches of
corrall." " The art of kindling fires that is
practised in the smoking or parching of him
18 old dog [a sovereign defence ?] against the
plague." He is further styled the father of
nis country — " Pater pairice, providitore and
supporter of Yarmouth, the lock and key of
Norfolke."
'' There are tha:t number of herringa vented oat
of Yarmouth every yeare (though the grammar-
ians make no pmral number of halec) as not
onely they are more by two thousand last than
our owne land can spend, but the^ fil all other
lands to whome at tiieir owne prises they sell
them, and happy is he that can first lay bold of
them. And bow can it bee otherwise, for if
Cornish pilchards* otherwise called fumadoe,
taken on tbe shore of Cornewall, from July to
November, be so saleable as they are in Fraunce,
Spaine, and Italy, (which are but counterfets to
the red herring, as copper to gold, or ockamie to
silver — much more their elbows itch for joy when
they meete with the true golde, the true red
herrinff it selfe. No true flying fish but he, or, if
there be, that fish never flyes but when his wings
are wet, and the red herring flyes best when his
wings are dry, throughout Belffia, Uiffh Ger-
roanie, Fraunce, Spaine, and Italy hee nyes, and
up into Greece* and Africa south and south-west,
estrich-Iike walkes his stations. And the sepul-
cher-palmers or pilgrims, because hee is so port^
able fill their scrips with them ; yea, no dispraise
to the blood of the Ottamans, the Nabuchedonesor
of Constantinople and giantly Antsus that never |
yawneth nor neezeth but he affrishteth tbe whole
earth, gormandizing muncheth him up for im-
periall dainties, and will not spare his idol Ma-
homet a bit."
The romantic history of the herring — " to
recount ab ovo from the church-booke of his
birth, howe be first came to be a fish, and
then how he came to be king of fishes, and
gradionately bow f^om white to red ha
changed" — is exceedingly drolly, but not
very delicately, narrated. It seems that after
that memorable Hellespontine tragedy, the
death of Leander and Hero, the conclave of
Olympus determined to make them denizens
of the element in which they had perished.
And as during life they had been separated
by the sea, so it was resolved that a great
waste of waters should divide them after
their metamorphosis. Leander, therefore, in
the form of a ling, had his habitation assign-
ed him '* on the unquiet cold coast of Ice-
land," while the beautiful Hero was sent to
the British seas to bless all aftercoming times
as the herring I The gods moreover in mercy
to their love, granted tbe two fishes an occa-
sional interview, as *' at the best men's tables
in the heele of the weeke, uppon Fridayes
and Satterdayes, the holy time of Lent ex-
empted, and then they might be at meate
and meale for seven weeks togitherl" To
make the history complete, the nurse or
duenna of Hero was changed " into that kind
of graine which wee call mustard- seede."
Hence, it is added, it is, that ** the red her-
ring and ling never come to the boord without
mustard 1" The manner in wbich the herring
became "king of fishes," is sufllciently
curious. Nash may have taken it from some
medieval apologue unknown to us, though it
would rather appear to be the produce of
bis own exuberant fancy. It is substantially
as follows. A falconer bringing over certain
hawks from Ireland, and airing them above
hatches on ship-board, one of them broke
from his fist, and being hungry began to seek
for prey. At last, she spied a speckled fish,
whicb she mistook for a partridge, and made
a stoop for it accordingly, when, suddenly
she found herself *' snapt up, belles and all
at a mouthful" by a shark that happened to
be at hand. A kingfisher, who saw the deed,
reported it to the *' land fowls," and there
was nothing to be heard among them but
** Arme, arme, arme ! to sea, to sea ! swallow
and titmouse, to take chastisement of that
trespasse of bloud and death committed
against a peere of their bloud royal." War-
like preparations were made, the muster "^
280
SATIBES AND DEGLAMATI0N8 OF THOMAS NASH.
[0«t,
taken, and the leaders selected, '* who had
their bills to take up pay.*' Field-marshal
Bparhawke took the command ; several pea-
cocks, in consideration of their gay coats and
" affrighting voyces," were selected as her-
alds, while some cocks played the part of
trumpeters; the kestrils were standard-
bearers, the cranes pikemen, and the wood-
cocks demi-lances! But on reaching the
Land's End, they were fain to exclaim,
^quora noa terrent, et ponti tristis imago^
and must have returned as they came, bat
for the water-fowl, — ducks, drakes, swans,
geese, cormorants, and sea-gulls — who lent
them their " oary assistance . and aydeful
furtherance in this action." The puffin, a
thing half bird, half fish, in the spirit of mis-
chief, informed the fishes of the armament
that had been prepared against them ; but
the whale, the sea-horse, the dolphin, and
the grampus ridiculed the whole affair. Not
80 however the smaller fish, who held a con-
sultation and agreed to appoint a king.
Afraid to fix on any of the larger deni ens
of the deep, lest they should prove despots
and tyrants, their choice at last fell upon the
herring, who was forthwith installed amidst
shouts of Vive le r<n^ and God save the king ;
the only dissentients being the plaice and the
butt, who made wry mouths at his diminutive
majesty, and this is the reason why all their
descendants down to the present day have
their mouths awry ! The result of the cour
flict is not recorded; but the herring still
wears a coronet as a mark of regal dignity,
and never stirs abroad without a numerous
army. The third transition, or how our
herring was ** camelionized'' from white to
red, concludes the wondrous history. A
fisherman of Yarmouth, having taken so
many herrings that he could neither sell nor
eat them all, hung some up in his smoky
cabin, and was astonished, some days after-
wards, to find they had changed their color
from white to the " deaurate ruddie" of well-
seasoned bloaters. The sight so astonished
both the fisherman and his wife, that they
fell down on their knees *'and blessed them-
selves and cride, a miracle, a miracle !" He
next went to the king*8 court, then held at
Burgh Castle, to exhibit these odd. fish, and
his majesty, partaking of the fellow's as-
tonishment, licensed him to carry them up
and down the realm as strange monsters. He
afterwards went to the Pope, and sold him
the last one of his stock for three hundred
crowns as the king of fishes — but the details
of the purchase, the cooking, and the bring-
ing of the herring to the apostolic table with
canopy and procession, would occupy too
much of our space ; suffice it to say, that
from that day downwards the red herring
has enjoyed all the popularity that his zeal-
ous eulogist and biographer could possibly
desire.
After a tirade against lawyers, rather in-
congruously brought into his book, and a little
allusion to alchemy, Master Nash tells us a
secret which he thinks all tapsters will blame
him for blabbing — ;" In his (that is, the red
herring's) skin,
" There is plaine witchcraft, for doe bnt mbbe a
kanne or quarte pot round about the mouth wyth
it, let the canniugest licke-spiggot swelt his heart
out, the beere *sbal never foame or froth in tbe
cnpp, whereby to deceyve men of their measuTO,
but be as setled as if it stoode all night"
After rebutting some disrespectful things
that have been said of herrings: —
*< Sq I coulde plucke a crowe wyth Poet Mai^
tiall for calling it jmtrt halec^ the scauld rotten
herring, but he meant that of the fat reasty Scot^
tish herrings, which will endure no salt, and in
one moneth (bestow what cost on them you wil)
waxe ramish if they be kept ; whereas our em-
barreld white herrings, flourishing with the stately
brand of Yarmouth upon them, acUicet, the three
halfe lions and the three halfe fishes, with the
crowne over the head [the arms of the port], last
in long voyages better than the redde herring, and
not onely are famous at Roan, Paris, Diepe, Cane
(whereof the first, which is Roan, serveth all the
high countries of Fraunce with it, and Diepe,
which is the last save one, victualles all Picaray
with it), but heere at home is made account oif
like a marquesse, and received at court right
solemnly, I care not much if I rehene to yon the
manner, and that is thus : —
" Every year about Lent tide the sherifes of
Norwich bake certayne herrinff pies (foure-and-
twenty as I take it), and send them as a homage
to the lorde of Caster hard by there, for lands
that they hold of him, who presently, upon the
like tenure, in bouncing hampers covered over
with his clothe of arms, sees them conveyed to
the court in the best equipage : at court, when
tliey are arrived, his roan entereth not rudely at
first, but knocketh very civilly, and then officers
come and fetch him in with torch-light, where,
having disfranghted and unloedled his luggage, to
supper he sets him downe like a lord, with his
waxe lights before him, and hath his messe of
meate allowed him with the largest, and bis
horses are provendered as cpicureiy : after this
some foure marke fee towardes his charges is
tendered him, and he jogges home agfuoe merrily."
We shall bring our notice of Ncufii^t Len-
ten Stuffe to a close by transcribing the
peroration of the book itself.
.** Tbe pussiant red herring ; the golden Hes-
I8«a.]
SATIRES AND DKOTiAMATIOMB OF THOMAS NASS
281
peridea red beniog ; the Meonian red herring ;
the Red Herring of Red Herrings Hal; every
prepmat peculiar of whose resplendent lande
an<r honor to delineate and adambrate to the
ample life were a worke that woald drinke drie
fonrescore and eighteene Castalian fonntaines of
"tioqucnce, consume another Athens of facnnditie,
and abate the haughtiest poeticall fury twixt this
and the burning zone ana the tropike of Cancer.
My conceit is cast into a sweating sickeness,
with ascending these few steps of his renowne :
into what a hote broyling Samt Laurence fever
would it relapse then should I spend the whole
bagge of my wind in climbing up to the lofty
mountain crest of his trophees. but no more
winde will I spend on it but this: Saint Denis
for Fraunce, Saint James for Spaine, Saint /
Petri ke for Ireland, Saint George
for Bngland, and the Red
Herring for Yarmouth."
(V)
We have placed Christ » Tears over Jeru-
mUm third on our list, (though it was origi-
nally produced jo the year 1594, between
the two former works), because its subject
matter is totally different, and its mode of
treatment of course proportionably grave
and serious. It is also a much larger work.
The limits of this article will not allow of
our giving more than a passing notice of it.
It opens with a most fulsome dedication to
the Lady Elizabeth Carey, wife of Sir
Qeorge Carey, afterwards Lord Hudson,
who is styled ''Excellent, accomplished,
court-glorifying lady," ''illustrate ladyship,"
''renowned madam," "judicial madam," and
** divine lady I" " Varrow saith, the philo-
sophers held two hundred and eight opmions
of felicity : two hundred and eight felicities
to me BusM it be, if I have framed any one
line to your liking." Well may such a
flatterer as thia account himself " a young
imperfect practitioner in Christ's school!"
It was, however, the common foible of the
day. In his epistle to the reader, he bids
''a hundred unfortunate farewels to fantas-
tical satirism," and expresses a hope that
those who hare been " perverted" by any of
his works will read this and so acquire a
threefold benefit.
Almost a third of the book is occupied by
a diffuse monologue, which the author desig*
nates "Our Saviour's coUachrimate oration."
This is followed by reflections on the destruc-
tion of Jerusalem. Bat the main design of
the publication is to censure the sins of Lon-
don, and to warn the inhabitants against a
similar catastrophe. We have declamaUons
in turn against ambition, avarice, usury,
, contentions, pride of apparel^and
many other, vices. Aeainst the indolence
and frivolity of the ladies he is particularly
severe:
" Just to dinner they will arise, and after dinner
go to bed again and lie until supper. Yea, some-
times, by no sickness occasioned, they will lie in
bed three days together, provided, every morning^
htfore four odock, thev have their broths and their
adlisea with pearl and gold sodden in them t If
haply they break their hours and rise more early
to go a.banqnettin^, they stand practising half a
day with their lookmg-gfass bow to pierce and to
glance and look alluringly aroiaUe. Their feet
are not so well framed to the measures as are
their eyes to move and bewitch. Even as angeU
are painted in churchmndowa tcith glorious gtMen
fronU beset mith sunbeams, so beset they their fore-
heads on either side with glorious' borrowed
gleamy bushes, which rightly interpreted should
signify, beauty to sell, since a busn is not else
hanged forth but to invite men to buy !*'
But the men do not escape :—
" England, the players' staee of gorgeous attire,
the ape of all nations' superfluities, the continual
masquer in outlandish habiliments, great plenty-
scanting calamities art thou to await, for wanton
disguising thyself against kind, and digressinff
from the |)lainne8s of thine ancestors. Scandal
ous and shameful it is, that not any in thee, fisher-
men and husbandmen set aside, but live above
their ability and birth; that the outward habit,
which in other countries is the only r?) distinction
of honor, should yield in thee no diffi^rence of
persons : that all ancient nobility, almost, with this
gorgeous prodigalitv should be devoured and eaten
up, and upstarts kinabit their stately palaces, who
from far have fetched in this variety of pride to
entrap and to spoil them. Those of thy people
that in ail other things are miserable, in their ap«
parel will be ptodigal. No laqd can so infallibly
experience the proverb, * The hood makes not the
monk,' as thou ; for tailors, serving-men, make-
shifts, and gentlemen in thee are confounded."
The work was written during the preva-
lence of the plague which destroyed so many
thousands of tb6 citizens in the year 1504.
'* In this time of infection we purge our houses
our bodies, and our streets, and look to all but our
soul.
'*The psalmist was of another mind, for he
said, ' O Lord, I have purged and cleansed my
spirit' Blessed sre they that are clean in heart,
however their houses be infected. There were
then, in the heat of the sickness, those that thought
to purge and cleanse their houses, by conveymg
their ineffected servants by night into the fields,
which there starved and died for want of relief
and warm keeping. Such merciless cannibals,
instead of purging their spirits and their houses,
have thereby doubled the plague aH them and
232
THE HOUBE OF C0MM0N8,
[Oct.
their houses. In Gray's Idd, Gerkenwell, Fins*
bury, aod Moorfields, with miDS own eyes have I
seen half-a-dozen of such lamentable outcasts.
Their brethren and their kinsfolks have offered
large sums of money to get theni conveyed into
any outhouse, and no man would earn it, no roan
would receive them. Curbing and raving by the
highway side have they expired, and their mas-
ters never sent to them nor succored them. The
fear of God has come amongst us, and the love of
God gone from us.*'
The pestilence which called forth these re-
marks, and which probably prompted the
writing of the book, filled the minds of the
Londoners with superstitious dread. It was
viewed as a heavy judgment and a direct
▼isitation of God's hand. " His hand I may
well term it, for on^ many that are arrested
with the plague ia the print of a hand seen,
and in the very moment it first takes them,
they feel a sensible blow given them^ as it
were the hand of some stapder by." Some
explained it by natural causes; others by
•upematural agency.
"^ As God*8 hand we will not take it, but the
hand of fortune, the hand of hot weather, the hand
of close smouldry air. The astronomers assign
it to the regimen and operation of planets. They
say Venus, Mars, Saturn, are motives thereof,and
never mention our sins, which are its chief pro-
creators. The vulgar menialty conclude, there"
fore, it is like to increase, because a hearnshaw
(young heron) a whole afternoon together, satB
on the top of Saint Peter's Church, in ComhilL
They talk of an ox that tolled the bell at Wool-
wich, and how from an ox he transformed him-
self to an old man, and from an old man to an in-
fant, and from an infant to a young man. Strang*
prophetical reports (as touching the sickness)
they mutter he gave out, when in truth they are
nought else hut cleanly coined lies, which soma
pleasant sportive wits have devised to gull them
most grossly. Under Master Dee's name the lik»
fabulous divinations have they bruited, when,
good reverend old man, he is as far from such ar-
rogant preciseness as the superstitious spreaders
of it are from true peace of conscience."
The morbid feeling which gave rise to
these delusions seems to have taken in Nash's
breast another direction, and to have led him
greatly to exaggerate the actual amount of
epravity in the metropolis. The contrast
which this work presents to the other two
affords curious matter of reflection for the
moralist. They have few points in common ;
and it is in the light and humorous satire;
and not in the Jeremiad, that the real charao-
ter of the writer is developed. The plagiie
passes away, and Nash writes again as of old
— gross personalities excepted — in praise of
the Red Herring 1
From Tait'a Magaxiae.
THC HOUSE OF COMMONS, FROM THE STBAN6EKS' OALLEKT.
Not far from Westminster Abbey, as most
of our readers know well, stands the gorgeoua
pile which Mr. Barry has designed, and Tor
which in a pecuniary sense a patient public
has been ratiier handsomely bled. Few are
there who have looked at. that pile from the
Bridge — or from the numerous steamers
which throng the river— -or loitered, round it
on a summer's eve, without feelipg some
little reverence for the spot haunted by noble
memories and heroic shades — where to this
day congregate the talent, the wealth, the
learning, the wisdom of the land. It is true,
there are men, and that amiable cynic, Mr.
Henry Drummond, is one of them, who main-
tain that the House of Commons is utterly
corrupt — that there is not a man in that
House, but has his price ; but we instinct-
ively feel that such a general xsharge is false
— that no institution could exist steeped ill
the demoralization Mr. Drummond supposes ^
— that his statement is rather one of those
ingenious paradoxes, in which eccentric men
delight, than a sober exposition of the real
truth. Mr. Drummond should know bettec
A poor penny-a-liner — of a bilious tempera-
ment, without a rap in his pocket — might be
excused such cyncism ; but it does not become
an elderly religious gentleman, well shaven —
with clean linen, and a good estate. The
House of Commons is a mixed assenably.
It contains the fool of quality — ther Beotian
squire — the needy adventurer — the unprinci-
pled charlatan ; but these men do not rule it
— do not form its opinion — do not have much
influence in it. It is an assembly right in the
1858.]
FROM THJB
Practically, it cooBists of well-en-
dowed, well- informed business men — men
with little enthusiasm, but with plenty of
common sense, and with more than average
intellect, integrity, and wealth. Still more
may be said. AH that is great in our land
is there. It boasts the brightest names in
literature, in eloquence, aud law. Our island-
mother has no more distinguished sons than
those whose names we see figuring day by
day in the division lists. Nowhere can a
man see an assembly more honourable, more"
to be held in honor, for all that men do
honor, than the British House of Commons,
to which we now propose to introduce the
refider.
We suppose it to be the night of an im-
portant debate, and that we have an order
for the Strangers' Gallery. As the gallery
will not hold more than seventy, and as each
member may mve an order, it is very clear
Ihat at four, when the gallery will be thrown
open, there will be more waiting for admis-
sion than the place can possibly contain, and
that our only chance of getting in will be by
being there as early as possible. When Mr.
Gladstone brought forward the Budget, for
instance, there were strangers waiting for ad-
mission as early as ten in the morning. We
go down about one, and are immediately di-
rected to a low, dark cellar, with but little
light, save what comes from a fire, that
nuikes the place anything but refreshingly
cool or pleasant. Being of a stoical turn of
mind, we bear our lot in patience, not, how-
ever, without thinking that the Commons
might behave more respectfully to the sove-
reign people, than by consigning them to
this horrid black hole. It is in vain we try
to read — ^it is too dark for that ; or to talk —
the atmosphere is too oppressive even for
ihat slight exertion; and so we wile away
the time in a gentle reverie, occasionally in-
terrupted by the purchase of oranges from
the merry Irish woman, who comes to us as
a ministering angel, and is in capital spirits at
doing so much business, and only wishes there
was a budget once a week. As soon as this
room is full, the rest of the strangers are put
under the custody of the police in St. Ste-
phen's Hall. This b much more pleasant
than waiting in the cellar, for there is a con-
tinual passing to and fro of lords and law-
yers, and M. P.^s, and parliamentary agents
and witnesses ; so that if you do not get into
the House, you will see something going on.
Bat in the cellar you sit^ as Shelly says,
Like a party in a parlor,
All silent, and all damned !
GALLERY.
288
At length we hear the ringing of a bell, it
is a welcome sound, for it announces that
the Speaker is going to prayers. A few
minutes, and another ringing makes us aware
of the pleasing fact that that Gentleman's
devotions have already comoienced. We
are delighted to hear it, for we know that
the policeman who has had us in charge, and
who has ranged us in the order of our re-
spective entrances, will presently command
the first five to get out their orders and pro-
ceed. The happy moment at last arrivea,
and with a light heart we run up several
flights of stairs and find ourselves in thb
BOUSB.
At first we hardly know what we see.
Chaos seems come ^ain ; every one is out
of his place. On the Opposition benches sits
Joseph Hume, on the Ministerial Colonel
Sibthorp. All is confusbn and disorder. No
one but the Speaker seems to know what he
is about. It IS the hour devoted to private!
business. Amidst the hum of conversation
we hear the deep-toned voice of the Speaker,
hastily reading over the titles of bills, and
declaring them read a first, or second, or
third time, as the case may be. Then we
hear him announce the name of some honor-
able M.P., who immediately rises and reads
a statement of the petition he holds in his
hand, with which he immediately rushes down
to the clerk, and which, thereupon, the Spea-
ker declares, is ordered to lie upon the table —
literally the petition is popped into a bag.
In the meanwhile we take a look around.
We are up in the Strangers' Gallery ; before
us is the Speaker's Gallery, which is a row
nearer the busy scene, and which is furnished
with easy leather cushions, while we sit upon
bare boards. On either side of the house are
Galleries, very pleasant to sit, or lie, or occa-
sionally sleep on, and by and by we shall see
in them old fogies, red in the face, talking
over the last bit of scandal, and young mus-
tached lords or officers, sleeping away the
time, to be ready, when the house breaks
up, for
Fresh fields and pastures new.
Opposite to us is the Reporters' Gallery.
Already some dozen of them are there ; those
three boxes in the middle belong to the
Time9. At present, the getftlenaen of the
press are taking it easy ; they will have to
work hard enough anon. Above them are
gilt wires, behind which we see the glare of
silks and satins, and faintly — for otherwise
attenUon would be drawn from the gentlemen
284
THB HOUHE OF OOMMONa
Oct,
to the ladies above— but sUU clearly enough
to make us believe —
That we can almost think we gaxe
Through golden vistas into heaven,
we see outlines of female forms, and we won-
der if the time will ever arrive when Lucretia
Hott's dream shall be realized, and woman
take her seat in the senate, side by side with
the tyrant man. Under the Reporters' Gal-
lery, and immediately facing us, sits the
Speaker, in his chair of state. On his right
are the Treasury Benches ; on the left, those
where the Opposition are condemned to sit,
and fume and fret in vain. Between these
benches is the table at which the clerk sits,
and on which petitions, when they are re-
ceived, are ordered to lie, and where lie the
green boxes, on which orators are very fond
of striking, in order to give to their speeches
particular force. At the end of this table
commences the gangway, which is supposed
to be filled with independent statesmen, and
to whom, therefore, at particular times, the
most passionate appeals are addressed.
Lower down, is the Bar of the House; and
that, in our position, we cannot see. At the
end of the table lies the "gilt bauble," as
Cromwell called the mace — which is the sign
of the Speaker's presence, and which is
always put under the table when the Speaker
leaves the chair. When a message from the
Lords is announced, the Mace- bearer, bearing
the Mace, goes to the Bar of House, and
meets the Messenger, who comes forward
bowing, and retires in the same manner, with
hb face to the Speaker, for it would be a
terrible breach of etiquette were the Messen-
ger to favor that illustrious personage with a
glimpse of his back. When the Speaker
leaves the chair no one else occupies it. One
of the forms of the House, pertinaciously
adhered to, and often productive of good
results, was employed to some purpose the
last time we were in the House. According
to Parliamentary rules, when the Speaker
puts the motion for leaving the chair, pre-
vious to the House going mto a Committee
of Supply, it is at the option of any mem-
ber who has a grievance, to bring it forward
then. Accordingly, Tom Duncombe skilfully
availed himself of this privilege. The ri-
diculous proceedings of the Government in
the late gunpowder plot, was the burden of
honest Tom's speech. Duncombe expatiated
on the hardship done to Mr. Hales, showed
that the Times had libelled Lord Palmerston
even more than Kossuth, and did, what he
generally does, make the house laugh. Pal-
merston answered with equal ease, and was
equally successful in making the house laugh ;
and the man who does that will always be
heard in St. Stephen's. Lord Dudley Stuart
then started to his less, to express his de-
light to find that Lord Palmerston declared
that Kossuth had nothinc^ to do with the
afihir, and then wandered into a panegyrie
on Palmerston himself. Lord Dudley is a
good man and an honest man, but he is not
a first-rate tactician ; and there are better
orators than he. In his untiring devotion to
the cause of the exile and the refugee, he
deserves thanks and praise ; one feels inclined '
to repeat Coleridge s lines, and say : —
Oh, lady, nursed in pomp and pleasure,
Where learnt you that heroic measure ?
But still his lordship is not always up to the
mark, and certainly was not so on the occasion
to which we refer. But if he was not that
broad-shouldered, square-headed Quaker by
his side, John Bright, was, and he, at any
rate, determined that Palmerston should not
be let off so easily. As Lord Dudley sat
down, up then rose honest John. Kossuth
had been slandered in an article in the jTimetf
which not a man calling himself a gentleman
would put his hand to. That was a point
which the House took up and cheered.
Country gentlemen — ^poor old Spooner ait-
ting on his bench alone — could join in that
Then Kossuth had been dogged by spies.
Was that with Palmerston's sanction. His
lordship blandly replied ; but Bright is not
a man easily soaped down, and he returned
fresh and furious to the charge. His lord-
ship again rose to reply, but without the lifis
that amused the House when he replied to
Duncombe. Then Cobden, regardless of the
noble lord's feelings, would have got him up
again, had not the Speaker interfered. This
chattering must be stopped. Lord Palmer-
ston had already spoken three times. It
was time the badger-baiting were ended.
The pause gave occasion to some Irish M.P.
to ask a question relative to ministers' money^
and to get what Mr. Maguire termed an
evasive reply from the Treasury benches,
which, under other circumstances, would
have made a nice little row by itself ; but
the Kossuth matter was not to be so easily
disposed of, and Mr. Cobden was determined
to have his say as well as his cUter e^o.
Bright Accordingly, with his usual tacl^
he got a cheer or two from the House for the
I Hungarian hero, and then came down on
1868.]
FROM THB STBAKGXB8' GAZXERY.
2Zf
Lord John, who, as he generally does, made
a neat and appropriate speech . No man can
do this better than Lord John ; and there
the matter ended, and the House then pro-
ceeded with its business. Such forms as
those we refer to hare advantages — they give
men opportunities of uttering their senti-
ments— of castigating Governments when
they deserve it — of being a terror to Min-
isters when evil disposed.
But time has passed away, and the hour
Cor private business has ceased. The ben-
ches on both sides of the House are already
filled. That first row on the Speaker's right
contains the Ministers. The diminutive Lord
John sits by the side of the gigantic Graham,
and near Lord Palmerston, a man who shares
with Joseph Hume the honor of being the
father of the House, and who still carries his
years well. Joseph Hume is still as fresh
and gay as a foor-y ear-old, and if Dodd be
an authority he did not take his seat till 1811,
while in 1809 we find Palmerston in office.
Further from the Speaker, and nearer the
stranger's gallery, sit Gladstone — Moles-
worth — Wilson — the law officers sitting still
further removed from us. Fronting them
are the Opposition, and that Jewish-looking
individual, with a white vest, that renders
him the observed of all observers, is the
leader of the great Protectionist party, whose
battles he has fought — whose councils he
has guided-^whose chiefs, at one time, he
placed upon the Treasury bench itself. Up
m the gallery no one is watched so anxiously
as he. Lord Palmerston is the next best
8tared-at man in the House ; and then the
diminutive Lord John. But we all like to
look at Disraeli. So far as the Opposition
are concerned, the debate generally Ian-
grQishes till Disraeli rises to speak. His cus-
tom is to fit motionless as a mummy all
night, with his chin buried in his bosom, and
his hands in his pockets, except when he
takes them to bite or examine the state of
his nails — a nervous action which I believe
he unconsciously performs. His speeches
are fine displays ; he has a voice that one
may hear in every part of the House. There
b a daring saucy look in his face, which at
once excites your interest. He is not a large
man, but he looks well put together, with
his head in the right place ; but he never
seems in earnest, or to have a great principle ;
be is an admirable actor, and blends the use-
ful necessary business talk with the orna-
mental and the personal, as no other man in
the House does. Generally he looks glum,
and talks to no one except to Bateson, one of
the Opposition whippers-in, and Lord Henry
Lennox, his private secretary, who, however,
prefers mostly gossiping in the lobby to. the
war of words carried on in the house. There
are times also when Disraeli looks more
cheerful. On that memorable November
morninff when he was ousted from place —
when his party were ingloriously driven from
the Eden in which they had long hoped to
repose, back into the bleak and desert world,
the ex-Chancellor, came out of the lobby
gay and frt:sh as if the majority had been
with him, not against him ; there was an un-
wonted gaiety in his walk, and sparkle in bis
eye, but the excitement of the contest was
hardly oven The swell of the storm was
still there. Still rang in his ears the thun-
ders of applause — audible to us even in the
lobby, which greeted his daring retorts and
audacious personalities. By the side of
Disraeli sits that respectable Chairman of
Quarter Sessions, Sir John Packington —
near him the gentle Walpole, of whom it
I may be said that he never took a joke ; the
ready-tongued and clever Sir Frederick Tbes-
iger, and other party lights. On the bench
behind sits the grey-haired Spooner, still
eager in his crusade against Maynooth ; and
behind him we have a regular row of far-
mers' friends. That tall nobleman, in sport-
ing costume, with indistinct utterance, with
vehement but monotonous action, is the Mar-
(^uis of Granby. Next to him is the lu-
gubrious representative of Cambridge fens
and flats — near by are other remnants of the
forlorn Association for the Protection of
British Industry and Capital. On the same
side of the House, but below the gangway,
sit the Iri&h ultra-Komanists and Tenant
Leaguers — a band formidable from their
obstinacy and audacity. There they sit,
Maguire, the Irish Disraeli Gavan Duffy ojf
the Nation — Lucas of the Tablet — deter-
mined to side with no party — ^to support no
Government that will not give to Ireland all
they want for her — determined to make
Ireland what she has ever been, a stumbling-
block in the way of all who rule.
Behind the gangway, but on the ministe-
rial side of the House, sit the Manchester
School. Its chiefs are never heard without
attention. Cobden and Bright never open
their mouths, but the bouse listens. Ob-
scurer Radicals, Lord Dudley Stuart, Mr.
W. Willianis, and others, may be on their
legs for a quarter of an hour without a sound
being heard. The extreme men all sit to-
gether. That pale, thinking, determined
man, with spectacles, is £d ward Miall, of Uie
289
THE HOUSE OF COBIMON&
[Oct^
JVbnconformiat — the leader and the light —
the tutamen et dectis of the more advanced
and intelligent section of English Koncon-
formists. Below him sits that Church Re-
former, Sir Benjamin Hall. High up on the
Ministerial benches, but near the gangway,
sits smiling Joseph Hume, the best tempered
man and most frequent speaker in the House.
Fortunately, Joseph does not speak long ; if
he did, he would be very tiresome indeed.
Tom Duncombe, the pet of the great un-
washed— a class that we trust will materially
diminish, since the Chancellor of the Exche-
quer has taken the duty off soap, sits imme-
diately behind ; and near him you see a short
mountain of a man, wi«h large, thoughtful
head, long, grey hair^ and curious Quaker
hat. That is William Johnson Fox — the
" Publicola" of the Weekly Dispatch— the
" Norwich Weaver Boy," of the League — an
orator whose orations at the Anti-Corn-Law
meetings at Coven t Garden, are still remem-
bered as efforts of eloquence unparalleled in
these modern times.
But we have been already some time in
the House. Hours have come and gone —
day has faded into night. Suddenly, from
the painted glass ceiling above, a mellow
light has streamed down upon us all. Rich
velvet curtains have been drawn across the
gorgeously painted windows, and if we had
only good speeches to listen to, we should
be very comfor^ble indeed. Alas, alas,
• there is no help for us! As soon as " Wishy"
sito down, *' Washy" gets up ; and members
thin off, leaving hardly forty in the House.
Nor can we wonder at this. Men must dine
once in the twenty-four hours, and members
of the House of Commons obey this univer-
sal law. Most of them have been hard at
work all the day. You are confoundedly
mistaken, my dear sir, if you think that as
soon as you have taken your seat in the
Hous^, you have nothing to do but make a
brilliant speech, and to spend the rest of your
time cantering in Rotten Row — gossiping in
the window of your favorite Club — or being
lionized in Belgravia. Never did mother's
son make a more egregious blunder. The
rule is-—
Work, work, work,
Till the brain begins to swim.
Possibly, as you have gone by the steamer
from your chambers in Fig Tree Court,
Temple, to Cremome, you have seen rows of
windows extending along the whole river-
front of the New House of Parliament. One
of those rows of windows, at least, denotes
the great fact of the existence of a corridor
of committee-rooms. These oommittee-rooms
generally open at eleven or twelve o'clock,
and the chances are that in one or Qther of
them you will be caught and confined daily
till the hour of prayer happily arrives. There
you must sit examining witnesses and plana
— listening to counsel very learned and very
dull. Occasionally counsel are facetious,
generally they are quite the reverse : and I
assure you that Jfanana, in the "Moated
Orange,'* never was so weary, or so wished
that she were dead, as you will, after you
have been a day or two on the " Bullock-
Smithy Waterworks Committee Bill." Con-
sequently, between the hours of eight and
ten, the House gets very thin indeed, and
the oratory is of that kind generally known
as " small beer." About ten again the
House gets full, and the great-guns rise ; but
still you must not leave — there may be a di*
virion. You must stay there till one or two,
as the case may b6 : so that, after all, an
honorable M. P. has not a very easy life.
Committees all day, and debates all night —
I wonder that some of the old fogies in the
House don't give it up and retire; they can't
be ambitious now — at their time of life they
cannot expect a place, or, with their failing
powers.
The applause of listening senates to command.
That dream must, long have left them. I
suppose it is custom that compels them to
haunt the house ; they have got used to it,
and they could not otherwise exist. But it
is terrible work after all ; just as country life
becomes beautiful, just as out-door existence
becomes preferable to that within, just as the
warm voluptuous breath of the sunny south
makes you feel young in spite of grey hairs
and increasing obesity, an M. P. is condemned
to spend the livelong day and night in the
heated atmosphere of St. Stephen's HalU
Of itself, without bad speeches, this i^ould
be a heavy task. It is true that lately the
ventillation of the House has been much im-
proved, but still, if Punch be an authority,
when an irritated cabman, for occasionally
cabmen do lose their temper, would call his
brother jarvey a fool, he simply terms him
the '' gentleman wot wentilates the House of
Commons." But time is wearing away. We
will suppose the House has become full ; the
great men have had their say ; the debate, as
far as the government is concerned, is con-
cluded, generally by Lord John, who is in a
1853.]
FBOM THE STRANaKRS' GALLERY.
237
capital state of preservation, and standing
nearly erect — little men always do — with his
hands tucked up in the arm-boles of his coat,
is lively, and leaves the House to divide in
good spirits. His lordship is admirably fitted
for an age of compromise and coalition. The
liberality of his premises is only equalled by
the niggardly deductions he draws from them.
The boldest Reformers admire his principles,
the narrowest Conservatives are scarcely
■hocked by his conclusions ; so that he suits
oU parties. Lord John resumes his seat
amidst loud calls of divide, divide I The di-
vision bell rings — peers and diplomatists and
strangers are turned out — members come
rushing in from the library and smoking-
room. The mysteries of the lobby are only
for the initiated. If the division is large, we
may have to wait half an hour for the result,
generally announced with tremendous cheers.
Up in the waiting-room, we have no idea how
the division goes. All that we learn from
the Oallery keeper is, that there was an im-
mense majority, but he cannot exactly say on
which side it was. Altogether, the arrange-
ment seems very senseless and absurd. The
strangers are surely not in the way of the
members, and the publication of the division
list, precludes for an instant the idea that it
b done to insure secrecy. The arrangement
18 merely an unnecessary inconvenience which
the House keeps up from its love of antiqua-
ted forms. Surely now that people are ad-
mitted into the House, they might be allowed
to stop while they are there. They are cer-
tainly as quiet and orderly as the gentlemen
that sit below. Not that fault should be
found with members ; they are generally well
behaved, and hear even unutterable bores
with attention. It is seldom they put a man
down, or are boisterous and rude. Of course,
however, this remark is not to be understood
as applying to all the representatives from
the sister-isle. And now the division is an-
nounced, and the House adjourns. Out
bound honorable M. P.'s, as schoolboys out
of tchool. Glad enough are they the thing
18 over, and lighting their cigars — ^it is aston*
ishing what smokers honorable gentlemen
are — not unreluotantly do they wend their
way home. Following their example, we ex-
change the noisy and heated House for the
chill and silent night — but we cannot omit to
observe first how much the press has altered
the character of the oratory of the House.
Whilst, for instance, Smithers was speaking
—the House was then very thin — nobody
Eatened to Smithers — yet went on Smith-
en stuttering — reading from M.S. notes-
screeching at the top of his voice^-sawing
the air with his arms, in the manner of Mr.
Frederick Peel — no one listens to Smithers —
occasionally a good-natured friend mildly
ejaculates an approving "hear," btit gene-
rally Smithers sits down as he rises, without
any particular mark of approval at all — Why
then does Smithers speak? — why because
thC' press is there — to treasure up every
word — to note down every sentence — to let
the British nation see what Smithers said.
This of course is a great temptation to Smith-
ers to speak when there is no absolute neces-
sity that Smithers should open his mouth at
all. Yet this has its advantages^-on the
morrow honorable gentlen^en have the whole
debate before them, cqolly to peruse and
study, and if one grain of sense lurked in
Smithers' speech, the reader ^ets the benefit.
At times also, were it not for the press, it
would be almost impossible to transact the
business of the country. For instance, we
refer to Mr. Wilson's proposals for Customs
Reform. On the occasion to which we refer,
Mr. Wilson spoke for nearly four hours. Mr.
Wilson we helieve to be an excellent man and
father of a family, but he certainly is a very
Soor speaker. Never was there a duller and
rearier speech. Few men could sit it out.
In the gallery there were a few strong-minded
females who heard every word — what cannot
a strong-minded woman do ? — but M P.'s
gossiped in the lobby — or dined — or smoked
— or drank brandy and water — in short did
anything but listen to Mr. Wilson ; and yet
this was a grave, serious, government mea-
sure. Why then did not members listen 1
Because there was no need for them to do
80. The Times would give it them all the
next morning ; and so it mattered little how
empty of listeners was the House, provided
the reporters were there and did their duty.
It is to the Reporters' Gallery members
speak, not to the House. Thus it is orators
are so plentiful in spite of the freezing at-
mosphere of the House. Ordinarily no one
listens— no one expects to be convinced —
no one seeks to convince^ The House is po-
lite, but it has no enthusiasm. Orators, like
George Thompson, are quite out of place in
it. Such a man as Henry Vincent would be
a laughing-stock. The House would go into
convulsions every time his apoplectic face ap-
peared. The House consists of middle-aged
gentlemen of good parts and habits, and they
like to do business and to be spoken to in a
business-like way. Next to business-like
speakers, the House likes joking. Hen6e it
is Tom Duncombe and Lord Palmerston are
29S
THE HOUSE OF OOMMONS; FROM THE SmAKOSRS^ GAILERT.
[Oct.
such favorites. Hence it is that Colonel Sib-
thorp and Henry Drammond get so readily
the ear of the House. The House cares little
for declamation. It would rather be without
it. It considers it a waste of time. Figures
of arithmetic are far more popular than fig-
ures of speech. The latter are for school-
boys and youth in its teens — the former are
for men. Business is one thing — rhetoric is
another.
D' Israeli began his career as a rhetorician;
and failed. Wisely, he altered his plan.
H^ learnt to keep account^, — to talk prose —
to understand business, and he has been al-
ready Chanisellor of the Exchequer. One
other thing also noteworthy is the general
good character of the House and fairness of
Its constitution. All opinions are found in it.
If Mr. Gladstone represents High Churoh,
Sir Benjamin Hall represents Low Church —
Mr. Miall extreme Dissent, and Mr. W. J.
Fox Dissent that is not orthodox nor ex-
treme, but tolerant and latitudinarian. The
heroes of the An ti- Corn-Law League are
there, and there also are the country squires
who consider them as the fruitful cause of
mischief. Protestant Spooner walks into the
same lobby with Lucas of the *' Tablet ;" and
Quaker Bright sits side by side with mighty
men of war. Teetotal Hey worth finds him-
self in the same discussion with Bass, famed
for bitter ale. The result is not exactly what
any man desires, but what is perhaps best
under the circumstances — what; perhaps, best
represents the general feeling of the country.
We know it is fashionable to think otherwise
— to represent the House as rotton to its core,
and as misrepresenting the opinions of the
times. For our part, we believe it does
nothing of the kind. It is a much better re-
presentative than a fortiori we might expect.
Aristocrats, you say, are there — ^yes, but they
are men, most of them, of untainted honor —
of lofty aim— of comprehensive views— and
the general fusion and ventilation of opinion
and clash of intellect elicit action most con-
genial with the intelligence of the age. Take
any of the extreme men, for instance. What
could they do? Are they the representa-
tives of the mass of opinion ? Is the country
grepared to lock up the National Church, as
[r. Miall would recommend — to dissolve the
Union, as Gavan Duffy would desire — to put
down all our armaments, as Mr. Bright would
think proper — to grant the five points of the
Charter, as poor Mr. Fergus O'Connor con-
tended? Most certainly not. Yet these pien
are in the House, and rightly in the House,
and help to preserve the balance which it is
so essential to maintain. With them away,
the opinions of the people would not be fairly
represented. At the same time, it must be
remembered, that they represent but sections,
and we must not fall into the error of mis-
taking a part for the whole. In the House,
then, it is wisely arranged that the represen*
tatives of extreme opinions shall meet. Thus
justice is done to all. Thus mutual tolera-
tion is learned. Thus the mental vision of all
becomes enlarged. We make these remarks
because we think we see a tendency to run
down the House of Commons, and the repre-
sentative institutions of which it is a type.
By Britons this feeling should net be enter*
tained. That assembly contains the grandest
intellects of which our oountry can boast. In
its earliest days it rocked the cradle of our
liberties, and still it guards them, though the
stripling has long become a giant At our
elections there is deep-seated demoralization
— but still that demoralisation has its bounds,
which it cannot pass, and the high-minded
and the honorable form the majority in the
House of Commons ; and if, gentle reader, it
laughs at your favorite idea, it only does so
because that idea is a poor squalling brat, not
a goddess with celestial mien and air. A
time may come when it may be that, and then
it will not knock at the door of the House in
vain. Till then, the House may be forgiven
for not thinking of it. The House is not
bound to take notice of it till then. Law
Reform — Parliamentary Reform — Financial
Reform — Customs Reform — Education— CoU
onies — Convicts — India — these are the topics
with which the House has now painfully to
grapple. Your favorite idea must wait a little
longer. In the meantime, if it be a good one
we wish it well — if it be a true one we shall
surely hear of it again.
1858.]
M. AHFEBX Df WASHnrGPION;
8S0
Translated from the Rerue de deux Mondes, for the Eclectic Magaiiae.
M. AMPERE IN WASHINGTON.
'Washington is a striking proof of this
trutb, that we cannot will to create a great
town. To prepare a site worthy of the po-
litical Capital of the United States, they
hewed down the trees which sanounded it,
and traced the line of an immense street, at
one end of which they erected the Capitol,
where the Congress sits, whilst at the other
they built the " White House," for the Presi-
dent's residence is so called. They then laid
out other streets in every direction, so that
they then contemplated the establishment of
a place which would hold two hundred thou-
sand souls, whereas Washington holds at the
most but fifty thousand. Moore indulged in
a spirit of raillery, at a town in its infancy,
where could be seen squares in swamps, and
obelisks amongst trees. The population is
sparsely scattered over a place badly laid
out, which has given rise to the remark, that
at Washington there may be seen houses
without streets, and streets without houses.
The first view of this town made me sad.
In the midst of a country covered with snow,
through which the Potomac slept like a
frozen serpent, the brown turrets of the
Smithsonian Institute, a scientific establish-
ment of a singular order of architecture,
raised themselves up in the midst of a hazy
atmosphere. The streets were whitened by
winter, and in the midst of these icy regions,
tbe grotesque figures of the blacks were to
be seen in strange contrast with the color of
the snow, far away from their country, for
slavery exists m the District of Columbia,
subject to the immediate authority of Con-
gress. Slavery is at the door of the Palace
of Liberty I
I was happy to find the French Minister
at Washington, M. de Sartiges, an old ac-
quaintance of Rome and Athens ; since Minis-
ter Plenipotentiary in Persia, he now repre-
sents the urbanity of the French and the
intelligence of the Parisians in the midst of
the coldness of the Americans, and they
seem to be on very good terms wiUi each
other. As for myself, being received under
hb hospitable roof, I found that France, and
particularly a France, as amiable as that of
the Embassy, was good to be met with in
every country.*
*< Lei U8 go to the Capitol to pray to the Ooda.^*
The Capitol is a remarkable monument.
Well situated on a slight eminence, it over-
looks the course of the river, and a vast plain
terminated by some hills. Souvenirs aside,
this horizon does not come up to the Roman
horizon ; it has more extent than grandeur,
two things that are not synonymous, althouif h
they sometimes confound them here. On
the opposite side of the town are placed some
sculptures of different merit ; America, dis-
covered by Columbus (and which is said
rather jokingly), is apparently discovered
because it is naked ; and Greenough's statue
of Washington. Another work from the
same sculptor will soon be placed there ; it
is a group remarkable for its design and exe-
cution, which represents the Anglo-Saxon
race controlling and governing the indigenous
inhabitants of tbe country. I saw this group
in Mr. Greenough's study in Florence, and it
appeared to me that it would be a fit orna-
ment for the American Capitol. Tbe central
dome of the Capitol appeared to me to be
too low, and too he^vy for the extent of the
lateral buildings. The hall in the interior
placed under the cupola is very fine. On
the one side sits the House of Representa-
tives, and on the other the Senate. Tbe
columns of the vestibule, through which you
enter to the hall of sitting of the last named
body, present a singular and rather graceful
attempt at native^ architecture ; they are or-
* I was mndh pleased with the oonvereationB of
K. Beileao, now first Secretary of the French Lega-
tion at Waehington, after having been the first to
distiDguieh himaelf at the Poly teohnic School, which
is not of frequent oocorrenoe with a diplomatist
M. Boileaa has been applying hlnuelf to acientifio
labors in Pennsylvania and the exploration of its
mines; his oonyersations on this subject recom-
pensed me for tbe loss I sustained in not being able
to see the mining oountry. I could not do so from
the advanced state of the season.
240
M. AMPERE IN WASHIKOTON.
[Oct,
namented with wheat- stalks grouped in a
bunch. The capitals are formed of thorns
and leavesvof the same plant. At no great
distance from them they have used the to-
bacco leaf to decorate other columns, which
does not produce such a pleasing effect.
However, it is very natural to borrow deco-
rations for the architecture of a country from
its vegetation. The Egyptians did the same
with the lotus and the prtpyrus, the Greeks
with the acantkuit, the French, the English
and the Germans, in the middle ages, with
the clover and the cabbage-leaf. Neverthe-
less, they ought to avail themselves sparingly
of these imitations from local nature, and
when they do so, employ them with taste.
It seems to me that cigars offer too good a
use for the tobacco-leaf to rob them of what
properly belongs to them.
I found neither in the House of Repre-
sentatives nor the Senate that carelessness in
their dress nor vulgarity in their manners, of
which I had heard so much said ; but many
of the speakers used great violence in their
festiculation, and broke out into immoderate
ts of laughter, followed by an intonation
much too low — on the whole there was not
enough simplicity. The audience generally
preserved great calmness, and the assembly
did not seem to partake much of the warmth
of the speakers. These were ordinarily very
quiet, only, during a discussion aboUt Kos-
suth, there was a little agitation amongst the
Representatives. The members applauded.
I heard some one say, who was standing near
me, we have a French Home to-day. This
was intended to imply a certain agitation in
the assembly and amongst the members, but
the French Chambers, which have seen many
disorders and tumults, have witnessed nothing
like some of the scenes which have been
enacted in the Capitol at Washington. It
was not, thanks be to heaven, the habitual
tone of the proceedings in Congress, and, for
my part, I saw nothing of the kind. We
must remember that the United States con-
tains parts of the country which are very
little civilized. A man who arrives from the
extremities of the West, is a little in this
country like a Frenchman who would come
to Paris from the mountains of Corsica.
Should we conclude, from the violent habits
of this man, that the vendjetta is one of the
customs of the French? An abuse of more
ordinary occurrence was the length of the
speeches. There were some extraordinary
anecdotes on this subject. Now, in imitation
of some of the republics of antiquity, and the
first Puritan preachers, it has been ordered.
that the duration of the speeches shall not
exceed one hour. It is not the same in tfa«
Senate, where oratorical displays are confined
to no particular limit, and where are found
at the present day the most eminent orators
of the Union.
The time when the most important contro-
versies took place has passed away, when
Mr. Calhoun with his manly front, ardent
gesture, and pressing though sometimes
factious dialectic, contended against the full
and sonorous voice, the proud attitude and
majestic bearing of Mr. Webber ; when Mr.
Clay, the Aristides of this Republic, came to
oppose the energy of his language and the
integrity of his politics and his life against
the violence of parties. Mr. Clay is now
dying at Washington. Mr. Calhoun is oo
more; and Mr. Webster is Minister, and as
such is not allowed to be a member of Con<
gress ; but in default of these great heroes
of the past, I heard some men whose names
begin to be mentioned as candidates for tha
future Presidency, amongst others, Messrs.
Houston and Douglas, both of the Demo-
cratic party.
Mr. Houston comes ffom Tennessee. lu
his youth, he le€t this State to |[q^ and spend
some years amongst the Thdiatt^, at)d, after-
wards, became the principal agent in the es-
tablishment of Texas. Whilst he was waging
war against the Mexicans, General Houston
had the good fortune to conquer Santa Anna
and make him prisoner. He is a man who
is celebrated, from the audacjty of his charac-
ter. Some fear to find in him a second, Jack-
son, and a supporter of the war-party ; others
assure me that the hardy chieftain, the semi-
barbarian of other days, will now make a very
good President. All that I can say, is, that
I witnessed in the Senate the great control
that Mr. Houston could exercise over himselC
la one of his speeches, he had excited Mr.
Footers anger, the Governor of Mississippi,
whom I heard several times, always with
much violence. The latter, in his reply, used
an extreme bitterness of language, accusing
Mr. Houston of the wish to divkie, and by
that means destroy, the democratic party, and
thus further his personal views, by making
an alliance with the free soilers, in order to
reach the Presidency. The attack could not
have been more vehement or more direct.
Mr. Houston replied with much calmness,
with that placidity, a little disdainful in an
old soldier, who did not wish to pick a quarrel
on that day at least. He complained of ao*
cusations being thrown out against him, and
then disavowed, saying, that when he attacked
1359.]
IL AMPERE IN WASHIKOTON.
241
any one he did it openly, and in a good-bu-
mored way ; he finislied by narrating, and he
did it very well, the story of a parson, who
was a troublesome gnest. " They went to
find him in heaven, he was not there, then in
purgatory, the guardian of the place received
the visitors very politely and replied : ' Him,
whom you are looking for, you will not find,
he threw all purgatory into disorder, but he
broke his chains, and I have heard nothing
further of him.*" The little merit of this
tale was relieved by the pleasing raillery
"with which it wns spoken by the formidable
Texian Chief, who had been provoked a great
deaK and replied so calmly and sarcastically
to a wounded adversary. The latter, taking
tfae anecdote in earnest, in reference to the
tihsm with which the madman was confined
hi purgatory, exclaimed, " Mr. Houston will
not enchain me." In the debate, the latter,
speaking of the oligarchy of South Carolina,
a State m which the Legislature, and not the
majority of the people, elect the President of
the Union and the Oovernor, elicited a reply
^m a member from that section, who rose
in an excited manner and exclaimed, " that
no one had the right to censure the particular
Constitution of a State, that it was like re-
ligion, and who would take upon himself to
censure Louisiana or Maryland for being
Catholic? after religion, then comes law.
The whole of this discourse was a vigorous
protestation of the warmest sentiment, the
most irritable of all the political feelings of
the people in this country, viz., the independ-
ence, the individuality of separate States.
After a few bitter i'emarks against Texas and
its representative, the excited orator sat down
and refused the advances which Mr. Houston
made to him. Evidently, the latter wae very
glad to show, for the sake of his Presidential
canvass, that he was not a passionate man,
88 the first part of his career might have in-
dicated, ana perhaps his adversaries would
have been delighted to elicit from him some
expression of anger, that might have reflected
ob his character ; but he did not give them
this satisfadtion, and the Achilles of Texas
ranirifested the calmness of Ulysses, modera-
ting his angrer and saying, "Even support
that, oh! my heart," whilst the insults of
pretenders were strewed thick and fast
around htm.
On the first of January, I went to pay a
visit to the President. Free access is afforded
to all who go there. There is quite a large
crowd, and persons push against each other,
ai they do at an extraordinary meeting of
the Institute, .not n^ore sa. Although no
VOL. ZXX. NO. IL
particular dress is prescribed, I saw no one
who was not well clad. I read in some
travels in the United States, that' this recep-
tion was a frightful mixture, and amongst
other instances of the disorder that was said
to prevail, the author mentioned that a father
had placed two of his daughters on an eleva-
tion near the chimney place, so that they
might have a better view of the scene.
Nothing of this kind struck me. Once
escapea from the crowd outside, and under
the vestibule, we are introduced into the first
saloon, from whence we enter the apartment,
where we find the President standing. We
shake him by the hand, salute the President's
lady, and pass into a third saloon, which is
very large, and where we walk about for
some time. I remained there an hour, and
observed nothing which was not marked by
the strictest decorum. It was no one's fault
but altogether my own, if in the crowd out-
side some one took my purse oat of my
pocket. I mention this trifling incident only
to notify strangers, to take every precaution
who go to court, happening to be in Washing-
ton on the first of January.
Kossuth has arrived. He reached his hotel
without any display. There is nothing further
said about the enthusiastic reception he met
with in New York, about the crowd who
remained a whole day and a part of the
night under his windows. I have just passed
before his hotel and saw n6 one there. Kos-
suth's popularity has considerably diminished.
The Americans see more and more that it
would be ridiculous to depart from that
neutral policy which has distinguished their
government since the days of Washington,
to mix themselves up with the affairs of
Europe in relation to Hungary. I perceive
that one of the chief elements of that enthu-
siasm that prevailed in New York, was the
want of excitement, of striking manifesta-
tions, which are the only agreeable amuse
meats of the people in a country where
amusements are not of frequent occurrence.
This noise was without affect and without
danger. As a clever person said to me, it
was limited to letting out the steam, which,
as we know, causes no explosion of the
boilers, but prevents it. Even at New
York, the authorities told Kossuth, a few
days 800, that they would cease to pay his
bill and that of his suite at the hotel.
In Congress, where the debate is about
him, there is some agitation, and the mem-
bers applaud some of the speakers who hurl
defiance at Europe; but there are cries of
wdtrl ordtrl and everything is soon quiet.
16
342
M. AHPBKB m WASHINGTON.
[OcU
An orator began to speak, and said, ^'Be-
cause we shew hospitality to an illustrious
stranger, it does not follow that we participate
in his sentiments, or espouse his opinions.
Thus, in this House, we are very courteous
one towards the other, without being for that
of the same opinion. This courtesy does not
prove, for instance, that we partake of the
abominable sentiments of the abolitionists.
This gentleman, who sits next to me, lives
on very good terms with his neighbours, and
nevertheless they do not think as he does."
After having pronounced this speech, so
moderate if we search the bottom of the
question, but incidentally so aggressive on a
point, which excited so much the real pas-
sions of the assembly, the speaker advanced
towards me. For the purpose of hearing
the debate, I thrust myself into the space
allotted to the members of Congress, and I
thought be appraiched me to direct me to
leave, bat instead of this, be obligingly
offered me his place. He came back several
times to vote, and, when he had done so, he
retired. I was really confused with so much
condescension, and was very grateful. I
therefore figured during the remainder of
that day's session amongst the legislators,
fearing only that when they raised their
hands to vote, in not raising mine I might be
reckoned amongst the majority or minority.
It was even the more important that it should
not be so, ior by, probably, preconcerted
tactics, the number of votes on a proposition
eonceming Kossuth was equal to the number
against the motion.
It is evident there is some understanding
in order to avoid too much discussion about
Kossuth, always preserving for him that
respect which his misfortunes and his talents
command, with a due regard to the popularity
he still maintains in the Union, and his posi-
tion, which Congress is bound to respect, as
the guest of the United States.*
* Since my departare, I have beard of the
reception the Senate gave him. This caused
them some embarrassment. M. de La Fayette,
who was received in a similar manner, had been
complimented officially, and had replied, which
was. perfectly satisfactory to all parties. It was
feared thai Kossuth wished to speak also, and
that his discourse might compromise the Senate.
On the other hand, a want of consideration towards
the nation's guest would have caused almost uni-
versal displeasure. To get over the difficulty, the
following plan was conceived. He had hardly
taken his seat ia the Assembly on the invitation
of the Speaker, when a Senator rose and said,
that a great number of his colleagues desired to
become personally acquainted with the illustrious
I was told that this day's session of the
Senate would be interesting ; it was so in fact,
but less on account of wnat was said, than
of the motive which made the speakers take
the floor. Most of the speeches I heard
were professions of faith in favor of the
compromise, that is to say, the Legislative
enactment which tends to conciliate the
north and the south. Messrs. Foote and
Houston, the antagonists in the parliamentary
combat of the other day, spoke in this sense :
To-day, General Cass followed their example
— Mr. Douglas, a Senator from Illinois made a
similar protestation aod explained to the
Senate that he had not voted for the Fugitive
Slave Law, He entered into details alto-
gether personal on this matter — called away
'by buainess to New York, he thought he
would have returned in time to vote — con-
trary to his expectation and notwithstanding
he made every endeavor, he arrived too late
— he then went to Chicago, where, with some
danger to himself, he braved the excited
state of public opinion there against the Com-
promise, and made the Town Council of
Chicago alter their resolutions. Why did
Mr. Douglas insbt so much in explaining all
these details as to the course he had adopted
on this occasion ? It is because he aspires to
the Presidency, and that all the candidates
for this high office think it incumbent on them
to establish that they are for the compromise*
This general desire to adopt this conciliatory
programme shows how much this opinion ia
that of the majority of the electors ; to ren-
der their chances possible, each approaches
and approves of it ; and it is only by placing
themselves on this platform, io use American
parliamentary language, that he can hope to
be President the following year.
Mr. Douglas is one of those men in Con-
gress, whose discourse and appearance struck
me the most. Small, black, thick-set, his
words are full of vigor, his action simple and
manly. He had to speak about himself, and
did it with warmth and courtesy. A few
words at the conclusion of his speech ap-
peared to me to be inspired by a true politi-
oal sentiment Respecting this compromise^
which every person extols, he said with
reason, it seems to me, ** Yes, let us remain
faithful to it, but if we really wish to serve
the cause of conciliation, let us not speak
about it too much or too lightly — wait until
it is attacked, it will then be time to rise and
defend it. Until then, let us be afraid of in*
champion of liberty, the Hungarian bero» dtc, h%
moved that the hoase rise.
1858.]
M. AMPERE IN WABHINOTON.
24S
juriag it> ia desiriDg to serve it too much."
This was at ODce clever and sincere, able and
true. Mr. Douglas, who is called the Little
Oiant of Illinois, on account of his figure and
his talent, appeared to me to be one of those,
who had most to expect from the future. He
may attain power, when the West, which has
not yet been represented, wishes to have a
President in its turn. Mr. Douglas' mind
appears to me, like his words, vigorous and
ardent, which lenders him a very faithful
representative of the energettc population,
which is growing up between the forests and
the prairies, and which already, rich and
powerful, combine amongst themselves the
adaptibiltty for labor of the settler, and the
bravery of the pioneer.*
Here, perhaps, may be the place to say
something of what divides the- two great
political parties of the United States — the
Whigs and the Deoaocrats. In the first place, it
must be acknowledged that these two parties
represent, in some respects, the universal an-
tagonism be ween thjs conservatives and inno-
vators of every couatry. Yet I do not believe
it is this which constitutes the parties. Thus,
the Democrats, who are progressive as re-
gards their economical doctrines, since they
are advocates for free trade, are conserva-
tives, and even procrastinators, respecting
slavery, to which the greatest number
amongst them is less opposed than the ma-
jority of Whigs. On the other hand, we
cannot say that one party is more favorable
to liberty than the other; which is a very
dtfferent question from the first. In fact,
there is everywhere in European society a
controversy between intelligence and the in-
terests of the past, and intelligence and the
interests of the present. This quarrel, which
is sometimes jsonfounded with that between
liberty and despotism, is, nevertheless, essen-
tially distinct ; for it often happens in Europe
that the intelligence or spirit of the past fa-
vors local and individual liberty, and that of
the present tends to depress it. Tradition,
represented by the Church, Royalty, and the
* In nmning over tome Aets of Googreis,
I fell upon one whioh related to 11 Ystteoiare, a
nAme whioh ought to be pronoonoed with grati-
tude by everjr Frenohman and American. It was
he who, by his peneyereooe, snooeeded in establish-
ing between France and the United States an inter-
ehange of booki^ by whioh means we possess at
Paris a more complete collection of works on this
country than they have themselves. At nearly
every step I took in America, I met with tesUmo-
niflls of the gratitnde of Americans for M. Vatte-
mare. I wish to place here the expression of my
own.
Aristocracy^ has, on several occasions, de-
fended the independence of associations or
individuals ; and innovation, under the form
of an assembly or a despot, has oppressed
this independence. With much more reason
in the United States, the controversy need
never be between the past and the present :
for tradition is there the mother of liberty,
and ihe spirit of innovation is not opposed to
it. Moreover, England, having communi-
cated to its colonies, something of the genius
of its hierarchy — the Whigs, to whom these
habits have descended, draw towards them
those who have some affinity with them,
whilst the Democrats seem to exercise more
empire over those who are drawn towards
them by a spirit of equality ; but, according
to my view, this is nothing but an accessory,
be principal line of demarcation between
he Whigs and the Democrats of the United
tates is that — which separates two tenden-
cies inherent to all society — the tendency
to make the authority of government prevail
over the different fractions of the.social body,
or of individuals, and the contrary tendency.
These two directions, which American poli-
tics took, were very closely defined between the
two parties which opposed each other during
the period which followed the establishment
of independence — the Federalists* and the
Eepiiblicane, These two parties have been
succeeded by two others, which, at the bot-
tom, have inherited^one, the Whigs, the
spirit of the Federalists, and the other, the
Democrats, the spirit of the Eepublicans ;
the first in general being in favor of giving
the government of the Union more authority
over the citizens of different States, and the
others to restrain that authority. Even in the
bosom of the particular States, everything <
that tends to fortify authority and the law
is supported by the Whigs, add everything
that renders authority less stable, and the
law kss strong, meete with favor amongst
the Democrats.
The politics of the two parties proceeds
from these two principles. Thus the Demo-
crats are in general warmer than the Whigs
in defending the right, which the slave States
maintain not to permit any interference in
their internal organization, for it relates to a
* We must not be deceived by the terms. The
American Federalists were those who tried to make
the unity of government prevail in a certain mea-
sore, and the FederaUet wss written to combat the
excess of that whioh we are accustomed to call in
France federalitm. The Federalists of America
were thus named because their adyersaries were in
lisvor of a confederation, even less strongly bound
together and governed.
244
M. AMPERE IK WASHINGTOK.
[Oct,
question of individaal independeDce. . The
Democrats are opposed to protection, of which
the Whigs are partizans, because it is repug-
nant to them to acknowledge the right of
Congress to legislate on commercial matters,
which. might have the effect of being favora-
ble or opposed to the particular interests of
the States. For the same reason, the Demo-
crats have constantly endeavored to restrain
the power of Congress relating to the modes
of communication to be established in differ-
ent parts of the Union. It is always the
principle opposed to that of centralization,
often pushed to excess in a country as little
centralized as that of the United States.
The same distrust of authority, whatever it
may be, will always make the Democrats
lean in each State towards all those measures
which will limit power. Thus the ascendancy
of the democratic party has nearly every
where transferred the election of Judges
from the hands of the Governor into those of
the Legislature; then from the hands of the
legislature into - those of the electors. . It
tends to render all public offices elective, and
to restrict their duration. It tends to estab-
lish everywhere a system of rotation, which
by unceasingly renewing the administration,
prevents, at the price of stability, the danger
that might occur from the abuse of power or
its duration. ^ This is the way the Whigs and
the Democrats of the present day attach
themselves by principle to the two opposite
tendencies, whereof the federalists and the
republkans were the energetic representa-
tives. But we must add, that, in fact, these
differences are much less felt than they were
then, that the two present parties have more
of instinct than of opposite doctrines, and
that personal ambition enters very much in
their controversies. The greatest number of
offices becoming vacant every time either of
the two parties carries the day, it is endeav-
ored to make the chiefs of the party succeed
so that they may obtain office with them.
There is nothing between the Whigs and the
Democrats that resembles the hatred which
exists in Europe between the conservatives
and the revolutionists ; for in the United
States there is, more or less, but one ques-
tion. No one wishes to destroy the Constitu-
tion, every one wishes to act up to it; no one
desires to go beyond it ; no one is in favor of
either monarchy or anarchy. It is this which,
I believe, cons^tutes the difference between
the parties in America and in Europe — the
latter are nearly always the secret partizans
of the past, which their adversaries detest, or
of the future which they are afraid of. at least
we can suspect them to be so.
In the United States, the watits and con-
dition of the present arouse political passions;
no one harbors the most distant thought of
a revolution or a counter-revolution ; no one
attributes such a design to his adversaries.
It thus happens that notwithstanding the
turbulent spirit of the speeches, and the vio-
lence of journals, there is no real hatred be-
tween the parties excepting on one point,
slavery, and with respect to that there is re-
ally something to preserve or destroy. This
slavery question is of such importance that it
makes a schism between the two great
American parties, and causes alliances to be
entered into between the different factions
of which it is composed. Thus, at the present
day, a portion of the Democrats have sepa-
rated themselves from the rest, and have
allied themselves with the enemies of slavery ;
and amongst the Whigs some wish to elect
to the Presidency the same candidate as the
Abolitionists of the North, whilst others
prefer Mr. Webster, the candidate of the
Southern States.
It is not in one day, that a certain equi-
librium can establish itself between th^se two
forces, of which one tends to make the power
of Congress prevail, and the other to main-
tain the independence of the particular States.
A few months after the Declaration of Inde-
pendence, Congress established, or rather
proclaimed an American Federation. The
insufficiency of this first Constitution was
manifest throughout the war, and It was
necessary to confei^ a sort of temporal y did-
tatorship, and without danger, on General
Washington. At the peaee, the inconven-
iences of the Confederation became yet more
evident, for the necessity of the common de-
fense was not enjoined on them-— no solid
lien existed between the States, and the cen-
tral government had no means of making
itself obeyed. In fact. Congress could do
nothing more than recommend to the different
States to permit it to raise taxes to pay the
public debt, or to make treaties, and when
the States would not lend tbemselves to it,
it was impossible to continue a negotiation,
as it happened with that which had been
begun with Spain relating to the navigaUon
of the Mississippi.
It was necessary to obviate this. A oon«
▼ention oomposed of delates from the dif-
ferent States met in Philadelphia and formed
the present Constitution. This Constitution
was afterwards submitted to representative
1853.J
IL AHPBRE IK WAflmNaTOK.
246
conveations named in eacb State, which, one
after the other, accepted it, after long debates ;
those of the Virginia convention have be-
come celebrated. In reading the speeches
which were pronounced on this occasion, we
are astonished to see eminent men haunted
and troubled by the chimerical idea, that
from this Constitution, the most liberal the
world has ever seen, there might arise a
tyranny in the shape of a Congress, and even
a tyrant under the name of a President ; but
these exaggerated fears explain themselves,
when we think that the States called to de-
liberate had lived until then in a state of
entire independence, the one from the other,
and governed themselves. Yet, all finished
by adopting the project of the Constitution
proposed in Philadelphia, and instead of a
federation without a head, and a Congress
without arms, voted with closed doors by
some men in a time of war, the United States
had a Constitution accepted by the delegates
of the whole people, that is to say, by uni-
versal Buffraffe in two degrees, which is the
best form ofiiniversal suffrage.
With Washington, the pohtics of the Fed-
eralists prevailed in the.midst of the greatest
external difficulties, sustained by the firmness
and good sense of the President, and the
talen t and energy of Hamil ton. John Adams
succeeded Washington. Then came Jeffer-
son, who had been in opposition under
Washington. A different man from the old
Anglo-American race, and very much like a
Frenchman of the eighteenth century, with a
mind well cultivated, but less stable, he
maintained, under the name of nullification,
the right of the States to reverse the author- ^
ity of Congress, and thus planted the germs
of a controversy which has been since repro-
duced, to the great danger of the Union.
To Jefferson succeeded Madison, one of the
founders, in the Federalist, of the govern-
mental politics, which assumed that name;
but he afterwards had a tendency towards
the opposite party, following Jefferson with
some reserve, of whom he was the admirer
and friend. He wrote the letters of Helvid-
ius against Hamilton, his old co-laborer in
the Federalist, to dispute the right of the
President to declare war ; he combated the
Sedition and the Alien acts, conservative
measures which Washington had obtained
from Congress ; he admitted the dangerous
right of nulUficaiion, and afterwards became
the idol of the democratic party, by declaring
war against England and carrying it through
successfully. Monroe, who came after Madi-
son, had also opposed, to a certain point, the
politics of the Federalists, He belonged to
the democratic party ; a man belonging to
this party could alone reach the Presidency,
when the war with England and the success
of the struggle had ensured their triumph.
Monroe's second term saw the Federalist
party e^^pire, at least under its own name.
It was then that those who belonged to it
began to adopt the designation of Whigs.
These denominations of American parties are
singular. The word Federalist expressed
there precisely the contrary of what it meant
in France during the Revolution, and the
Whigs are the Tories of America.
The Democrats and the Whigs, who had
since contended unceasingly against each
other, did not carry on a very violent war
under the peaceful presidency of Monroe ; he
himself had been a Democrat in opposition,
and was even still so, a short time after his
election to the Presidency, when for instance
he combatted against the right of Congress
to establish internal modes of communication
and schools ; he was so to the end without
violence and without bitterness, for he de-
clared« that the Constitution should be
amended in this respect, and he finished by
acknowledging the right of Congress to ap-
propriate the necessary sums for objects of
public utilty. The epoch of his administra-
tion was a truce betwern the violent quarrels
of the parties, whese passions were no long-
er aroused by the necessity of establishing
a constitution, and the counter-shock of Eu-
ropean.struggles. — This period is called the
era of gdod feelings, halcifon days. The Dem-
ocrats in their security, and in the presence
of adversaries, who appeared disarmed, con-
curred in measures, which they have since
warmly combatted-^the re-establishment of
a central Bank and a protective Tariff. Un-
der Quincy Adams, the son of the second
President, an old Democrat become a moder-
ate Whig, the United States continued to
develop themselves and prosper without
great political agitation within, and great af-
^irs without ; but the agitation re-appeared
on the advent of General Jackson.
Jackson was, as I have said, the President
of the Democratic party. With the ardor
of a man of the forests, the inflexibility of a
man of the camp, the prestige of a victori-
ous general, Jack&on made himself against
Congress, the soldier and the champion of
the popular passions. Sustained by these
passions, he prevented Congress from renew-
ing the charter of the United States Bank,
which the Democrats regarded as a means
of tyranny in the hands of the State, a dan-
246
M. AMPERE IN WASHmGTOK.
[Octi
gerous privilege m the hands of the .rich, hut
which Washington had founded and Madison
liad respected.
After the majestic figure of Washington,
and ?ery far beneath it, appears the rather
barbarous figure, yet grand, and originally
energetic of Jackson. No President has
since become a personage. They have fallen
into the common and the insignificant. Old
General Harrison did no more than appear
on the scene and died at the end of a few
months from the fatigue of shaking hands,
the laborious inauguration of his popular
power. Tyler, a Democrat, named by a
combination of Whigs against the South,
made his escape from them and fell, after his
first Presidency, having no person for an
ally. With Van Buren the great question of
slavery agitated the Union, and the Texas
affair opened that route for ambitious enter-
prise, which » another danger for it. The
Democratic party changed its nature; its
principle of the independence of the States
was not a principle of invasion, far from it,
for the politics of war and of conquest must
always fortify the central power. In ren-
dering itself bellicose, it became unfaithful
to this principle ; it adopted the ordinary
passions of Democratic parties in other coun-
tries, and began to be revolutionary, not from
within, but without. A new order of things
established itself, or rather an element of dis-
order introduced itself into American poli-
tics. At that moment, the most eloquent,
the greatest, the wisest amongst the citizens
of the United States, the most indefatigable
representative of the primitive spirit of the
Republic, him, in whom there seemed to pass
something of the soul of Washington, Mr.
Clay, was on the point of being elected
President, but, sad sign of the times, instead
of Mr. Clay, they named Mr. Polk, an ob-
scure and mediocre pretender. Thanks to
the vagaries of destiny, it was under this
chance President, that the United States'
territory was considerably increased, by its
extension to the North- West with Oregon,
and to the South by the conquest of Mexico,
of which the results were immense, not only
because it put two more states into the Un-
ion, of which, one was California, but because
it powerfully seconded two sentiments, which
began to develop themselves — the taste for
war, and the ambition for conquest, new
elements from which, if they do not take
care, the ruin of the United Stares might
follow.
The first effect of the new impulse given
to American politics, was the election of a
President, who owell his nomination to the
part he had taken in the expedition to Mex-
ico, General Taylor. His death, which oc-
curred during his Presidency, placed power
in the hands of Mr. Filmore, who has shown
himself very worthy of the unexpected
station. Modest, prudent and honest, Mr.
Fillmore will perhaps be the best candidate
for the approaching election ; but it is gener-
ally believed, that neither he nor Mr. Web-
ster, the elegant orator and Whig, like Mr.
Fi{lmore, will be named, and that the Dem-
ocrats, who have nearly all carried the day
in the particular elections of the States, will
succeed also in the Presidential election.
The current of public opinion is bearing them
onwards. We have just seen, that, since the
days of Jefferson, they have nearly always
held the reins of government. It ought to
be so, for they represent more than their ad-
versaries the sentiments and the defects of
the majority. The Whigs moderate them,
the Democrats push them forward. The
Government of the United States is like a lo-
comotive, starting on a rail-road — it began
its course with commendatory slowness, they
soon heated the furnace, and the movement
was accelerated — they now apply all their
steam and make rapid headway ; but it often
happens in this country, that the boiler ex-
plodes, and the locomotive is blown into the
air. Let the Americans beware.
For a certain number of years, two diffi-
culties will predominate over all others ; one
is the preservation of the Union between the
Northern and Southern States, different in
character, opposed by their interests particu-
larly in what concerns the Tariff question,
because the South is agricultural and the
North industrial, and separated in fine by
the terrible question of slavery. The other
difficulty is to avoid the dangers, which
might arise from the extension of territory,
towafds which the new spirit and the temp-
tation of their superiority are hurrying the
United States.
The first of these difficulties, that which
concerns the preservation of the Union, seems
adjourned ; good sense prevails over passion
and the majority rallies itself around concil-
iatory measures, which are called the Com-
promise,
The second is the most menacing, particu-
larly in what concerns Havana and Mexico,
for the internal situation of these two coun-
tries favors more the ambitious desires, which
they excite. The inconveniences of too ex-
tended an empire are evident. The form of
government of the United States certainly
1858.]
M. AMPERE m WASHINGTON.
24?
offers some security affainst these dangers,
each state governing itself, and hence the
agglomeration of a large nnmber of popula-
tions within, the limits of the Union being
less difficult to maintain, than if these popu-
lations were governed by the central power.
It is said also with reason, that the rapidity
of communication abridges distances, draws
near and confounds, thus to say, the most
distant points, and that it matters little,
whether countries are geographically sepa-
rated, when their inhabitants can visit each
other in a few days, and write to each other
in a few minutes. In fine, it is added, that
the most different populations are rapidly ab-
sorbed by that incredible power and fusion
and assimilation, which American institutions
possess, and which they owe to the principle
of liberty. Nevertheless, these securities are
not sufficient to convince many enlightened
minds of the dangers which might arise
from a rapid and disproportionate increase.
The central .government, whatever may be
its limits, must exercise a very great authority
in certain circumstances. Bat can it make
itself felt beyond the Rocky Mountains and
across the Gulf of Mexico ? Notwithstand*
iog railroads, steam-boats and the electric
telegraph, it will always be rather far from
Washington to Tehuantepec. The European
races, which furnish the most to emigration,
become incorporated, it is true, in the nation-
ality of the United States ; but would it be
the same with the Southern populations of
mixed blood, indolent habits, and enervated
and depraved by detestable governments?
The difficulties, which Congress experiences
from the Mormons at the present day, may
make them anticipate others, and their dis-
dainful repulsion of all those that do not be-
long to them, shows, that the power of ab-
sorption should have its limits. When cer-
tain persons foresee in the future a possible
division of the United States into three con-
federations, one at the North, another at the
South, and a third at the West, is it not to
increase much the chances of dissolution,
by immeasurably extending the territory of
the Union ? In fine, what is much more se-
rious, this invading policy, does it not favor
instincts disastrous to the ' preservation of
liberty ? Does it not tend to transport the
insatiable love of gain from the private ranks
of society, where unfortunately it has already
too much empire, into the public morals, the
genera] life of the country? The United
States constituted themselves under the dis-
cipline of severe virtues ; may they fear to
perish by the relaxation of principles, which
prepared their independent existence, gave
them strength in the controversy, and foun-
ded their Contitution after victory. Their
power has been in the sentiment of right ;
they will be lost on the day in which they
shall fail to remember their origin.
These forewarnings from a friendly voice
will have more authority from more cele-
brated lips ; and I am going to allow an
Apostolic man to speak, one whose venerat-
ed name is held in respect by all, — the elo-
quent Unitarian writer, Channing,* who de-
served to be called the Fenelon of America.
Channing said in 1837, on the occasion of
the expedition against Texas, and the pro-
jects against Mexico —
" Did this country know itself, or were it dis-
posed to profit by self-knowledge, it would feel
the necessity of laying an immediate curb on its
passion for extended territory. It would not irust
Itself to new acquisitions. It would shrink from
the temptation to conquest. We are a restless
people, prone to encroachment, impatient of the
ordinary laws of progress. . . . We boast of our
rapid growth, forgetting that, throughout nature,
noble growths are slow. . . . Perhaps there is
no people on earth, on whom the ties of local at-
tachment sit 80 loosely. Even the wanderiiig
tribes are bound to one spot, the graves of their
fathers ; but the homes and graves of our fathers
detain us feebly. The known and familiar is often
abandoned for the distant and untrodden; and
sometimes the untrodden is not the less eagerly
desired because belonging to others It is
sometimes said that, nations are swayed by laws
as unfailing as those which govern matter, that
they have their destinies ; that, by a like neces-
sity, the Indians have melted before the white
man, and the mixed, degraded race of Mexico
must melt before the Anglo-Saxon. Away with
this sophistry ! There is no necessity for crime.
There is no fate to justify rapacious nations any
more than to justify gamblers and robbeni in plun«
der. We boast of the progress of society, and this
progress consists in the substitution of reason and
moral principle for the sway of brute force. It is
irue,that more civilized, must always exert a great
power over less civilized, communities^ in their
neighborhood. But it may, and should be, a power
to enlighten and improve, not tq crush and de*
stroy. We talk of accomplishing our destiny.
So did the late conqueror of Europe, and destiny
consigned him to a lonely rock in the ocean, the
Erey of an ambition which destroyed no peace but
is own."
'' Channing then shows the inconveniences
of a large empire for the safety and pros-
perity of the United States.
'* It will almost of necessity involve us in hos-
« A Letter on the ADn«zation of Texas to the
United States^ by William Channing.
248
M. AHFBBE IK WASHmOTON.
[Oct,
tility with European powers. . . . VulDerable at
so many points, we shall need a vast military
force. Great armies will require great revenues,
and raise up great chieftains. Are we tired of
freedom, that we are prepared to place it under
such gjiardians 7 Is the republic bent on dying
by its own hands 7 Does not every man feel, that,
with war for our habit, oar institutions cannot be
S reserved 7 . ... I am not inclined to draw a
ark picture of our moral condition I am
far, very far, from despair. Among dark omens, I
see favorable influences, remedial processes, coun-
teracting agencies. I well know that the vicious
part of our system makes more noise and show
than the sound. I know that the prophets of our
ruin to our institutions are to be found most fre-
quently in the party out of power, and that many
dark auguries must be set down to the account of
disappointment and irritation. I am sure, too,
that imminent peril would wake up the spirit of
our fathers, in many who slumber in these days of
ease and security. I think, that, with all our de-
fects, there is a wider diffusion of intelligence,
moral restraint, and self-respect amon^ us, than
through any other community. Still, I am com-
pelled to acknowledge an extent of corruption
among us which menaces freedom and our dearest
interests ; and a policy whicfh will give new and
enduring impulse to corruption, which will multi-
ply indefinitely public and private crime, ought to
oe reprobated as the sorest calamity we can in-
cur. Freedom is fighting her battles in the world
with sufficient odds against her. Let us not give
new chances to her foes."
Let us turn away from this alarming pros-
pect to throw a coup d*ml on several scien-
tific establishments of real interest; the
Smithsonian Institute, the Patent Office,
where are to be found models of all the ma-
chines invented in the United States, and an
Ethnographical Museum ; in fine, the Ob-
servatory, and the establishment where the
marine and terrestrial charts of the sea-shore
of the United States are engraved.
The Smithsonian Institute, which bears the
name of the person by whose munificence it
was founded, is an establishment on an
extensive scale. It has already rendered
service, and will hereafter greatly contribute
to the cause, of science in the United States.
Its funds are applied to several distinct ob-
i'ects ; there is a Library and a course of
jectures. The principal end of the Institu-
tion is to 'publish its scientific labors, em-
bodying new facts and doctrines. In the two
first volumes of the collections that have
been published by the Institute, appeared
Messrs. Davies and Squiers researches on
the curious antiquities, of which I have
spoken, and Mr. Hitchcock's labors on fossil
remains, which have permitted him, from the
vestiges preserved through centuries, to
classify rather a large number of the lost
species. The Institate does act confine itself
to publishing the results of its scientific re-
searches, it provokes new ones — ^it has or-
ganized a system of meteorological observa-
tions throughout nearly the whole extent of
the United States. Already, from a hundred
and fifty different points, monthly reports are
transmitted to it.
Mr. Hare, a distinguished physician, has
given the Institute a very excellent collection
of physical instruments. In a repoct which
I have at hand, I find the following : <* It
would not be conformable to the organiza-
tion which this establishment has received,
to restrict the use of the instruments to those
persons who are members of it. We permit
their use to all those who know how to avail
themselves of them. It might happen that
the instruments would be lost or broken, but
the diffusion and progress of science which
will result from this course being followed*
will amply compensate for the expense which
might ensue." This was liberally conceived,
and reminds me of Sir Joseph Banks's re-
mark, who also opened his physical cabinet
to ^hose who wi^ed to make use of it. One
day the keeper came to him in a very angry
mood to apprize him that one of the most
costly instruments had been broken by a
young man. Sir Joseph smiled, and replied
as follows : '' It is necessary that young men
should break machines to know how to use
them."
The collection of Natural History was in-
creased in one year to ten thousand speci-
mens, chiefly of fishes and reptiles. Amonffst
the latter, appeared that curious species
called Salamandroides, which partake of the
nature of two classes of animals, having feet
like reptiles and scales like fish. I was told
the collection contained upwards of a hun-
dred specimens, indigenous to America, and
which have not yet been described. It is to
be regretted, that such an excellent institu-
tion should be located in such a singular
edifice. It is a new example of that smga-
lar architecture which is so prolific of towers
and spires out of all taste ; and the use of
them is more to be regretted, as they cost
high, and the interest of nearly the whole
sum, which was bequeathed, was employed
for the building, whereas this sum would
have been much better expended, if a more
simple building had been erected, and a
larger number of works been published. They
acted in the same manner as they did with
respect to the Girard College^ and they have
not raised a monument equal to the palace
of Philadelphia.
1853.]
M. AMPERE IN WASHHraTOir.
249
I hi%^ already had occasion to speak of
the fnelan^e of styles in use amongst the
Americans for their architecture. I found
here a work on the suhject with reference to
the Smithsonian Institute, in which the sys-
tem is exposed. Mr. Owen, the author* having
constituted this eclectism as the law of Ameri-
can architecture, he inquires what ought to
be the other conditions of this architecture?
Arguing from the nature of the country and
the people, he arrives, by an ingenious mpde
of reasoning, at singular results. In the
first place, the author establishes the princi*
pie that architecture is an utilitarian art,
that there is no abstract excellence in it,
because there is no necessity for absolute
uniformity. We ought not to be surprised
at this positive theory in an esthetic discourse
written in the United States. ''What should
we do," says he, " in our utilitarian age, with
religious buildings constructed on such a
vast scale, that these might be built, as at
Luxor, a village above them with its inhabir
tants."*
Thus, observe there, the vast religious
monuments suppressed ; it is suflScient, if
there be place enough in each church for
the seats of the congregation. The author
adds in altogether a practical sense; "The
treasures which the Egyptians expended in
the burial of their dead, we like to appro-
priate, which is certainly more reasonable, to
the comfort of the living." The Egyptians,
.according to Herodotus, argued thus, life
being fleeting, we need build but fragile
bouses, and as death is forever, it requires
eternal tombs. The Americans do not think
so. The Egyptians were the people of
death, they are the people of life. Mr.
Owen again says, *' the architecture of the
United States, which has arisen at once in
distant and dififi^rent climates, must adopt
DO uniform type, but make itself remarkable
by its variety." I do not think it ought tp
be thus. The Americans reproduce every-
where oil the contrary, the same type of
construction ; they have something like a
stereotyped tower, which they carry with
them as they would a tent, and which they
put up in the East and the West, in the
iS'orth and the South. In fine, from the
liberty which prevails in the United States^
the author concludes that their monuments
should have no forced inexorable correspond-
* It ii not at Luxor that a yillage has b^en oon-
•tmctfid, or the platform of aa E^ptian temple.
It is on the opposite aide of the JNue^ at Medinet*
Abou.
ence of parts, but that there should be a
certain independence in style, corresponding^
no doubt, with the prmciples o f self-govern'
ment.
I do not believe in this architecture of
liberty ; and whatever may be the tendency
of the States not to become subordinate the
one to the other, I believe there will
always be subordinate parts in architecture,
and I wish that the absence of centralization
should not be traduced in art by an incoher-
ence which would lose it.
I Wiis happf to meet Mr. Henry, the Sec-
retary of the Smithsonian Institute, a gentle-
man who has followed up the science of
electro-magnetism in America with much
success. The theory of electro-magnetism
created by my father, inspires me with a
very natural interest in all those who follow
in his footsteps. I had much pleasure in
finding at Washington a judicial deposition
made by Mr. Henry, on the occasion of a
trial respectfng Mr. Morse's discovery of the
electric telegraph, in which he rendered
homage to the memory of my father. In
this deposition, Mr. Henry traced the history
of electro- magnetic discoveries, without which,
as we know, the electric telegraph would be
impossible ; but what is not very generally
known, is, that my father predicted the ap-
plication of electro- magnetism to the trans-
mission of telegraphic signs, long before any
person had undertaken to realize this admi-
rable discovery, and which belongs as much
to him as the idea of steam navigation be-
longs to Papin. Mr. Henry never knew my
father personally, and did not expect to see •
his son in Washington. Judicially .sum-
moned in Mr. Morse's affair, after having
mentioned the experience of CErsted, AragOj
and Davy, and the discovery, on which my
father based his theory of dynamic electricitVi
a theory, at the present day, universally
adopted, Mr. Henry added, "Ampere de-
duced this theory from results, which expe-
rience has since confirmed; he proposed a
plan to the Academy of Sciences at Paris
for the application of electro-magnetism to
the transmission of news to great dbtances.
Thus the discovery of the electric telegraph
was nxade by Ampere, as soon as it was poS"
sihUr
Here, in fact, is what we read in my fa-
ther's first memoir on the action of the elec-
tric current on the magnetic needle. "Aa
many needles as letters, which would be
moved by conductors, which would be made
to communicate successively with metallic
disks, with the assistance of a kind of finger-
260
M. AMPERE IK WA8HINGT0K.
[Oct
board, which woald be lowered at will, might
give rise to a telegraphic correspondence,
which would be communicated to distances,
and be as prompt as writing or speech, in
transmitting thought." The telegraphic
system has been altered and improved, but
it is impossible, not to acknowledge, that the
discovery of the electric telegraph is to be
found there.
It was on a question of practice, that the '
trial in which Mr. Morse was engaged, turned.
In the history of scientific labors, of which
Mr. Morae's proceeding was but the applica-
tion, Mr. Henry had to speak of himself;
he did it appropriately, and in perfect sin-
cerity ; but he had the right to refer to the
fact, that as in America it was thought, that
the force of electro-magnetism diminished
rapidly in proportion with the distances, it
was he who showed, that they might remedy
this inconvenience, long before the applica-
tion of Mr. Morse's attempts, which, without
these improvements, would not have been
practicable.
The establishment, known under the name
of the Patent Office, consists of two parts.
The models of all those machines which have
obtained patents are placed in one of them,
with a description in writing of the machines,
accompanied by drawings. These are at the
disposition of all those who wish to study
them. In the other' part of the establish-
ment is a collection of arms, clothing, and
instruments, &c., belonging to the savages of
America and the Islands of the Pacific Ocean,
and also certain things which ought not to
be in the Museum, which I shall soon men-
tion.
They are very liberal in granting patents.
The American government grants them at
rates much below what the principal Eu-
ropean governments do ; but, after having
began by refusing foreigners the right of ob-
taining patents, they now grant them at
rates higher than those paid by natives, which
does not appear to me to be very reasonable,
for it is the interest of a country that foreign-
ers should bring them the profit of their in-
ventions. Moreover, even in America, they
protest against this abuse, and ascribe it to
the evil tendency of what is there called na-
tivism.
The Americans have already given to the
world a certain number of important inven-
tions, and of all kinds. To industry they
have given the machine to separate cotton,
discovered by Whitney, and of which the re-
sults have been immense ; to agriculture, the
reaping machine; to war, the revolvers —
those pistols and mns, by means of which
you can load and fire twelve times without
mterruption ; and to medicine, chloroform.
They were the first to establish, on an exten-
sive scale, steam navigation, and the electric
telegraph for the communications of com-
merce and of thought. Agriculture, as well
industry, has promoted the inventive spirit
of the Americans. In one year, they granted
patents to two thousand and forty- three in-
ventors of agricultural instruments.
The models of machines in the Patent
Office, ought to be better exposed, as they
are, for instance, in the Conservatory of Arts
and Professions in Paris. At Washington
they are thrown into cupboards, from which
they are taken if any one wishes to study
them ; but they have no general effect, and
one might be curious enough to look at the
machines, without having the desire to give
them a particular study. If I could judge
from the only one of the models which
I had the opportunity of comparing with
what it professed to represent — the model of
the Reaping Machine — I should say they
are too small, and do not convey an accurate
idea of what the original is.
The collection in the Patent Office contains
a large number of interesting objects, but
disposed without much order. We see there
a promiscuous collection of fossil bones, min-
erals, stuffed knimals, and fishes placed in
the cupboards, where they are almost as in-
visible as if they were in the bottom of the
sea. Jackson's coat figures amongst these
various curiosities. I admit that I have
little taste for the cast-off garments of cele-
brated persons. It has been said, that to a
valet de chambre no person is a great man,
but in presence of an old coat, pompously
exposed to public attention the spectator finoa
himself treated somewhat like a valet de chamr
bre, and half disposed to enthusiasm. Let Nel-
son's uniform pass, which he wore when he
received his death- wound, and ,which is
shewn at Greenwich, and the generous blood
with which it is, I shall not say, soiled, but
adorned, casts aside every vulgar idea. There
must be blood, to make a relic of a coat.
What I could not understand was, that
amongst the specimens of which the Museum
was composed, there were some articles
that ought not to have found a place there.
Amongst others, one, which represented a
woman who was confined, with her hair di-
shevelled and falling to her feet, whilst a little
monster, represenUng, as I thought, the
cottehemar, was seated on her breast. Every
one might have seen such articles at the
185S.]
M. AMFBRE IN WASHINGTON.
251
hair-dressers* doors in Paris, which serre for
DO other purpose, than as an 'advertisement
of a merchant of pomatum to shew how far
his excels that of others in producing for the
ladies, an abundant head of hair. I saw,
with much surprise, a similar object of art
in the Ethnographical Museum atWashington.
The Observatory at Washington has, like
that of Cambridge, been the theatre of some
astronomical observations of a certain im-
portance. In 1846, after the discovery of
the Neptune planet, Mr. Walker, an attach^
of this establishment, found out, that this
planet had been seen in 1795, by Lalande,
who took it for a. star ; which furnished ob-
servations dating fifty years back, and gave
Mr. Walker an occasion to determine the
elements of its orbit. The same year, Mr.
Maury, the Director of the Observatory, dis-
covered, the first, this singular fact, that the
Comet of Biela was divided into two parts.
Heaven has its revolutions like the earth,
and the stars break like empires.
In this Observatory, may be seen Dr.
Locke's electric clock, an ingenious applica-
tion of electro-magnetism to astronomical
observations, which, combined with the elec-
tric telegraph, allows of an astronomer, ac-
cording to Mr. Maury's expression, observing
in Washington, to make the noise of his e-
lectric clock heard at St. Louis, and to di-
vide (thanks to the instrument) minutes into
hundredth parts, with the greatest exacti-
tude. The fine hydrographical works of Mr.
Maury are known throughout Europe, — M.
de Humboldt, the patriarch of science, has
rendered them brilliant justice. "I beg of
you," he writes to a correspondent, "to ex-
press to Mr. Maury, the author of the fine
Charts on the Winds and Currents of Air,
my heartfelt acknowledgments and esteem.
It is a great undertaking, as important for
the practical navigator, as for the progress
of meteorology in general. It has been con-
sidered here, as well as in Germany, by all
persons who interest themselves in physical
geography." The marine Charts executed
under the directions of Mr. Maury, which he
calls Charts of winds and currents of air,
are certainly one of the finest and most use-
ful results of nautical science.
Convinced that according to the old mode,
navigators pursued routes which were not
the best, Mr, Maury asked the Captains of
American vessels in 1842, to note all the
circumstances on their loff- books which might
influence navigation, and to let him know
the result of their observations. At first,
but a few complied with his suggestions, but
some comparisons between some old log-
books deposited in the Marine Office having
enabled Mr. Maury to abridge the Voyage
from Baltimore to Rio 'Janeiro twenty-seven
days, several mariners acceded to his request,
and there are now nearly a thousand vessels,
on which the necessary observations are taken
both night and day. Mr. Maury has also suc-
ceeded m reducing the average time of a voy-
age to California, from a hundred and eighty-
seven days to a hundred and fourteen, that
is to say, to abridge it nearly one third.
Besides this practical application, Mr,
Maury's studies have directed him towards
the consideration of the nature of winds and
rains, currents, and the regions inhabited by
the different species of whales, on all of
which subjects he has thrown new light.
So he has also discovered, that the trade-
winds of the South East blow with more
force than those of the Western Hemisphere,
and he attributes this difference to the influ-
ence of the Great Deserts of Africa, which
retard these winds, by raising up great
masses of the atmosphere to fill the void
produced by the ardor of their sun. Ac-
cording to his theory, these burning plains
act like a furnace, in absorbing the winds of
the sea, to replace the air, which raises it-
self up in a column above this over-heated
soil ; " so that," adds Mr. Maury, developing
the general results of this influence of Africa
and Southern America on the winds, "if the
foot of man had never penetrated these two
Continents, it might be affirmed, that the
climate of the one was damp, and that its
vallies were, in a great part, covered with an
abundant vegetation, which protects its sur-
face against the rays of the Sun, whilst the
plains of the other, were arid and naked.*'
" These researches appear to be already
sufficent to justify the assertion, that without
the great Desert of Sahara, and the other
arid plains of Africa, the southern coasts of
this Continent, in the region of the trade-
winds, would be, in whole or in part,
a district deprived of rains, sterile and
uninhabited. Such considerations warmly
captivate the mind. They teach us to re-
gard the Great Deserts, the basin of the
Mediterranean, and arid plains, as compen-
sations in the grapd system of atmospheric
circulations, like— continues Mr. Maury, in
employing a comparison, which betokens the
astronomer, " the counter- weight of the Tel-
escope, which appears to us to be an incon-
venience, but which is necessary, to give the
machine an equable and regular motion.*'
Other labors, which have reference to ma-
9(2
M. AMFSBB IK WASHIKGTQir.
[Oct,
rine hydrography, and whioh do the United
States the greatest honor, hy the manner in
which ..they are executed, are those which
have for their object a more perfect know-
ledge of the sea shore and coasts of the
United States. At the head of these works,
as we have said in the statement before the
Academy of Sciences, is placed Mr. Bache,
" to the great advantage of science in gene-
ral, and of geography in particular."
I passed a day in going over the establish-
ment which Mr. Bache directs, whose inde-
fatigable complaisance left me nothing to de-
sire to satisfy my cariosity, which was warm-
ly excited by every thing I saw. A large
house which he inhabits, contains everything
that relates to the making of the charts,
which he has executed, and over which he
exercises the minutest supervision, after hav-
ing taken a personal part in this coast sur-
vey, of which he is the soul, and to which
his name will always be attached. In run-
ning over the different parts of this fine es-
tablishment, where every thing is conducted
with perfect regularity and activity, we watch
the successive steps, by which the charts are
prepared, and see them in progress, from the
making of the paper to their v final comple-
tion. They are engraved by means of the
electro- type. The brass, deposed by the
galvanic current, forms projections, which
serve to produce hollow spaces. If they
wish to alter anything in the engraving, they
erase these projections ; there is then a blank
space left on the chart, which is filled up at
pleasure.
Every thing is executed with the greatest
precision, and the most minute care. Thus,
in the ordinary charts, and even those French
Marine Charts, which Mr. Bache proclaims
to be admirable, it happens, sometimes, that
the movement of the press- alters the lines
and defaces the drawmg. Mr. Sexton, a
workman, of whom Herschel said, *' He was
the first working mechanic in the world,"
wished to remedy this inconvenience by
means of an hydraulic press, which would
rest with a certain degree of uniformity on
the paper. I saw a slight attempt at it,
which succeeded. With respect to the elec-
tro-type, which is used for the engravings,
another American, M. Mathiot, has been able
by heating the battery, to augment the quan-
tity of brass deposed in the proportion of one
to three, and he expects to increase it to six
times the quantity. The brass, thus deposed,
has a good deal of tenacity, and does not
crystallize, the crystalization rendering it fra-
gile. These improvements are the fruits of in-
dividual efforts provoked by the ardent desire
and the confidence of doin^ better, a desire
and confidence, which manifest themselves
energetically in .all the scientific labors of the
Americans.
On the marine Charts, the swiftness of the
current is indicated by the breadth of the
lines, its direction by arrows, which point in
the line of the currents, and the rapidity of
descent, by a darker tint to the shadows ;
thus the eye seizes at one glance, all that it
is necessary for the mariner to know. The
execution of these charts was an immense
task. It was necessary to combine the great
labor of terrestrial triangulation with a labor
even still greater, that of knowing everything
that determined the course of tlie currents
of the sea. The first is executed by Civil
Engineers and land officers, and the second,
by the United States Marine service.
Ninety Charts have already been engaged,
and it is necessary to have two hundred and
fifty more. In fifteen years, the work for
the Eastern coasts will be terminated. — It is
impossible to calculate at what period the,
whole will be achieved, for we do not know,
what, in a few years, will be the extent of
the sea coasts of the United States. Cpn«>
gress, which is impatient to see the end of
this vast worky asked Mr. Bache, how many
years it would take to achieve his labors ?
The latter replied — for how many states ?
and he. was right, for, during this dialogue,
a vote of Congress added "^xas to the Un-
ion, and it has since become necessary to
think about Oregon and California.
To these hydrographic and geodesic la-
bors, may be added other studies. They
mark out all the spots, on which it is neces-
sary to erect light-houses ; they show what
obstacles must be made to disappear, as that
rock in the harbor of New York, which M.
Maillefert, a Frenchman, is at this moment
engaged in blowing up. Magnetic observa-
tions are also connected with the operations
of the Coast survey, and particular Charts
indicate the temperature of the seas in dif*
ferent seasons. In fine, it is a vast enter-
prize, remarkably well conducted, and the
utility of which, for navigation, is considera-
ble. '' There is hardly any portion of our
shores, which has not added important dis-
coveries to our observation," said Mr. Bache,
in a Keport of 1850. I shall cite but one
example, which I heard from him. The bar,
which obstructed the entry of the Port of
Mobile, was displaced by the currents.
They did not know it, and they always avoid-
ed this bar, which exists no longer. They
1858.]
M. AMPERE IN WABHIKOTON.
258
now know, that this obstacle is no more to
be dreaded. If, on the contrary, a new bar
should form itself, tbey would know it by
the soundings, the results of which, are care-
fully preserved, as a useful collection in a
double point of view, for hydrography and
geology.
The Smithsonian Institute, the Patent Of-
fice, the works at the Observatory, and Mr.
Maury's and Mr Bache's labors constitute, as
we have seen at Washington, points of at-
traction amongst 8cienti6c men, which are
not without their importance, and eveti gran-
deur. We must do justice to them in the
impartial appreciation of the civilization of
the United States.
I had the honor to be invited to dine at
the President's with Kossuth, the speakers of
the two legislative Assemblies, Mr. Webster
and other Ministers, and many of the Pre-
tenders to the approaching Presidency. I
witnessed there a new scene in that drama
of Kossuth's arrival in America, of which, I
had seen in New York, a few weeks ago,
such a brilliant exposition, and apparently,
so full of promise. Public sentiment, as it
progressed, has become much colder; it
langaishes, and almost presages, rather a flat
denouement. They have not yet reached
that point. .Besides, the President, and the
political men, whom he invited oa that day,
honored Kossuth as an illustrious exile, whose
delivery was brought about through them,
who chose the hospitality of their country,
and they respect themselves too much to be
wanting in regard towards him. He was
placed on the right hand side of Mrs. Fill-
more, and Mrs. Kossuth to the right of the
President ; but besides this, neither before,
during, nor after dinner, was the slightest al-
lusion made to the cause of Hungary. I
noticed nothing but politeness towards the
man, but no loud expression of sympathy for
his cause, although certainly this sympathy
was in every heart, nothing, in short, which
might encourage him to hope for the politi-
cal intervention of the United States in the
afihirs of Europe. Kossuth, who has the
bad taste to love fantastic costumes, wore a
cloak of black velvet, and appeared to me
much less imposing in this dress, than when
resting on his awoitl, he harangued the pub-
lic m the Hall of the Castle Garden, at I^ew
York. Perhaps, I myself, was under the
impression of the general coldness, which pre-
vailed around me. It is one thing for a man
to be received as a hero, by an enraptured
crowd, when he has not already told them,
what he asks for, and when he appears only
as a martyr of liberty, and another, when
that man shows himself to'be chimerical in
his pretesnions, indexterous in his speeches,
notwithstanding his eloquence, and when the
good sense of the people, who received him
with transports, detaches from his forehead
that bright crown, which their enthusiasm
had invested him with. Kossuth, closely
observed in this saloon, where he was not
sought after, and in which all discussion on
politics was avoided, when he was obliged,
to say something, to discuss the study of
history and of langua^s. Kossuih, discon-
tented, uneasy and fallen, appeared to me, I
adniit, very different from Kossuth radiant
and triumphant.
If we . can be divided in some respects
about the Magyar tribune, it is impossible
for us all not to be interested in Madame
Kossuth, the courageous and faithful com-
panion of the exile, and on whose account
we could desire, that the success of her hus-
band in America, might last longer. She
addressed a charming reply to a lady, who
advocated in New York the emancipation of
woman.- — *' My life has been so agitated, said
Madame Kossuth, that I have not had time
to study the question, of which you speak
to me ; but having the happiness to be the
wife of a man, who inspires so much of the
admiration amongst others, which I, myselif,
feel for him, you will find it natural, that I
never thought of disputing his authority
with him." — In short, the dinner was very
agreeable. The Whig and Democratic can-
didates for the Presidenpy, amongst whom
were Mr. Fillmore himself, Mr. Webster,
General Cass, and General Scott, seemed to
live on very good terms with each other.
The abolitionist, Seward, chatted gaily with
the partizans of the Compromise. The din-
ner was not quite as good as those given by
M, de Sartigee, but it was not too republi-
can, and every thing wore the seal of simplic-
ity in the manners of Mr. Fillmore, which
was worthy of one, who might be considered
the type of what an American President
should be.
Now that I have seen Canada, the north
and west of the United States, Boston, New
York, Philadelphia, Washington, the schools,
the prisons, the hospitals, the elections, pop-
ular fites. Congress and the President, I
wish to see other things. The cold weather,
which surprized me, and which it was not at
all my intention to experience, warns me to
go and look for a milder climate, first, in the
Southern part of the Union, at Charleston
and New Orleans, and afterwards in H^
254
THE SELF-CONYIOTBIX
[Oct,
yana, and perhaps in Mexico. It is a coun- 1
try, which it is not so easy to reach* and ta
travel in, as the United States ; but it is said
to be curious from its antiquities, admirable,
for the natural beauties which it presents,
and unique, for the diversity of the climate
within its borders. I find a further tempta-
tion in the acquaintance I made here with
M.* Cnlderon, who was Minister of Spain in
Mexico, before he fulfilled that capacity in
Washington, and with his clever wife, who
bears his name, and has written a very inter-
esting work, entitled "Life in Mexico."
M.Calderon's obliging disposition has induced
him to furnish me with letters of recommen-
dation, which will ensure me a favorable Re-
ception, from the honorable name he left be-
hind him in that country ; but Mexico is ra-
ther far from Paris, whither I am obliged to
return in four months, to re-open my aca-
demical course. All this is very tempting,
and very difficult — we shall see. In the in«
terval, I leave to-morrow for the South,
a section which is the termination of a voyage,
that allures me, and draws me irresistibly
towards it
-»♦-
•**•
From Colburn't New Montkly.
THE SELF-CONVICTED.*
«
BT THE AUTHOR OF " THB UNHOLT WISH.
tt
I.
It was a wild, boisterous evening at the
commencement of winter. The wind, howl-
ing in fearful gusts, swept the earth as with
a whirlwind, booming and rushing with a
force seldom met witn in an inland county.
The rain descended in torrents, pattering
against the window-panes, especially against
those of a solitary farm-house, situated sev-
eral miles from the city of Worcester. In
fact, it seemed a battle between the wind
and the rain which should treat the house
most roughly ; but the wind was the worst.
It roared in the chimneys, it shook the old
gables on the roof, burst open the chamber
casements, and fairly unseated the weather-
cock from its perch on the bam. The ap-
pearance of the dwelling would seem to de-
note that it belonged to one of the middle
class of agriculturists. There was no finery
about it, inside or out, but plenty of sub-
stance. A large room, partaking partly of
•the parlor, partly of the nail, and somewhat
* The ooearrenoee about to be related in this tale
of the ** Self-Convioted," took plaoe many vears ago
in Woroeetenhire. An anthor^B lioense nas been
talcen.with the details^ and the names are ohanged ;
but the chief htU are perfectly anthenUa
of the kitchen, was the general sitting-room ;
and in this apartment, on this same turbulent
Friday evening; sat, knitting by fire-light, a
middle-aged lady, homely, but very neat, in
her dress.
''Eugh!" she shuddered, as the wind
roared and the rain dashed against the win-
dows, which were only protected by inside
shutters, '* what a night it is I I wish to
goodness Robert would come home."
Laying down her knitting, she pushed the
logs together on the hearth, and was resum-
ing her employment when a quiet, sensible-
looking girl, apparently about one or two-
and- twenty, entered. Her features were not
beautiful, but there was an air of truth
and good- nature pervading them extremely
pleasing.
** Well, Jane," said the elder lady, looking
up, " how does she seem now ?"
" Her ankle is in less pain, mother," was
the reply, " but it appears to me that she is
getting feverish. I gave her the draught'*
" A most unfortunate thing !" ejaculated
Mrs. Armstrong. "Benjamin at home ill,
and now Susan must get doing some of his
work, that she has no business to attempt
and falls down the loft poor girl, and sprains
her ankle. Why could she not have trusted
1858.]
THE SELF-OOKYIOIED.
255
(o Wilson ? I do believe/' broke off Mrs.
Armstrong, abruptly, and suspending ber
knitting to listen, " that your father is com-
ing. The wind howls so one can scarcely
hear, but it sounds to me like a horse's
hoofs."
" I do not think it is a horse/' returned
Jane ; " it is like some one walking round to
the house-door."
*' Well, child, your ears are younger than
mine ; it may be as you say."
" I hope it b not Darnley !" cried Jane,
inYoluntarily.
** Jane," rebuked her mother, " you are
Tery obstinate to persist in this dislike of a
neighbor. A wealthy young man, with a
long lease of one of the best farms in the
county over his head, is not to be sneezed at.
What is there to dislike in James Darnley ?"
*' I — I don't know that there is anything
particular to dislike in him," hesitated Jane,
" but I cannot see what there is to like."
" Don't talk foolishly, but go and open
the door," interposed Mrs. Armstrong;
" you hear the knocking."
Jane made her way to the house -door,
and, withdrawing the chain and bolt, a rush
of wind, a shower of rain, and a fine- looking
young man, sprang in together. The latter
clasped Jane round the waist, and-^if the
truth must be told — brought his lips into
contact with hers.
" Hush, hush, Ronald,", she whispered ;
** my mother is in the hall alone — what if
she should hear 1"
" I will fasten the door," was all the an-
swer she got ; and Jane disengaged herself,
and walked towards the hall.
"Who is it?" asked Mrs. Armstrong, as
her daughter reappeared. " Mr. Darnley ?"
" It is Ronald Payne," answered Jane, in
a timid voice.
"Oh!" said Mrs. Armstrong, in a very
short tone. " Get those shirts of your fa-
ther's, Jane, and look to the buttons ; there
they lie, on the sideboard. And light the
candles ; you cannot see to work by fire-
light."
" How are you, Mrs. Armstrong ?" in-
quired the young man, in a cheerful tone, as
he entered and seated himself on the oppo-
ute side of the large fireplace. " What an
awful night ! I am not deficient in strength,
but it was as much as I could do to keep my
feet coming across the land."
" Ah 1" said Mrs. Armstrong, plying her
knitting-needles with great energy, "you
would have been better at home."
" Home is dull for me now," was the an-
swering remark of Ronald Payne. " Last
winter my poor mother was alive to bear me
company, but this, I have no one to care
for.*
" Go up -stairs, Jane, and see if Susan has
dropped asleep," interrupted Mrs. Arm-
strong, who did not seem to 'be in the most
pleasant humor ; " and as you will have the
beds to turn down to-night, you can do that."
Jane rose, and departed on her errand.
" And lonely my home hi likely to be,"
continued Ronnid, " until I follow good ex-
amples and marry."
" It would be the very thing for you, Mr,
Payne," replied the lady ; " why don't you
set about it ?"
" I wish I dare. But I fear it will toke
time and trouble to win the wife I should
like to have."
" There's a deal of trouble in getting a wife
— a good one ; as for the bad ones, they are
as plentiful as blackberries. There have
been two or three young blades lately want-
ing to be after Jane," continued the shrewd
Mrs. Armstrong, " but I put a stop to them
at once, for she is promised already."
" Promised I" echoed Ronald.
" Of course, she is. Her father has pro-
mised her to Mr. Darnley ; and a good match
it will be."
" A wretched sacrifice," exclaimed Payne,
indignantly. " Jane hates him."
" How do you know that ?" demanded
Mrs. Armstrong, sharply.
" I hate him too," continued the excited
Ronald. " I wish he was a thousand miles
away."
And the conversation continued in this
strain until Jane returned, when another loud
knocking at the house-door was heard above
the wind.
" Allow me to open it," cried Mr. Payne,
starting up i and a second stranger entered
the sitting-room.
" How are you, Mr. Darnley ? I am very
glad to see you," was the cordial salutation
of Mrs. Armstrong." Come to the fire ; and,
Jane, go and draw a tankard of ale. Susan
has managed to sprain her ankle to-night,
and cannot stir a step," she explained. ''An
unlucky time for it to happen, tor our in-door
man went home ill three days ago, and ,18
not back yet. Did you ever know such
weather?"*
"Scarcely," returned the new comer.
" As I rode home from the fair, I thought
the wind could not be higher, but it gets
worse every hour."
« You have been to the fair, then ?"
256
THE SEU-COKYICTED,
[Oct,
" Yes. I had a heavy lot of stock to sell.
I saw Mr. Armstrong there ; he was buying,
I think.;'
'' I wish he would make haste home," was
Mrs. Armstrong's answer. '* It is not a de-
sirable night to be out in."
" A pretty prospect for going to Worces-
ter market to-morrow !" observed Darnley.
"But need you go?"
'* I shall go, if it rains cats and dogs," was
the gentleman's reply. " My business to-
day was to sell stock — to-morrow, it will be
to buy."
Jane flntered with the silver tankard, its
contents foaming above its brim like a moun-
tain of snow, and placed it on a smal^ round
table between the two young men. They
sat there, sipping the ale occasionally, now
one, now the other, but angry words passed
continually between them. Darnley was
fuming at the evident preference Jane ac-
corded to his rival, and Payne fretted and
chafed at Darnley's suit being favored by
Mr. and Mrs. Armstrong. They did not
quite come to a quarrel, but it was little short
of it, and, when they left the house together,
it was in anything but a cordial humor.
"Jane, what can have,, become of your
father?" exclaimed Mrs. Armstrong, as the
door closed upon the two young men; "it is
hard upon ten o'clock. How late it will be
for him to go to Wilson's : he will have, as
it is, to call him up, for the man must
have been in bed an hour ago."
Now it is universally known that farmers
in general, even the mo$t steady, have an
irresistible propensity to yield to one temp-
tation— that of taking a little drop too much
on a fair or market, night. Mr. Armstrong
was not wholly exempt from this failing,
though it was rare indeed that he fell into
the snare. For a twelvemonth, at the least,
had his family not seen him the worse for
liquor, yet, ai^ ill-luck would have it, he came
in on this night stumbling and staggering,
his legs reeling one way, and his head flying
the other. How he got home was a mystery
to Mrs. Armstrong, and to himself also when
he came to his senses. As to making him
comprehend that an accident had befallen
Susan, and that, in consequence, he was
wanted to go and tell on«i of the out-door
men to be at the house early in the morning,
it was not to be thought of. All that could
be done with him was to get him up-stairs
— a feat that was at length accomplished.
"This is a pretty business, Jane !" cried
the indignant Mrs. Armstrong. " You will be
obliged to milk the cows in the morning now." I
"Milk the cows!" returned Jane, aghast
at the suggestion.
" What else can be done ? Neither you
rnor I can go to tell Wilson at this time of
night, and in such a storm : and . ^e cows
must be milked. You can milk, I suppose?"
" Oh, mother!" was Jane's remonstrance.
" I ask if you can milk ?" repeated Mrs.
Armstrong, impatiently — she was by far too
much put out to speak otherwise.
" I have never tried since I was a child,"
was Jane's reply. "I sometimes used to
do it then, for pastime."
" Then, my dear, you must do it once for
use. It would be a mercy," continued the
excited lady, "if all the public-houses and
their drinkables were at the bottom of the
sea."
Jane Armstrong was a girl of sound sense
and right feeling. Unpalatable as the em-
ployment was, she nevertheless saw that it
was her duty,' under the present circum-
stances, to perform it ; so she quietly made
up her mind to the task, and requested her
mother to call her at the necessary hour in
the morning.
They were highly respectable and respect-
ed people, Robert Armstrong and his wife,
though not^fil^vihg in the sphere exclusive to
gentlefolks. ~i Jane iiadr b^en brought up weli
rerfeCli^ con versattt with all household ^du-
ties, her education in other respects would
scarcely have disgraced the first lady in the
county — for it must be remembered that
education then was not what it is now — and
her parents could afford to spend monej
upon their only child. Amply she repaid
them, by her duty and affection. One little
matter only did they disagree upon, and that
not openly. Very indignant was Mrs. Arm-
strong at Ronald Payne's presuming to look
up to her, and exceedingly sore did she feel
with Jane for not checking this presumption.
But she could urge nothing against Ronald,
excepting that he was a poor, rather than a
rich, man, and that the farm he rented was
regarded as an unproductive one. His pre-
tensions created a vegr ill-feeling towards
him in Mrs. Armstrong's mind, for she be-
lieved that, but for him, her daughter would
consent to marry the wealthy James Darn-
ley, and so become mbtress of his splendid
farm.
Before it was light the next morning, Jane
left the house with her milk-pail: only the
faintest glimmering of light was appearing in
the east. There was no rain, and the wind
had dropped to a calm ; but it was a cold,
raw morning. Jane wrapped her woollen
1863.]
THE SELF-CONVICTKD.
257
sbawl closely round ber, and made good
speed.
The field in which the cow-sheds were
situated was bounded on the left by a lonely
lane, leadinfir from the main road. It
branched off in yarfous directions, passing
some of the farm-houses. Jane had reached
the field, and was putting down her milk-
pail, when a strange noise <^n the other side
of tbe hedge caused her to start, and listen.
A violent struggle, as for life or death,
was taking place. A voice that was cer-
tainly familiar to her twice called out "Mur-
der!" with a shriek of agony; but heavy
blows, seemingly from a club or other formid-
able weapon, soon silenced it, and some
one fell to the earth amidst moans and
groans of anguish,
"Lie there, and be still !" burst forth an-
other voice, rising powerfully over the cries.
'* What ! you are not finished yet ! I have
laid in wait for ye to a pretty purpose, if ye
be to escape me now. One I two ! three !''
and Jane shuddered and turned sick as she
listened, for each sentence was followed by
a blow upon the prostrate form. The voice
was totally strange to Jane— one that she
had never heard in her life — and shocking
blasphemy was mingled with the words.
Ere silence supervened, Jane, half stupe-
fied with horror and fear, silently tore her
thick shoes off her feet, leaving them where
they were, in her agitation, and stole away
on the. damp path, gathering her clothes
about her, so that not a sound should betray
her presence to those on the other side. As
she widened the distance between herself
and that fearful scene, her speed increased ;
she flew, rather than ran, and entered her
father and mother's bedroom to fall sense-
less on the floor.
Later in the morning, when broad day-
light had come, a crowd stood around the
murdered man. The face was bruised and
bloody, and the head had been battered to
death ; but there was no difficulty in recog-
nising the features of James Darnley. His
pockets were turned inside out; they had
been rifled of their contents, and a thick,
knotted stick, covered with brains and hair,
lay by his side. It was supposed he had a
heavy sum about him in his pockets, but all
had been abstracted.
And now came a question, first whispered
amongst the multitude, but indignant voices
repeated it louder and louder —
**Who is the murderer?"
" Ronald Payne," was the answer, deliber-
ately uttered by a bystander. *' I have just
Yd.: XXX. NO. U.
heard it from Mrs. Armstrong's own lips.
They were at her house last night quarrel-
ling and contending, and she knows he is the
murderer."
" Ronald Payne !" echoed the crowd, with
one universal accent of surprise and incredu-
lity.
"As God is my Judge," cried the unhap-
py young man, for he was also present, '* I
am innocent of this deed !"
" You have long been upon ill terms," re-
torted the before-mentioned bystander — and
it may be remarked that he was an acquaint-
ance of Payne's ; had never borne anything
but kind feeling towards him ; yet now, so
gratifying is it to tbe vain display and pride
of human nature to be mixed up with one of
these public tales of horror, he suddenly be-
came nis vehement accuser. *^ Mrs. Arm-
Ftrong says that you left her house bickering
with each other, and she heard you assert,
before he was present, that you hated him,
and you wished he was a thousand miles
away."
"That is all true," answered Ronald, turn-
ing his clear eye to the crowd, who now
began to regard him with doubt. " We
taere bickering one with the other at Mrs.
Armstrong's last night ; not quarrelling, but
talking at each other ; but no ill words pass-
ed between us after we left the house. We
walked peaceably together, and I left him
at his own door. I never saw him after-
wards till I saw him here with you, lying
' dead."
Words of doubt, hints of suspicion, ran
through the multitude, headed by the contu-
macious bystander, and Ronald Payne's
cheeks, as he listened, burned like fire.
" How can you think I would have a hand
in such an awful deed I" he indignantly ex-
claimed. "Can you look in my face, and
believe me one capable of committing mur-
der ?"
^ '* Faces don't go for nothing, sir," inter-
posed the constable, Samuel Dodd, who had
come bustling up, and heard the accusation
nmde; "we dont tak^'em into account jn
these matters. I am afeared, sir, it is my
duty to put the ancuffs on you.^'
" Handcuffs on me V* exclaimed Ronald,
passionately.
" You may be wanted, at the crowner's
quest, and perhaps at another tribune after
that. It is more than my office is worth to
let you be at large."
" Do you fear I should attempt to run
away ? retorted Ronald.
Such steps have been heered on, sir,"
11
«
258
THE BELF-COHYIGTED/ ""*
[Oct,
answered the constable ; '* and my office is
give me, you see, to pervent such. '
The idea of resistance rose irresistibly to
the mind of Ronald Payne, but his better
judgment came to his aid, and he yielded to
fhe constable, who was calling on those
around to help to secure him in the king's
name — ^good old George III.
" I resign thyself to circumstances," was
his remark to the officer, '* and will not op-
pose your performing what is your apparent
duty. Yet, oh I believe me," he added,
earnestly, ^* I am entirely innocent of this
foul deed — as innocent as you can be. I
repeat, that I never saw James Darnley after
I left him at his own house last night ; and,
far from quarrelling during our walk home,
we were amicably talking over farming mat-
ters."
When the constable had secured his pris-
oner in the place known as the " lock-up,"
he made his way to Mr. Armstrong's, in-
tensely delighted at all the excitement and
stir, and anxious to gather every possible
gossip about it, true or untrue. Such an
event had never happened in the place, since,
he was sworn in constable. In Farmer
Armstrong's hall were gathered several peo-
ple, Sir John' Seabury, the landlord of that
and the neighboring farms, standing in the
midst.
Sir John was an affable man, and, as times
went, a liberal landlord. It happened that
he was then just appointed high sheriff of
Worcestershire for the ensuing year, his
name having been the one pricked by the
king.
When the constable entered, all facjss
were turned towards him. Several voices
spoke, but Sir John's rose above the. rest.
" Well, constable, what news ?"
" He's in the lock-up, sir," was Mr. Sam
Dodd's reply ; " and there he'll be, safe and
sound, till the crowner holds his quest."
" WhT) is in the lock-up?" asked Sir John,
for the parties now present were not those
who had been at the taking of Payne : they
had flocked, one and all, to the " lock-up,"
crowd-like, at the heels of the constable and
his prisoner. And Sir John Seabury, having
but just entered, had not heard of Mrs. Arm-
strong's suspicion.
" Him what did the murder, sir/' was the
constable's explanatory answer, who had
reasoned himself to the conclusion, as rural
constables were apt to do in those days, that,
because some slight suspicions attached to
Payne, he must inevitably have committed
it. '* And he never said a word," eiulted
Mr. Dodds, " but he held out his hands for
the ancuffs as if he knowed they'd fit: he
only declared he warn't guilty, and walked
along with his head up* like a lord, and not a
bit o shame about him, saying that the truth
would come out sooner or later. It's a sight
to see, gentlemen, the brass them murderers
has, and many on 'em keeps it up till they's
a-ridin' io the drop."
*' How was it brought home to him ? —
who is it ?" reiterated the baronet
*' It's young Mr. Payne," answered the
officer, wiping his face, and then throwing
the handkerchief into his hat» which stood on-
the floor beside him.
^< Mr. Payne 1" repeated Sir John Seabury
Jn astonishment, whilst Jane, never for a mo-
ment believing the words, but startled into
anger, stood forward, and spoke with trem-
bling lips :
''What are you talking about, constable ?
what do you mean ?"
*' Mean miss ! Why it were young Mr.
Payne what did the murder, and I have took
him into custody."
" The constable says right," added Mrs.
Armstrong. ** There is not a doubt about
it. He and Darnley were disputing here all
last evening, and they left with illrfeelinff
between them : who else can have done it ? '
But she was interrupted by Miss Arm-
strong ; and it should be explained that Jane,
having just risen from the bed where they
had placed her in the morning, had not^ until
this moment, known of the accusation against
Payne. She turned to Sir John Seabury,
she appealed to her father, she essayed to
remonstrate with her mother, her anger and
distress at length finding vent in hysterical
words.
<' Father ! Sir John ! there is some terrible
mistake ; mother ! how can you stand by and
listen? I told you the murderer was a
stranger — I told you so : what do they mean
by accusing Ronald Payne ?"
Jane might have held her tongue, for in-
stilled suspicion is a serpent that gains quick
and sure ground ; and perhaps there was
scarcely one around her who did not think
it probable that Payne was the guilty man.
They listened to Jane's reiterated account of
the mommg's scene she had been an ear-
witness to— to her assertion that it was im-
possible Ronald Payne could, have been the
murderer ; but they hinted how unlikely it
was that, in her terror, she was capable of
recognizing, or not recognising voices, and
she saw she was not fully believed.
She found herself, subsequently, she hardly
1858.]
THE SKIP-CONVICrrED.
259
knew bow, in their best parlor — a bandsome
room, and handsomely furnbbed — alone with
Sir John Seabury. She had an indefinite
idea afterwards, that, in passing the door, she
had drawn him in. He stood there with his
eyes fixed on Jane, waiting for her to speak.
« Oh, Sir John ! Sir John !" she replied,
dinging to his arm in the agitation of the
moment as she might cling to that of a
brother, " I see I am not believed : yet, in-
deed I have told Che truth. It was a stranger
who murdered Mr. Darnley."
** Certainly the voice of one we are inti-
mate with is not readily mistaken, even in
moments of terror/' was Sir John Seabury's
reply.
" It was an ill voice, a wicked voice ; a
voice that, independently of any accessory
drcottistaDces, one could only suppose be-
longed to a wicked man. But the language
it used was awful ; such that I had never
imagined could be uttered."
''And it was a voice you did not re-
cognize ?"
'* It was a voice I could not recognize,'*
returned^ Jane, " for I had never until then
heard it."
Sir John looked keenly at her. ** Is this
ramour correct that they have been now
hinting at," he whispered — " you heard it as
well as I — that there was an attachment be-
tweon you and Ronald Payne? and that
there was ill-feeling between him and Darn-
ley in consequence ?"
** I see, even you, do not beHeve me," cried
Jane, bursting into tears. ''There is an
attachment between us : but do you think I
would avow such an attachment for a mur-
derer ? The man whom I heard commit the
deed was a stranger," she continued ear-
niestly, " and Ronald Payne was not near the
spot at the hour."
'* There is truth in your face. Hiss Arm-
strong," observed Sir John., gazing at her.
" And truth at my heart, she added.
And before he could prevent her, she had
slipped towards the ground, and was kneel-
ing on the carpet at the feet of Sir John.
*' As truly as that I must one day answer
before the bar of God," she said, clasping
her hands together, " so have I spoken now :
and according to my truth in this, may God
deal then with me ! Sir John Seabury, do
you believe me ?"
** I do believe you, my dear young lady,"
be answered, the conviction of her honest
truth forcing itself upon his mind. " And
however this unfortuntite business may turn
out for Ronald Payne, in my mind he will
be from henceforth an innocent and a wrong-
ed man."
" Can your influence not release him ?"
inquired Jane : " you are powerful."
" Impossible. I could do no more than
yourself. He is in the hands of the law."
"But, you can speak to his character, at
the coroner's inquest ?" she rejoined. " You
know how good it has always been."
Sir John kindly eiplained to her that all
testimonials to character must be offered at
the trial, should it be Payne's fate to be
committed for one.
When further inquiries came to be institu-
ted, it was found that Darnley had been
roused from his slumbers, and called out of
his house, about half an hour, perhaps less,
before the murder was committed. The only
person deposing to this fact was this house-
keeper— a most respectable woman, who
slept in the room over her master. She de*
clared that she had been unable to sleep in
the early part of the night, feeling nervous
at the violence pf the wind ; that, towards
morning she dropped asleep, and was awak-
ened by a noise, and by some one^ shouting
out her master's name. That she then heard
her mastter open his window, and speak with
the person outside, whoever it was ; and that
he almost immediately afterwards went down
stairs, and out at the house door.
"Who was it?" asked all the curious
listeners, "and what did he want with
Darnley ?"
The housekeeper did not know. She
thought the voice was that of a stranger —
at any rate, it was one she did not recognize.
And she could not say what he wanted, for
she had not heard the words that passed :
in fact, she was but half awake at the time»
and had thought it was one of the farm
servants.
The coroner's inquest was held, and the
several facts already related were deposed to.
Mrs. Armstrong's evidence told against,
Jane's for, the prisoner. No article belong-
ing to the unfortunate James Darnley had
been found, save a handkerchief, and that wa$
fcuni in the pocket of Ronald Payne, He
accounted for it in this way. He left his
own pocket-handkerchief, he said, a red silk
one, by accident that night on the table at
Mrs. Armstrong's — and this was proved to
be correet; that when he and Darnley got
out, the wind was so boisterous they could
not keep their hats on. Darnley tied his
handkerchief over his; Payne would have
done the same, but could not find it, so he
had to hold his hat on with hi&hand. That
260
THE SELF-COHVICIED.
fOct
when Darnley entered ^ his house, he threw
the handkerchief to his companion, to use it
for the like purpose the remainder of his way,
he having further to go than Darnley. And,
finally, Payne asserted that he had put the
handkerchief in his pocket upon getting up
that morning, intending to return it to Darn-
ley as soon as he saw him.
Tihe handkerchief was produced in court.
Xl WAt^ a white lawn, large, and of fine tex-
l^rt , m.^rked in full '* James Darnley.'*
'< j^'Ie Nvas always a hit of a dandy, poor
fellow " whispered the country rustics, scan-
nine ih*® ^hite handkerchief, "especially
when he went a- courting." ^ ^ ^. .
RonaML Pftyi^®» '^ <^°® proof of his inno-
cence, atfttiec ' that he was in bed at the time
the murder ti ^ cormmitted. A man servant
of his, whoMeL*^ ^^ *'^® ^*™® ^^^ ^ himself,
also deposed to t^^s '» *n^ s^*^ ^^^^ » laborer
came to the house with ^^^ "^ws, that a man
had been found Mle d, before his master came
down stairs. But u^^on being asked whether
his master could not Jiave Jeft his bed-room
and the hause in the ni jbt, and have subse-
quenUy returned to it, wit**iOut his knowledge,
he admitted such might h.ive been the case,
though it wiw next to a " maral impossibility
— auch were his words— for it to have been
lone without his hearing. «. ,- ,
But what was the verdict?— '' WUfiil mtir-
der €^inst some persmor j^mom wiknown;
for the jury and the coroner did not find the
evidence sufficiently strong to commit Payne
for trial. So he left the court a discharged
but twC, as the frequent saying runs,
man
wiihottt a stain upon his character. Although
tb£ vewiiet, contrary to ffeneral expectation,
was in his favor, the whole neighborhood be-
lieved him guilty. And from^ that moment,
so vioient is popular opinion, whether for
good or for ill, he was exposed to nearly all
the penalties oif a guilty man. A dog could
flcarcely have bean treated worse than he
was ; and, sofar as talking against him went,
Mrs. Armstrong headed the malcontents.
II.
So matters went on till the m6nth of Feb-
ruary. In the quiet dusk of one of its eve-
nings, Jane Armstrong crfept away from her
house, and, taking a direction opposite to that
where the muroer was committed, walked
qmckly along till her father's orchard was in
view. Crossing the stile of this, she turned
to the right, and there stood Ronald Payne.
" This is kind of you, Jane," he said, as he
seated her upon the stump of a felled tree,
and placed himself beside her. ** God bless
you for this !"
<* It is but a little matter, Ronald, to be
thanked for," she replied. " Perhaps it is
not exactly what I ought to do, coming se-
cretly to meet you here, but " *
" It is a great matter, Jane," he interrupt-
ed, bitterly. " I am now a proscribed man ;
a thing for boys to hoot at. It requires
some courage, Jane, to meet a murderer."
"I know your innocence, Ronald," she
answered, as, in all confiding affection, she
leaned upon his bosom, while her tears fell
fast. " Had you been tried — condemned —
executed, I would still have testified unceas-
ingly to your innocence."
" I sent for you here, Jane," he resumed,
*' to tell you my plans. I am about to leave
this country for America; perhaps, I may
there walk about without the brand upon
my brow."
"Oh« Ronald!" she ejaculated, "is this
your fortitude ! Did you not promise me to
bear this affliction with patience, and to. hope
for better days?"
" Jane, I did so promise you," replied the
unhappy young man ; " and, if it weren ot for
that promise, I should have gone long ago :
but things get worse every day, and I can ;io
longer bear it. I believe if I remained here
I should go mad. See what a life mine is!
I am buffeted — trampled down — spit upon
— shunned — jeered— deserted by my fellow-
creatures ; not by one, but by all : save you,
Jane, there is not a human being who will
speak with me. /would not so goad another,
were he even a known murderer, whilst lam
but a suspected one. I have not deserved
this treatment, God knows I have not !" and,
suddenly breaking off, he bent down his head,
and, giving way to the misery that oppressed
him, lor some moments sobbed aloud like a
child.
''Ronald, dearest Ronald," she entreated,
« think better of this for my sake. Trust
in "
''It is useless, Jane, to urge me," he
interrupted. "I cannot remain in Eng-
land."
Again ahe tried to combat his resolution:
it seemed useless : but, unwilling to giye up
the point, she wrung a promise from him
that he would well reconsider the matter
during the following night and day; and,
agreeing to meet him on the same spot the
next evening, she parted from him with his
kisses warm upon her lips.
"Where can Jane b^?" exclaimed Mrs.
Armstrong, callmg out, and looking up and
1868.]
THE SELF-COKYICTED.
261
down the house in search of her. " Rohert,
do you know ?"
Mr. Armstrong knew nothing about it.
The ladj went into the kitchen, where the
two in-door servants were seated at their tea.
''Susan — Benjamin, do you know anything
of Miss Jane?"
''She is up there in the orchard with
young Mr. Payne, ma*am," interposed Ned,
the carter's boy, who stood by.
"How do you know?*' demanded Mrs.
Armstrong, wrathfuUy.
" Because I brought her a message from
him to go there. So I just trudged up a
short while agone, and there I see 'em. lie
was a-kissin' of her, or something o' that."
"My daughter with himP* cried Mrs.
Armstrong, her face in a flame, whilst Susan
overbalanced her chair in her haste to admin-
ister a little wholesome correction to the
bold-speaking boy — " my daughter with a
murderer I"
" That's why I went up," chimed in the
lad, dodging out of Susan s way. "I feared
he might be for killin' Miss Jane as he killed
t'other, so I thought I'd watch *em a bit."
Away flew Mrs. Armstrong to her hus-
band, representing the grievance with all the
exaggeration of an angry woman. Loud,
stinging denunciations from both greeted
Jane upon her entrance, and she, miserable
and heartbroken, could offer no resistance to
the anger of her incensed parents. It was
very seldom Mr. Armstrong gave way to
I»Bsion, never with Jane, but he did that
night ; and she, terrified and sick at heart,
promised compliance with his commands
never to see Ronald Payne again.
Here was another blow for the ill-fated
young man. Whether he had wavered or
not, after his previous interview with Jane,
must remain unknown, but he now deter-
mined to leave England, and without loss of
time. He went to Sir John Seabury, and
gave up the lease of his farm. It was said
that Sir John urged liim to stop and battle
out the storm; but in vain. He disposed
privately of his stock and furniture, and by
the first week in March he was on his way
to Liverpool.
It was on the following Saturday that Jane
Armstrong accompanied her father and
mother to Worcester. She seemed as much
like a person dead as alive, and Susan said,
in confidence to a gossip, that young Mr.
Payne's untoward fate was breaking her
heart. The city, in the afternoon, wore an
aspect of gaity and bustle far beyond that
of the customary market-day, for the judges
were expected in from Oxford to hold the
assizes : a grand holiday then, and still a
grand show for the Worcester people. Jane
and the mother spent the day with some
friends, whose residence was situated on the
London- road, as it is called, the way by
which the judges entered the city. It has
been mentioned, that the high sheriff for that
year was Sir John Seabui;}* ; and, about three
o'clock, he went out with bis procession to
meet the judges, halting at the little village
of Whittinston until they should arrive.
It may have been an hour or more after
its departure from the city that the sweet,
melodious bells of the cathedral struck out
upon the air, giving notice that the cavalcade
had turned and was advancing ; and, in due
time, a flourish of trumpets announced its
approach. The heralds rode first, at a slow
and stately pace, with their trumpets, pre-
ceding a aouble line of javelin men, in the
sumptuous liveries of the Seabury family,
th^ir javelins in rest, and their horses, hand-
somely caparisoned, pawing the ground. A
chaise, thrown open, followed, containing the
governor of the county jail, his white wand
raised in the air ; and then came the sheriflf's
carriage, an equipage of surprising elegance,
the Seabury arms shining forth on the panels,
and its four stately steeds prancing and
chafing at the deliberate pace to which they
were restrained.
It contained only one of the judges, all-
imposing in his flowing wig and scarlet robes.
The Oxford assizes not having terminated
when he left, he had hastenea on to open
court at Worcester, leaving his learned
brother to follow. Opposite to him sat Sir
John Seabury, with his chaplain in his gown
and bands: and as Jane stood with her
mother and their friends at the open window,
the eye of their affiEkble young landlord caught
hers, and he leaned forward and bowed : but
the smile on his face was checked, for he too
surely read the worn and breaking spirit be-
trayed by Jane's. Some personal friends of
the sheriflf followed the carriage on horse-
back ; and, closing the procession, rode a
crowd of Sir John's well-mounted tenants,
the' portly person of Mr. Armstrong conspic-
uous in the midst. But when Mrs. Arm-
strong turned towards her daughter with an
admiring remark on the pageantry, Jane was
sobbing bitterly.
Mrs. and Miss Armstrong left their friends'
house when tea was over, on their way to
the inn used by Mr. Armstrong at the oppo-
site end of the town. They were in High-
street, passing the Guildhall, Jane walking
268
THE SELF-OOJN VKTi'KD.
[Oct.
dreamily forwards, and her mother gazing at
the unasual groups scattered aboat it,
though all signs of the recent cavalcade had
faded awaj, when Master Sam Dodd, the
constable, met them. He stood still, and
addressed Jane.
" I think we have got the right roan at
last, Miss Armstrong. I suppose it will turn
out, after all, that you were right about
younfir Mr. Payne.?
" What has happened ?*' faltered Jane.
''We have took a man, Miss,- on strong
suspicions that he is the one what cooked
Mr. Darnley. We have been upon the
scent this week past. You must be in readi-
ness, ladies, for you'll be wanted on the trial,
and, it will come on, on Tuesday or Wednes-
day. You'll get your summonses on Mon-
day morning."
'* Good heart alive, constable !" ci^ed the
startled Mrs. Armstrong, *'you don't mean
to say that Ronald Payne is mnocent !'*
"why, ma'am, that have got to be proved.
For my part, I think matters would be best
left as they is, and not rake 'em up again :
he have been treated so very shameful, if it
should turn out that he warn't guilty."
It was even as the constable said. A man
had been arrested and thrown into the county
jail at Worcester, charged with the wilful
murder of James Darnley.
III.
Late on Tuesday evening, Mr. and Mrs.
Armstrong, with their daughter, drove into
Worcester, to be in readiness for the next
day's trial. It was a dull, rainy evening,
and Jane leaned back in the carriage, almost
careless as to what the following day would
bring forth, since Ronald Payne had gone
away for ever.
At about five minutes past nine in the
morning, the presiding judge took his seat
on the bench. The crowded, noisy court
was hushed to silence, the prisoner was
brought in, and the trial began.
The chief fact against the accused was,
that the pocket-book, with its contents, known
to have been in Darnley's possession on the
ill-fated morning, had been traced to the pris-
oner. The bank-notes he had changed
away, and a silver pencil-case that wos in it
he had pledged. All this he did not deny ;
but he asserted that he had found the pocket
book hid in the hedge, close to the spot,
when he had been prowling about there a
few hours subsequent to the murder. It
might be as he said, and the counsel chattered
wisely to each other, saying there was no
evidence to convict him.
The last witness called was Jane Arm-
strong ; and her sensible, modest, and lady-
like appearance prepossessed every one in
her favor. She gBLve her testimony clearly
and distinctly. The deadly struggle she had
heard ; the groans of the victim, and his
shrieks of murder ; the words uttered by
the assailant; the blows which had been
dealt, and the fall of the murdered man — aH
was separately deposed to. Still, the crime
was not brought home to the prisoner. Jane
thought her testimony was over, and was
waiting for her dismissal from the witness-
box', when the counsel for the prosecution
addressed her.
'* Look around you, young lady ; can you
point out any one present as the murderer ?'*
She looked attentively round the court,
but as she had not seen the murderer on that
dark morninff, the effort was vun ; but,
though she felt it was fruitless, she once more
gazed minutely and carefully at the sea of
faces around her — at the prisoner's amongst
the rest; and turning again to the judge,
she shook her head.
At this moment a voice was heard, rising
harshly above all the murmur of the court.
Jane's back was towards the speaker, and
she did not know from whom it came, but
the tones thrilled upon her ear with horror,
for she reco^ized them instantaneously.
They were addressed to the judge.
" My lord, she's going to swear away my
life."
" That's the man !" uttered Jane, with
the startling earnestness of truth — " I know
him by his voice."
The prisoner — for he had been the speaker
— quailed as he heard her, and an ashy pale-
ness overspread his face. The judge gazed
sternly, but somewhat mournfully, at him,
and spoke words that are remembered in
Worcester unto this day.
" Prisoner, yon have hung yourself y
The trial proceeded to its close. A ver-
dict of Wilful Murder was returned against
the prisoner, and the judge, placing on his
head the dread black cap, pronounced upon
him the extreme sentence of the law.
Before he suffered, he confessed his guilt,
with the full particulars attending it. It
may be remembered, that on the stormy
evening when the chief actors in this history
were introduced to the reader, the unfortu-
nate James Darnley spoke of having just
returned from a neighboring public fair. At
1863.]
THS SELF-GONYICrEa
268
ihis fur, it seemed, he had entered a public-
house, and finding there some farmers of his
acquaintance, he sat down with them to drink
a glass of ale. In the course of conversa-
tion he spoke of the stock, cattle, &c., he
had just sold, and the sum he had received
for it, the money beinff then — ;he himself
gratuitously added — in his breeches-pocket.
He mentioned also his intended Journey to
Worcester market the following day, and
that there his business would be to buy.
The wretched man, afterwards his mur-
derer, was present amongst various other
strangers, which a fair is apt to collect to-
gether, apd he formed the diabolical project
of robbing him that night; but by some
means or other the intention was frustrated.
How, was never clearly ascertained, but it
was supposed, through Damley's leaving for
home at an unusually early hour, that he
night be in time to pay a visit to the house
of Miss Armstrong. The villain, however,
was not to be so baulked. Rightly judging
that Damley would not remove his money
from his breeches- pocket, as he would require
it at Worcester market the following day, he
made his way to his victim's house in the
early dark of the ensuing winter' morning,
and called him up. A strange proceeding,
the reader will say, for one with the inten-
tions he held. Yes. There stood James
Darnley shivering at his chamber window,
suddenly roused out of his bed, from a sound
sleep, by the knocking; and there, under-
neath, stood one in the dark, whose form he
was unable to distinguish ; but it seemed a
friendly voice that spoke to him, and it told
a plausible tale — that Darnley's cows had
broken from their'enclosure and were stroll-
ing away, trespassing, and that he would do
well to rise and hasten to them.
With a few cordial thanks to the unknown
Warner, and a pithy anathema on^ his cows,
Darnley thrust on his knee-breeches — the
breeches, as his destroyer had foreseen — and
his farm-jacket, went down stairs, and de-
parted hastily on his errand. The reader
need be told no more.
This was the substance of his confession ;
and on the appointed day he was placed on
a cart to be drawn to execution. At that
period, the gallows consecrated to Worcester
criminals was erected on Red-hill, a part of
the London-road, situated about midway
between Worcester and Wbittington, and
here he was executed. An exhibition of the
sort generally attracts its spectators, but
such an immense assemblage has rarely been
collected in Worcester, whether before or
since, as was gathered together to witness
the show on the day of execution.
In proportion as the tide had turned against
Ronald Payne, so did it now set in for him.
The neighborhood, one and all, took shame
to themselves for their conduct to an inno-
cent man, and it was astonishing to observe
how quick thsy were in declaring that they
must have be^n fools to suspect a kind-
hearted, honorable man could be guilty of
murder. Mrs. Armstong's self-reproaches
were keen : she was a just woman, and she
knew that she had treated him with bitter
harshness. Sir John Seabury, however,did not
waste words in condolence and reproaches,
as the others did : he despatched a trusty
messenger to Liverpool, in the hope of catch-
ing Payne before he embarked for a foreign
land, and, as vessels in those times did not
start every day as steamers do in these, he
was successful.
IV.
It was a beautiful afternoon in the middle
of March : the villagers were decked out as
for a holiday ; garlands and festoons denoted
that there was some unusual cause for re-
joicing, and the higher class of farmers and
their wives were grouped together, convers-
ing cheerfully. Jane Armstong stood by her
mother, a happy flush upon her pleasing
countenance. It was the hour of the ex-
pected return of Ronald Payne, and a rustic
band of music had gone forth to meet the
stage-coach.
Everybody was talking, nobody listening,
the buzz of expectation rose louder and
louder, and soon the band was heard return-
ing, half of it blowing away at *' See the Con-
quering Hero comes, the other half (not hav-
ing been able to agree amongst themselves)
drumming and whistling '*God save the
King." before the audience had time to
comment on the novel effect of^this new
music, horses' heads were seen in the dis-
tance, and not the heavy coach, as had been
expected, but the open barouche of Sir John
Seabury came in sight, containing himself
and Ronald Payne.
Ronald was nearly hugged to death.
Words of apology and congratulation, of ex-
cuse and good-will, of repentance and joy,
were poured into his ear by all, save Jane;
and she stood away, the uncontrollable tears
coursing down her face. It was plain, in a
moment, that he bore no malice to any of
them : his brow was as frank as ever, his
eye as merry, his hands as open to clasp
264
DE QUINGET, THE ENGUBH OPiPf EATER.
[OcU
theirs-p-he was the same old Ronald Payne of
months ago.
" Ronald Payne !*' exclaimed Mrs. Arm-
strong, standing a little before the rest, " I
was the first to accuse you, I was the fore-
most to rail at and shun you ; let me be the
most eager to express my painful regret,
and so far — which is all I can do — make
reparation. For the future, you shall not
have a more sincere friend than myself."
" And allow me, Mr. Payne, to be the
second to speak," added Sir John, " although
I have no apology to make, for I never be-
lieved you guilty, as you know ; but all these
good people did, and it is of no use, you are
aware, to run against a stream. As some
recompense for what you have suffered, I
hereby offer you a lease of the farm and
lands rented by the unfortunate James Darn-
ley. It is the best vacant farm on my estate.
And — a word yet : should you not have suf-
ficient ready money to stock it, I will be your
banker." •
Ronald Payne grasped in silence the offered
hand of his landlord. His heart was too full
to speak, but a hum of gratification from
those around told that the generosity was
appreciated.
"But, Mrs. Armstrong/* continued Sir
John, a merry smile upon his countenance,
** is there no other recompense you can offer
him ?"
Jane was now standing amongst them, by
Ronald's side, though not a word had yet
passed between them. His eyes fondly
sought hers at the last words, but her glow-
ing countenance was alike turned from him
and from Sir John Seabury.
*' Ay, by all that's right and just, there is.
Sir John I" burst forth good Farmer Arm-
strong. " He deserves her, and he shall
have her; and if my wife still says no, why
I don't think she is any wife of mine."
Sir John glanced at Mrs. Armstrong,
waiting no doubt for her lips to form them-
selves into the negative; but they formed
themselves into nothing save an approving
smile cast towards Ronald Payne.
" And with many thanks, grateful thanks
— which I am sure he feels---for your gener-
ous offer of being his banker, Sir John,"
continued Mr. Armstrong, " you must give
me leave to say that it will not now be
needed. My daughter does not go to her
husband portionless."
"You must let me have notice of the
time, Miss Armstrong," whispered Sir John,
as he leaned forward and took her hand,
" for I have made up my mind to dance at
your wedding."
But the secret was not confined to Sir
John Seabury. The crowd had compre-
hended it now ; and suddenly, as with one
universal voice, the air was rent with shouts,
''Long live Ronald Payne and his fair wife
when he shall win her I Long life and
happiness to Mr. and Mrs. Ronald Payne !"
■♦♦•
"#••
De QuiNor, the English opium-eater, is a
Manchester man, though from Manchester
and all that pertains to it, materially and in-
tellectually, multifarious influences have long
separated him. His home (and Christopher
North's) is now in fair Lasswade, by the flow-
ing Esk, where, the victim of 'nervous distrac-
tion which renders all labor exacting any
energy of attention inexpressibly painful,'
he has managed to see through the press,
and even to preface, a first volume, just ap-
pearing, of Selections, Grave and (?ay, from
Writings published and unjmblished, and con-
taining his autobiography to the threshold of
its great era, the discovery of opium. 'Dur-
ing the fourteen last years,' writes the old
man eloquent, ' I have received from many
quarters in England, in Ireland, in the British
colonies, and in the United States, a series of
letters expressing a far profounder interest in
papers written by myself than any which I
could ever think myself entitled to look for ;'
— hence a republication was always determin-
ed on, which would never have been made in
England, however, had not the preliminary
trouble of collecting from far and wide the
scattered papers been ,taken by the Boston
(U. S.) firm of Ticknor k, Co. who deserve
honorable mention for having, De Quincy
says, ' made me a sharer in the profits of the
publication, called upon to do so by no law
whatever, and assuredly by no expectation of
that sort upon my part.' — Critic,
1853.]
THE 00niVTK9S HAHir-HABK.
265
From the Dablin ITnivertity Magasine.
THE dOUNTESS HAHN-HAHN.*
Thb book which stands at the head of our
Vst, entitled *' Yon Babylon nach Jerusalem,"
appeared in Germany soon after the conver-
sion of Countess Hann-Hahn to the Romish
Churchy if conversion that can be called
which is not the substitution of one faith for
another, but the first comprehension of relig-
ion under any form. That the authoress
bad hitherto never felt the power and beauty
of Christianity would be made clearly evident
by this, her last work, if the readers of her
former books could ever have doubted it.
To those acquainted with the mind and
character of Countess Hahn, it was no sur-
prise that Catholicism had charmed her into
Its magic circle. The stern, unbending
Lutberanism of Germany had no attactions
for her imaginative spirit, her enthusiastic
nature was repulsed by the prosaic form in
which religion was put before her. With
thb feeling we can have much sympathy.
Protestantism in Germany exists in the
original form in which Luther moulded it, in
that age when the errors of the Church of
Rome drove him first to question her infalli-
bility, and then to overturn her authority,
while in its place he erected his own dogmas
as the standard of belief. Herein, it seems
to us, lies the root of a deep-seated evil,
which casts its shadow over the whole of
Protestant Germany. Luther fought the
good fight. Who shall venture to deny him
the merit due to the leader in the glorious
Reformation? He was, however, but the
leader ; like Mouses, he was destined to free
the children of God from the bondage of
superstition and idolatry, and bring them
within sight of the land of promise, but not
to conduct them through it. Since his time
the Germans have been content, for the most
* 1. ** YoD Babylon nach JenualenL'' Yon Ida
Onfin Hahn-Hahn.
2. " Babylon and Jemsalem.'' EinSendBcbreiben
mit einer naohaohrift^ an Ida Oriifin Hahn-Hahn.
8. "WoistBabeL" Sandaehreiben an Ida Orafin
Hshn-Hahn. Yon Dr. Aug. Kbiard, Pro£ der vel
Theologie vx Erlangen.
party to accept religfion as he taught it»
without recognizing the truth, that reform,
to be efifective, must be progressive — ad-
vancing with the mind of man, and keeping
pace with the requirements of a higher state
of civilization. To stand still is impossible ;
and while Catholic Germany has tacitly
acknowledged this, and admitted some modi-
fications of ceremonies, and permitted certain
relaxations in her severest doctrines to 8ui$
the temper of the times, Lutheranism inflejL-
ibly adheres to its ancient rigid creeds and
forms. It is true, that a new Church has
sprung up, calling itself the " Reformed ;"
but while introducing some differences in
point of belief, it does not strike at the
fundamental evil of the Lutheran Church,
since it fails to. recognise the vital principle
of the Reformation — viz., the right of private
judgment as opposed to the authority of any
Church. The spirit of reform has been
checked ; the soul of man, progressing in all
else, has been fettered to old doctrines and
formulas, and thus religion has become a
cold, empty form — its life-giving power has
gradually died out, and the German mind»
alive to all other heart-stirring and intellect-
ual influences, has either turned from Chris-
tianity into the byways of indiflferentism,
rationalism, and infidelity, or striking into the
opposite extreme, has yielded itself a volun-
tary slave to the most rigid pietism. Roman
Catholicism, meanwhile, with her wide com-
prehension of the wants of human nature,
and her power of meeting them, has kept the
flame of devotion burniuK bright and clear
upon her altars, and weak or ardent souls,
repulsed by Protestant coldness, have been
allured to worship there, from the solace and
repose they found within the nurturing bosom
of the *' Mother Church"
It had already been predicted that Coun-
tess Hahn-Hahn would end her days aa a
Roman Catholic devotee, if not a nun ; nor
are we bigoted enough to grudge her the
consolation she has found by thus surrender-
ing herself to the guidance of what aha
866
THE OOUnnSB HAHN-HAHV.
[Oct,
deems an infallible Churoh ; if her choice of
a religion be sincere (and we are not pre-
pared to doubt it)» we have nought to say
against it; this question she alone has to
settle with God and her own conscience.
We believe that pure and noble spirits
are trained for immortality in the Roman
Catholic, as in all other Churches, although
truth comes to us in another form. With her
faith, therefore, we have nothing to do ; but
with her book, much.
It is, perhaps, the natural tendency of the
human mind to disparage that creed which
it has abandoned ; none are more furiously
bigoted than converts ; but it has ever seemed
to us that, natural as such feelings may be,
they are inconsistent with the true humility
, which Christianity inculcates ; and, certainly,
of this humility not a trace exists in the books
now under our notice. It will not be deemed
a want of charity in us to accept Countess
Hahn's own account of her former irreligious
state as the correct one. We believe, with
herself, that religion never influenced her
character until the present time ; that receiv-
ing her impressions of it from the Church to
which she professed to belong, her soul lay
dead to the beauty of Christianity ; that the
simple, holy teachings of our Saviour — that
the touching history of his life, his death, and
his resurrection — his example, his spirit of
self-sacrifice, were all unable to touch or
purify her heart. We believe that, far from
being a Protestant, she was a believer in
nothing, and that revelation was a sealed
book to her — she was of the world, worldly.
Her earlier works rise up in judgment against
her, and condemn her as an egotist, a seeker
after the shadows of things, while the reali-
ties of life and glory of heaven were alike
veiled from her.
She begins her book with the words " I
believe !*' and the *' I" which thus stands
foremost on the page, pervades every line of
the work. As, in her former writings, we
feel its presence, so does it follow us still ;
nor does it shrink from entering the very
presence of the living God. But the ^' I" of
this book, she tells us, is not the '* I" of olden
times ; and in order to exalt her present, she
▼ilifles her former self, in words which, though
little inclined to rank ourselves amongst her
admirers, we should not have ventured to
employ. We have ever regarded such osten-
tatious self-depreciation with suspicion, be-
lieving it to be one of the most dangerous
and subtle forms of human vanity ; while the
old *' I" is reviled like a demon, it is hoped
that the new **V* may shine fqrth as an
angel — the darker the back-ground the more
brilliantly do the colors of the portrait strike
on the eye. True humility thinks and speaks
but little of itself — loves the quiet sacrifices
of daily life better than notice and praise of .
man — dwells but little, if ever, on its achieve-
ments— ^bnt steadily pursues its course, going
direct to the aim it has set before it, be it the
welfare of its fellow-creatures, the glory of
God, the annihilation of evil passions, or the
conquest of self. Such is not Countess
Hahn's humility.
She speaks with horror of her former
aims ; says that she sacrificed to three idols
— love, truth, and fame — and in turn reviles
each as base and unworthy to influence a
human being. Perhaps, regarding them as
Countess Hahn alone knew them, we should
be little disposed to deny her proposition ;
we can, perhaps, even less than herself give
our allegiance to her false deities ; and we
agree with her that they were idols of day,
nor do we wonder that her portion in them
was " dust and ashes." Love, as she knew
it, was but a passion— of the earth, earthy.
Hear her own words, and judse if this be
love as it exists in pure and noUe hearts : —
" For the beloved object we are ready to endure,
to suffer, to mourn, to sacrifice all thinfi^s, to re-
sign all to make him happy ; and from this long-
ing and striving arises so sweet, refined, and per-
fame-breathing an egotism that, like the aroma of
the lily or the luscious blossoms of the oraoge-
flower, it stupifies and intoxicates ; and when the
illusion remains unbroken, enervation and ex-
haustion are engendered, until the heart, heavy
and weary, finally sinks into a state of melan-
choly."
That the fruits of such unholy passion
should be " dust and ashes" cannot surprise
us ; but true love bears another and a better
harvest — a harvest unto eternal life. In it
we recognize a spark of divinity — an influence
that raises and purifies the human soul, ren-
dering it a temple worthy of God himself.
Of truth (her second idoH her ideas are
so vague, that we seek in vain amongst her
wordy sentences for one sinele clear idea ;
nor can we wonder that truth fled the steps
of one seeking it in the spirit she did. Her
text is, that since truth exists alone in the
{Roman) Catholic Church, all who seek it
elsewhere do but squander their time, abuse
their talents, and injure their character — ^be-
coming arrogant, self-satisfied, proud of their
own intellects, while they remain for ever
wanderers in darkness and ignorance. This
is such a flagrant begging of the question,
1858.]
THE COUliTEaB HAHN-HAHK.
20)
that we are little disposed to discuss tbe mat-
ter further. The truth, as it is in Jesus, is
accessible to all. In it the soul of man finds
liberty of thought, and soars untrammelled
to the God and Father of us all I
Equally erroneous appear to ua Countess
E[ahn-Hahn*s ideas of fame ; her opinions on
this, as on all subjects, betray a bitterness of
mind which ever accompanies the real ego-
tist. She judges from her own experience
as an author, and declares thai the desire of
fame is base and unworthy. The desire for
an immortality of fame in high and noble na-
tures is a natural and legitimate feeling of the
human heart ; with such it is a lofty senti-
ment, standing apart from self ; a holy, heav-
en-inspired wish to benefit mankind ; to
erect in the hearts of men a monument which
may endure while the world lasts ; a desire
lo live in the memory of the wise and good
of our own and succeeding ages. This is no
base or selfish aim, but one to which true
genius will ever aspire. Hilton knew that
e wrote for future times; Newton's soul
must have seen and rejoiced in the glory with
which coming generations would deliffht to
furround his name ; but to an immortality of
fame like this the authoress of "Countess
Faustina," '*Die Beiden Frauen," "Der
Bechte," &c., <kc., could scarcely hope to
aspire ! She is right in saying, " I worked
with perishable means, and with earthly
tools;" she might have idded, for worldly
ends and earthly fame.
The author of the pamphlet which stands
second on our list ('^Baoylon and Jerusa-
lem") has in it addressed an admirable ap-
})eal to Countess Hahn-Hahn. We quote
rom it willingly, since its tone is vigorous
and keen, while at the same time it never
oversteps the boundaries of Christian charity.
It is the ablest amongst many answers which
^ You Babylon nach Jerusalem" has called
forth. It appeared in the form of a letter to
the Countess, and is written in a truthful,
earnest, benevolent, and gentlemanly spirit ;
we give the last attribute, because in '* Wo
ist Babel," another letter, addressed by a pro-
fessor of theology, to Countess Hahn-Hahn,
she is attacked in a manner so coarse and
ungentlemanly^ that however much we may
concur in his opinions, we shrink from allying
ourselves to anything so vulgar. Wrong as
Countess Hahn has been, open as her life is
to reproach, and paltry as this last produc-
tion of her pen seems to us, she is still a
womao, and as such, has a clain^ upon the
respect and consideration of all wno call
themselves gentlemen. It is sad that beneath
the gown of the churchman we do not always
fiqd the feelings and heart of a Christian I
But to our theme : —
" The greater part of your book, however, lady,
is occupied with proving how great and noble
even your errors are ; how all the while that you
were wandering in darkness, you were yet so
near the truth, so near the Church ; how nothing
common or little, nothing imperfect, could have
power over you, as over the herd of vulgar minds ;
now you had ever been one of the elect. So that,
though now aspersing your former life, though
acknowledging your enormous errors, yet you
contemplate them with a certain self-elation and
pride. This spirit of arrogance and self-occupa-
tion [the German word, aelbst-hespitgelung, self-
mirroring, is more expressive] pervades, alas!
your whole book, making itself felt in every pa^ ;
and in this lies the sad and painfal impression'
which it leaves upon the mind. Not your stratase
and ignorant attacks on Protestantism and the
Reformation, unworthy as these too oAen are of
your better MU since they are but the repetition
of the commonest arguments ; not your exalting
a Church to which I myself do not belong ; but
this never-ceasing idolatry of yourself; this it is
which grieves me in your book."
The writer further remarks :
*' The extract which you give, honored Coun-
tess, from your journal (August 26th 1846), affords
us a deep insight into your inner self. Vou say,
* my heart is an altar, upon which an eternal
flame burns in honor of the godlike, but to the
glory of God. Can it be that 1 shall live to find
that I have kindled this eternal lamp before false
gods? Will the true God displace these false
deities? or must my life be spent in the worship
of idols?' Your ladyship acknowledged the
worthlessness of your deities ; you knew that the
altar was raised to * the unknown god,' and you
yet persevered in sacrificing upon it to your idols.
Even so it 19, and this is truly human ! We have,
perhaps, done likewise ; but you do not allude to
this passage in the spirit of humble repentance, of
deep and bitter grief; on the contrary, you quote
it with evident satisfaction, with self-elation, with
pride, that you had even then attained to such a
neight; the first and most important thought this
remembrance awakens in your mind, is notthe
feeling of guilt that you had worshiped false gods,
but a seif-gratulation that even then the altar of
your heart was dedieated ' to tbe godlike.' "
Of the Bible she thus speaks : —
•
*' Old and New Testament, Prophets, Psalms,
Epistles, I read again and again, finding them all
beautiful and soul-inspiring. I was too warm-
hearted and imaginative to fall back into the
desert waste of rationalism ; yet was there as yet
no trace of Christian faith io me. TheHoly Scrip-
tures are a noble fragment which Protestantism
bore away from the Church from which it seceded.
MB
THK COmmSSB HAHH-HAHK.
[Oct,
Reprding them as eticb, the eager mdI in qaest
of knowledge can never deem itself in possession
of the whole truth, with the Bible alone, since the
objective confirmation of the truth is wanting ;
and this we need for the security of our faith. It
may not be clear to the soul that it has but a
fragment upon which to feed, still less clear may
it be where to seek materials for its completion,
yet it pines for the whole, and eagerly sets to
work to seek it ... . My Lord ! and my
God ! Thou knowest how I have sought it ! I
have wandered from the cataracts of the Nile to
the crotto of Stafla ; from Cintra's heighte to the
girden of Damascus ; over the Alps, and the
yrenees, and Lebanon ; over sea ana across the
Arabian desert, from the banks of the Shannon in
green Erin to the shores of holy Jordan ; I
have housed beneath the Bedouin's tent and in
the palaces of the lunUe voile of Europe ! I have
learned all that was to be gained from every posi-
tion and relation of life amonffst differing peoples
and nations. I have moved amidst the most
striking contrasts! In London, for example, I
went from Rag Fair to be presented to her Royal
Highness the Duchess of Kent. I strove to study
mankind in all its phases ; to explore the heights
and depths of civilization ; the various degrees of
culture attained by different nations ; the con-
nexion of education with religion, national chafac
ter, art, and morals. I desired to pass in review
before my mind the whole history ofman, and face
to face study iU features. I longed to understand
—•what ? * Mankind,' I said to myself* Perhaps
I desired to know myself, but that was impossible,
since I possessed no positive law strong enough
to serve as rule and standard by which impartial-
ly to judge phantasms and emotions both within
and around me. I lived at the mercv of my own
caprices, feeding on fragments, and was, in this
respect, a genuine, product of Lutberanism ! "
Lutberanism would with scorn disclaim
the "product" thus falsely attrihuted to
her ! Had Countess Hahn, indeed, sought
with earnest heart and steady head, that she
professes to have desired, it would have heen
revealed to her without these restless wan-
derings and strivings, which betoken merely
the spirit discontented with itself, ever crav-
ing new excitement, and indulging itself in
the search after novel emotions and strange
adventures. Had she but listened to " the
still small voice" within, and in meek humility
prostrated herself before #od, beseeching for
help and guidance,' her heart would have
been spared many a pang, and her soul
would* long ago have cast its burthen of
doubts and fears upon Him who calls to all
the weary and heavy laden, " Come unto
me, and I will give you rest." But to this
voice she stopt not to listen; pursued her
headlong course, pressed to her heart the
'* idols" which crumble in her hand, and sate
down at length, a broken and despairing
creature, amidst their ''dust and ashes."
The worst feature in the book, to our mind,
is, that while the author so frankly confesses
her errors, and with* such mock- humility
delights in vilifying herself, she artfully turns
all the blame from herself, and seeks, by
accusing the religion she deserts of all her
vices and short-comiogrs, to exculpate her-
self. Protestantism, In her eyes, is alone
chargeable with all her errors! Does the
voice of conscience never whisper to her
soul, that she, and she alone, is responsible
for her fauUs, and that it is as false as it is
mean to cast her burthen upon a religion
which she declares was never influential in
forming her character? if not in forming,
then surely not.in destroying !
Qently would we desire to touch her pri-
vate history ; but what she herself reveals to
us becomes public property, and without
some knowledge of the facts 6( her private
life, her book is unintelligible. Married
young to ona she could not love, she recoiled
from and spumed the chains which bound
her to a being she despised ; she sued for a
divorce (so easily, alas! obtained in Ger-
many), and the unhappy tie was broken.
She revelled in her freedom, was courted,
admired, flattered ; her time was divided be-
tween writing novels and travelling. She
speaks thus of herself in that time : —
" Pride was the groundwork of my character,
and through pride the angels fell with Lucifer.
This pride gave me a boundless desire for inde-
pendence of all external influences of men and
things ; I would be slave to none, to the preja-
dices, opinions, views of no one ; I would neither
play the hypocrite, nor flatter to gain praise or
avoid reproach ; T sought to free myself from the
trammels of custom, effeminacy, and factitioot
wants. . . To stand on my own foundation
was my delight. When a storm came, I bowed,
and let it pass over me ; but I rose again and
often repeated to myself *God is for me ; I can do,
and endure all.' "
Thus she lived, until at length she met, in
a Russian nobleman, the man to whom she
surrendered her freedom. She loved with
all the fire and abandonment of her passion-
ate nature ; she was bound by the settlement
of divorce to forfeit her fortune if she married
again. She resigned neither her wealth nor
her lover. And now began her days of
happiness, if sin and happiness can go hand
in hand. Her struggling heart had found a
resting-place, and death alone disturbed her
seeming peace. Her heart had wasted ail
its treasures on this idol, and broke when it
was snatched from her. During a long and
1858.]
THK CX)UirrBBS HAHN'HAmr.
299
painful illness sbe nursed ber lover, with a
tenderness and devotion, which could not be
surpassed — he died, and the world lay in
ruins around her.
^ Until tbia mnikient," she says,, ** I had con-
qaered all sorrows, while I sheltered myself be*
hind the shield and helmet of my pride and self-
confidence; now these were uselens; the shaft
had reached my heart, had penetrated to the in-
moet depths of my soul ; for great as had been my
pride, my love had been greater . . . What
then paiiaed in my soaT, what preparation for
future progress was then taking place, cannot be
accurately described in words ; a black torrent of
grief overwhelmed me with the force of a cata-
ract ; my powers were all stunned and paralyzed."
She speaks in accents of despair of her
loss. Prostrate in the dust, but not humbled,
she sinks beneath the stroke, and when feel-
ing resumed her sway, and she looked out
into the world again, she found all barren
and empty; her altars vacant, her idols
crumbled beneath her feet Then in bitter-
ness of soul did she feel that God was not for
her. He whom she had never sought in the
days of her vamglory and pride, was now a
stranger to her, and she was indeed alone in
the cold world she had loved so well. In
such a state of mind it is no wonder that she
turned more and more from the Church to
which she still professed to belong. A deep
want had made itself felt in her soul, which
nothing she had yet found could supply ; a
voice was crying from within for help in her
utmost need, and from the Protestant Church
came no response, for her heart was steeled
against its influences. She knew religion as yet
only under its cold Lutheran form, and her book
reveals to us how gradually Romanism began
to interest her ; its power, the grandeur of its
spiritual machinery, the mighty influence ob-
tained by it over the human mind ; the anti-
quity of the Church, the very existence of a
Church as a standard of authority in matters of
faith, the unity of belief amongst its disciples,
all had their share in attracting Countess Hahn-
'Hahn to the Romish faith. Art, employed
as it is by the Catholic Church in the service
of religion, the heavenly works of those
artists, who, ere they took the pencil in their
hand, offered up their souls in prayer ; whose
very works were prayers, imbued with the
holiest feelings of devotion ; these too had
their influence. Before the divine creations
of Fra Angelico and the oldest masters of
the Italian schools, she stood enraptured.
She says : —
** There were times when their paintings seemed
to be more beautiful than those of Raphael him-
self, the deep piety, parity, and holiness which
beamed from them, the intensity of belief and de-
votion which hovered like a glory round their
heads, spoke to my soul, and I felt thel thev were
the offspring of a mighty religioua element."
The imposing ceremonies of the Romish
Church had little power over her mind ; on
the. contrary, when seen in nil their pomp at
Rome, during the Easter week, they left a
painful impression upon her. She says — *' I
found that holy things were touched un-
holily." Her interest in Catholicism was
aroused by far different causes, as we have
seen, and others still remain to be noticed.
She mentions the effect produced upon her
mind by a sojourn in the Roman Catholic
countries of the Rhine, where Catholicism
assumed a new form to her ; there it was the
religion of the people, not of courts and
grandees. Oppressed with sorrow, her heart
was keenly alive to the external influences of
religion, and here they met her at every
step : —
" A crucifix by the way-side ; a chapel over-
shadowed by fine old trees; a shnne upon the
heights, the constant resort of pilgrim feet ; noble
cathedrals in the towns, convents or t6eir ruins
amidst a lovely country, and the frequent sounds
of church bells, all this soothed while it roused
me, because I felt for the first time that religion
was a reality, which could speak to the heart of
man.
Allowed by the ever-open doois of churches
and road-side chapels (oh, why are our Pro-
testant places of worship closed during six
days, as if religion belonged alone to the
seventh !) she often entered to pray, and
found that her heart rose to its Creator with
a fervor it had never known before. Still
she was no Catholic ; the leaven was at
work, but the full time was not yet come.
Amidst the ruins of Kom-Ombos, in Upper
Egypt she muses on the rise and fall of
empires and religions, and asks her soul if
Christianity, too, will pass away like other
religions : —
" Will it be with Christianity as it is with Kom-
9mbos and its temples, — its foundations be under-
mined by the majestic, irresistible stream of time ;
its pillars and its halls shaken by the waving
sand which covers all from which life has depart-
ed 7 No; that thought is horrible — ^never ! never !
I fled for refuge to the holy Apostle Peter, and
exclaimed with him, * Lord whither shall I so ?
Thou hast the words of eternal life.' Sucn a
longing seized my soul to found the perishable
things of this world on the basis of eternity, that
270
THE G017NTE6S HAHN-HAHN.
I0ct»
I perceived not how senseless it was to ase the
words of Peter without accepting his belief; that
belief in Jesus Christ, the Son of God, the Re*
deeoier of the world, to whom we can only come
through the revelation which that Church teaches,
which is built upon St. Peter, which has the full-
ness of truth, and therefore alone possesses the
power of making blessed."
Such logical deductions need no riefutation ;
** Guarda e passa.'*
We would gladly give ber account of the
expulsion of the Jesuits from Naples, a. d.
1848, as a specimen of Countess Hahn's
graphic powers of description, but our space
forbids such digressions.
We must notice as another actuating in-
fluence in tbe change effected in her mind
and heart, the views she takes of conventual
life. In the Catholic Church, she found
olaims made upon man to sacri6ce worldly
gains and present ease to religion : this fell
m with the requirements of her nature and
peculiar circumstances. Hers was not a
spirit to seek contentment in tbe secret
places of tbe earth ; ber heart, wearied with
the vanity and emptiness of tbe world, and
ornsbed by the hst heavy blow which had
fallen upon it, longed for some new sphere
of exertion and excitement. The existence
in the Catholic Church of those asylums for
snob shipwrecked human souls attracted her;
her exaggerated feelings caused her to invest
convents and monasteries with a halo which
we fear seldom belongs to them. The Capu-
chins and Mendicant orders of friars bad as
great influence over ber feelinsrs as the Jesuits
possessed over her mind ; in the one case she
was attracted by the semblance of humility
and self-sacriflce, in the other allured by the
high intellectual and concentrated power of
the order of Jesus. A few words quoted
from her books will show ber feelings on this
subject : —
•* Oh ! ye poor priests, ye poor monks ! Ye
think that, ritrht or wrong, the Saviour meant
what he said, * follow me.' Poor like him, who
bad not where to lay his head, self-denying as
He who turned from the pleasures of the world ;
obedient like Him who obeyed even unto death
on the cross ; ye have through your love to him
comprehended his spirit of self-sacrifice, and have^
made it your own. In one single day of your*
lives we find more depth, more love, more faith,
more beauty, more value, than in the united lives
of all the Reformers taken together."
«
A pretty arrogant assertion that ! Strip
oflT tbe poetical garment in which our ideal-
ising Counted delights to invest these classes
of men, and the truth would be presented in
a melancholy and humiliating contrast. Let
but the walls of monasteries and convents
reveal the tales of sin and self-indulgence
they too often witness, and tbe sympathies
even of the Countess Hahn would turn from
these profligate and idle cumberers of the
ground !
In tbe monastery on Mount Carmel,
ber gradually-increasing inclinations towards
Catholicism first took a definite form. We
find her expatiating on the beauty of the East
— luxuriating in the free, unfettered, uncon-
ventional life in her tents ; and, amidst many
poetical imaginings, such as tbe following,
we find a longing after the repose and sim-
plicity of a cloister life : —
** . . . Enough ! I fonnd in the whole
character of the East, something so ennoblinff
that, beside it all European civilization seemed
mean and insignificant ' . .
There (on Mount Carmel), I first experienced a
P^rief not to belong to the Catholic Church *, there,
m the piljfrim-house, where I was received with
such hospitality, I saw what was the life of these
humble-minded men, who had come from Spain
and Italy — had studied Oriental languages> in
order to teach little children, and shelter pilgrims.
Now that I saw the Catholic Church in all her
glory — ^that is to say in love and poverty — now
did I begin indeed to love her. A wonderful
holiness hovers around this spot — a peace wholly
ideal, such as in no other place I had yet found. . .
I knew the Church as yet neither in her founda-
tion, which is the Redeemer, nor in her dogmas,
which he taught ; nor in her ideat>, in which time
and eternity are blended ; 1 knew but her ex-
ternal surface, yet it did my heart good, for she
spoke to that ideal of heavenly love which I
have ever borne about within my soul, like a
veiled and holy picture; and so I began to love
her."
Returning from tbe East, a.d. 1844, where
she bad spent ber days amidst the ruins of
cities and empires, floating along tbe Nile in
dreamy indolence, or travelling across the
calm and silent desert, she found the activity
and luxury of European life press heavily
upon her. The beavingsof tbe nations, in their
efforts to obtain freedom, were beginning to
be felt, and, aristocrat to the hearths core.
Countess Hahn-Hahn recoiled from all ide;^
of progress. She looked upon the struggle
taking place with a b'lrqing heart, shut her
eyes upon the political and social evils they
were intended to redress, shrank terrified
from the threatened convulsions, seeing in
them hopelessly-destructive anarchy alone.
To find the clue to such mighty movements
was beyond her power, and her spirit sinking
beneath the pressure, she fell into despair.
1858.]
THE OOXJVTJBA HAH5-HAHK.
371
1
Hear now what roused her from this leth-
** From this torpor I was saved by a circom-
staoce which caased a wonderful sensation in
Northern Germany — ^the exhibition of the holy
coat at Treves! People comprehend it not.
* What did it mean 7* — what portend ? How
astonishing and incomprehensible, that tbonsands
and tens of thoasands wandered op the Rhine
and down the Rhine, as pilgrims to the shrine ;
and these, not from the lower classes alone, bat
from the higher and enlightened ! . . . I was
amazed like the rest at this religious excitement,
to which Protestants had not the faintest clue ;
bat instead of ridiculing it as they did, it refresh-
ed my spirit. Whether it were indeed the hol^
coat, I knew not ; but as I wrote at the time, * it
is the same faith which in former days cast the
sick woman at the feet of Christ, that by tonch-
ing the hem of his garment, she might be healed.'
My instinct was ever right, and my reasoning
false."
False, ind> ed, poor weak-minded woman !
When such things had power to sway your
opmions, we can but pity and be silent.
Two years later, we find her still restlessly
seeking peace in outward things, travelioff
to England, Scotland, and Ireland; and
while political influences were now at work,
io conjunction with others, to lead her to
her final goal, she speaks of the state of
England, where, she says, the death-worm
is diligently at work ; and in proof of this
her profound wisdom cites the " corn bill,"
whicn had just passed the two houses of
Parliament. "The corn bill," she says, "is
a work of the death-worm ; it will change
entirely the ancient centre of gravity by
which this land has become strong within,
and mighty without." We are the last peo-
ple who desire to exclude women from a
share in political, as in all other discussions ;
we would only require that ignorance should
know how becoming silence is.
In the English Church Countess Hahn
finds only "noble cathedrals standinflr empty,"
*^ married bishops," and her "ideal van-
ishes." She examioea the outside merely,
bat is compelled, perhaps unwittingly, to
acknowledge that " the English have need of
faith, and a veneration for religion as God's
law." She visits Scotland, the puritanical
strictness and simphcity of whose Church
foand little favor m her eyes, and passes
thence to Ireland —
** Here did T once again behold the Charch in
beanty, in poverty, oppression, and martyrdom,
and in her priests I found holy and temperate
men, filled with apostolic charity and love."
Agmn, she looks to the surface alone. In
all her blame of England's vnisgovernment of
this unhappy country we join her unhesita-
tingly, but there break we off, and leave her
to her own exaggerated ideas as to the merits
of the priests and people of Ireland ; poeti-
cal fancies all, and false as poetical.
After this journey, the Countess returned
to Germany, more hopelessly unhappy than
ever. "I was like one swimming in the
wide ocean, dreaming of a harbor of refuge,
and ever exclaiming, ' It is not here, it is not
here ! these waves can never bear me thith-
er I' " She visits Italy again, and speaks of
her journey as a melancholy one. Weary
and dispirited, she returned : the revolution-
ary spirit had for an hour conquered ; princes
trembled on their thrones, and nobles stood
helpless and confounded around ; Austria
had been beaten on the plains of Italy, and
monarchy tottered in the high places of the
earth. The proud nature of the Countess,
too weak to grapple with the times, writhed
in tortures beneath them : —
" 1 lived like the salamander, in the fire of an
inextinguishable hatred of democracy and t/«
leaders, ' (A truly Christian sentiment !) ^ Spring
came (1849) ; over that May death spread a
mourning veil so thick and black that for a long
time I neither felt nor saw anything, neither in
heaven above, nor on the earth beneath, neither
within me, nor around me. Every Sunday, 1 went
to Dresden to mass, and then I wept sf if I were
melting away in tears ; it was as though a spring
breeze were dissolving the ice in my breast, as if
a warm hand laid itself upon my benumbed heart.
Whitb^r was this leading me ? I knew not then,'
now I see it all clearly. * With eternal love do I
love thee; therefore, am I merciful unto thee,
and draw thee to myself "
She opened the Bible, as was often her
habit, to see on what passage her eyes would
first alight. They fell upon these words in
the sixtieth chapter of Isaiah — ''Arise!
shine I for thy light is come» and the glory
of the Lord is risen upon thee." This acci-
dent so forcibly impressed her mind, that she
sate unconscious of time, her head buried in
her handsy gazing upon the open book. '' A
ray of morning light glided mto the black,
iron night of my soul ; faint, and pale, and
deep, below the horizon it began to dawn."
After this she writes thus : —
" I can no longer make illusions to my soul,
•a^lng. Try this — prove that ! perhaps now the
world may yet have something hidden for thee !
The cry of experience is sounding within me.
No— no ! it has nothing ! Then what remains ?
God?"
272
AN EVKNINO WTTB JASBOK.
[Oct,
Her feelings bad led her now within the
portals of the Catholic Church ; the strongest
fortress of her nature had yielded, and it
needed little more to complete the victory.
Her weak reason, ever the slave of her im*
agination and heart, was easily convinced of
the truth of what she already loved. She
sent for three books, which were to deter-
mine her future faith :~^Luther's greater and
lesser ** Catechism," " Bockel's Confession of
the Evangelical Reformed Church," and the
*' Canons and Decrees of the Council of
Trent." Thus she imagined to place herself
at the fountain-head of the three different
religions, and that she should speedily find
from which flowed the water of life. She
began with the Catholic book, and exclaims :
** Yes ! this was what I aoaght ; here I found
at last all that my soul had pined for so long —
here was the perfecdon of repose, united with
eternal excitement."
Her part was taken ; nor was it to be ex-
pected that she would listen with calm im-
partiality to the arguments of creeds, which
since her youth she had neglected. She
thus writes to a Roman Catholic friend : —
% ** I am like the swallow which deserta the fall-
inff house ; I quit for ever the tottering building
(of Protestantism) ; I need a house for eternity ; I
now know where to find it ... . And
now 1 am returned — from Babylon to Jerufalem,
from a foreign land to my home, from loneliness
to communion, from division to unity, from dis-
quietude to peace, from lies to the truth, from the
world to God V\
And here we take leave of Countess Habn-
Hahn. That her book Vas had the smallest
influence over sensible minds it is di^cult to
conceive, and yet we hear that convms have
been added to the Romish Church >jr its
perusal. That RomM^C^tholicismjvuisl and
will gain ready lisCed«»iir j^C^ermady, is, we
fear, a sad truth. To the^^ooh thirsting for
religion, for a living, active faith, this Church
offers a ready, asylum from the chilling cold-
ness of Luther^usm : and unless greater re-
forms are quic^ introduced, and a more
vital spirit breathed into the dull mass, we
ma^ look for nUny followers in the way
whush has led Countess Hahn-Hahn " from
Babylon to Jerusalem)^"
I ■ ^ 1 1
/y.
Prom Chambfri' Bdiabvrfh JohibaI.
AN EVENING WITH JASMIN.
I HAD heard of Jasmin, the barber- poet of
Agen, years ago ; and had read his works too,
which is more than every one can say. I
had also had always a great curiosity to see
him, and was therefore very glad to receive
an invitation to a " soiree coez Madame la
Marquise de B ," where ''Jasmin s'y
trouvera " (will be there) were the magnetic
words which were to attract the great world.
He was to read some of his published poems
— hh Papilldtos, or Curl-papers, with their
literal translation in French ; for Jasmin
writes in the Gascon dialect, the old Laoffue
d'Oo of the troubadours— -which is a kind of
mixture of French and Italian, only that it
b more sonorous, rich, and masculine than
either : as noble and stately as the Spanish,
with more grace and more tenderness. Ac-
cordingly, at a little past nine I presented
myself at the hotel of Madame la Marquise,
whose salons even at this early hour I found
filled to overflowing with many of the old
nobility of France. As she herself expressed
it : " It was a St. Qermain's night*' High-
sounding names were there — pages of his-
tory every one of them — and intellect and
beauty ; all assembled to do honor to the hair*
dresser of a small provincial town on the Ga-
ronne,who wrote in patob, and wore no gloves:
a practical illustration of the honor paid
in France to intellect, and of the affectionate
kind of social democracy which is so beauti-
ful there. Indeed, among very many virtues
in French society, none is so^ deltghtful,
none so cheering, none so mutually improv-
ing, and none more Christian, than the
1853.]
AN EVSNINO WITH JASMHT.
278
kiDdly intefcM^rBa, almost equality, of all
ranks of socielj, and the comparatively little
importance attached to the wealth or condi-
tion Wh^re. there is intellect and power.
At half^st nine precisely, a short, stout,
dark- haired man, with laree bright eyes, and
a mobile animated face — 'his button- hole de-
corated with the red ribbon of the Legion of
Honor, and an enormous ring on the fore-
finger of a not very clean hand — made his
way through the rich attire and starry wealth
of jewels, to a small table placed in one cor-
ner of the large saloon, whereon were books
— his own Curl-papers — a carafe of fresh
water, two candies and a vase of flowers.
The ladies ranged themselves in a series of
brilliant semicircles before him; the men
blocked up the doorways, and peered over
each other's shoulders ; he waved his hands,
like the leader of an orchestra indicating a
subdued movement, and a general silence
sealed all those fresh noisy lips, like a sudden
sleep falling on a grove of perroquets. One
haughty little brunette, not long from her
convent, gitfgled audibly ; but Jasmin's eye
transfixed her, and the poor child sat re-
buked and dumb. Satisfied now, the hero
of the evening again waved his hands, ffave
a preliminary cough, tossed back his hair,
suddenly "struck an attitude,'* and began
his poem. The lion roared and roared in
real earnest.
He read first a piece which contained noth-
ing very particular, excepting an appeal
for help towards the building of a church.
The church had been built and endowed
years ago, but by the manner in which Jas-
min read his poem, you might have believed
it a case of the most urgent present distress.
He clasped his hands, he looked up to heav-
en, he half knelt in the fervor of his be-
seeching application, tears started into his eyes,
and hU voice shook with emotion, and then
he lauffhed joyously like a child, looking
round tor applause, as he repeated lines or
phrases that pleased him, crying : *' How
charming ! — how graceful ! — how beautiful !
— magnificent I — what a phrase !" at every
moment. Though I recognised the poem as
one published just ten years ago, yet I fan-
cied that he must have transferred its appli-
cation ; and that, in all probability, a church
was now watting to be built, for which he
adapted his former appeal — he was so urgent,
so passionate, so earnest in his manner. But
I was mistaken, and so were many others,
whose hands I saw in their pockets — silver,
and in one instance, a piece of gold, and in
another two sous shining between their fin-
YOL^xxx. Kaa
eers. It was simply the warmth of his
imagination that affected him. He now read
the Gascon version ; and, to my amazement
and amusement, at every word where he had
clasped his hands together in the French, he
clasped his hands together in the Gascon ;
where he had looked up to heaven before, he
looked up to heaven again ; where he had
concentrated all his fingers in one point on
his forehead, he concentrated just in the
same point again; where he had thrust his
hand into his waistcoat before, he did so once
more ; the tears gushed where they were
gushed before, and smiles irradiated his face
at the same words where smiles had irradi-
ated his face. Excepting for the sound of
the syllables, Gascon and French were the
same in the stereotyped emotions they called
up. And this not only to-night, but every
night wherein he gives his readings, without
the slightest variation in a single particular.
Those in the salon had seen him before, as-
sured me that not a glance, a smile, a ges-
ture, was changed. Once hear Jasmin read
a certain poem, and ten years afterwards you
have precisely the same ** effects." A strange
kind of enthusiasm, to say the least of it,
which can survive the duplicate repetition of
years, and come out as fresh as if new born.
I was, however, unwilling to judge the
poet either hastily or by hearsay-^— in both
cases necessarily unjust — and therefore I
waited for his second display.
** Ladies, prepare your pocket-handker-
chiefs," he cried after a moment's pause. ** I
am going to make you all weep. You hnve
not pocket-handkerchiefd enough with you —
they are too thin. 8ee, I have brought two
foulards.^*
A young bride suggested that Madame la
Marquise should send round a salver with a
supply of this necessary article. Jasmin
looked enchanted, and excUimed : " Tr^s
bien ! trds bien ! charmant !" many times.
But the hint was not adopted.
It must be distinctly understood, that all
Jasmin said and did was with the most per-
fect good faith and unbroken gravity.
He began his poem without the supple-
mental handkerchitffs. It was La Semaine
rf «n Ftfo— The Week of a Son— which a
foot-note tells us is '* historical, the ciicum-
stance having recently occurred in our part
of the country." The poem is divided into
three parts. In the first, a young boy and
girl, Abel and Jeanne, kneeling in the moon-
light before a cross by the wayside, pray to
the Sainte Vierge to cure their father.
''Mother of God, Virgin compassionate,
18
214
AN EVENING WITH JASIUN.
[Oct.,
send down tbuie angel, and cure our sick
father. Our mother will become happy
again ; and we, virgette Mere — Little Virgin
Mother — we will love thee yet more if we
can.
The Virgin hears the prayer, for a woman,
Btill young, opening the door of a dark house,
cries joyously : " Poor little ones, death has
left us. The poison of the fever is counter-
acted ; your father's life is saved. Come,
little lambs, pray to God with me !"
Then they all three. pray by the side of an
old four-post bedstead — literally, " entre
quatre colonnes d'un vieux lit en serge " —
where sleeps the good father Hilaire, for-
merly a brave soldier, but now a mason's
servant. This ends the first part.
The second part opens with a brief descrip-
tion of morning, where the sun shines
through the glass of the casement " mended
with paper." Abel glides into his father's
room, who commands him to go to the house
of his preceptor to- day, to learn to read and
write ; for Abel, *' more pretty than strong,"
is to be komme de lettres, as his little arms
would fail him if he were to handle the rough
stones of his father's trade. And here Jas-
min caressed his own arm, and made as if it
were a baby's smiling and speaking in a
mignon voice, wagging his head roguishly.
Father and son embraced each other four
times, and for four days all goes '* a Halle-
luia." But on the fourth, Sunday, a brutal
command that " the father returns to his
work to-morrow, else his place shall be given
10 another,'^ casts dismay and consternation
among them all. Hilaire declares that he is
cured, rises from his bed, and falls prostrate
through weakness. It will take a week yet
to re-establish him. A flash of lightning
darts through the soul of Abel. He dries
his tears, assumes the air of a man, strength
is in his little arms, a blush is on his face,
" behold him as he goes out, and behold him
as he enters the house of the brutal master
of the masons." When he returns he is no
longer sorrowful ; *' honey was in his mouth,
and his eyes were smiling."
'' My father, repose ; gain strength and
courage ; thou hast the whole week. Then
thou raayst labor. 8ome one who loves thee
well will do thy work for thee, and thou shalt
still keep thy place 1"
The third part. — " Behold our Abel, who
works no longer at the desk, but in the work-
shop." In the evening, become again a peHi
rnonneur, he, the better to deceive his father,
speaks of papers and writings, "and with a
wink replies to the winks of his mother "
("Et d'un din d'oeil r6pond anxolins d'yeax
de sa mere 1") Three days pass thus ; the
fourth, Friday, the sick man cured leaves his
house at mid-day. '* But, fatal Friday, God
has made thee for sorrow !"
The father goes to the work - place.
Though the hour for luncheon has not yet
arrived, yet no one is seen up above ; and, 0
good God ! what a crowd of people at the
foot of the building I Masters, workmen,
neighbours, all are there, assembled in haste
and tumuh. A workman has fallen. Hi-
laire presses forward, to see Abel lie bleed-
ing on the ground. The poor child dies,
murmuring: ''Master, I have not not been
able to finish the work, but in the name of
my poor mother, for one day wanting, do not
replace my father 1" The place was pre-
served for Hilaire ; his wages even were
doubled — too late. One morning trouble
-closed his eyelids ; and the good father, stiff
in death, went to take another place — in the
tomb by the side of his son.
The incident is in itself so touching, and
part of the poem is so beautifully written,
that we cannot find it in our heart to say
how Jasmin wept and sobbed, both in French
and Gascon ; how he buried his face in his
hands, and took a peculiar intonation at ex-
actly the same place in each rendering ; how
the same smile and the same agony became
wonderful rather than inspiriting, when re-
peated so faithfully ; and how much more
like the most elaborate acting than like na-
ture it appeared. There were some men who
wept, and many women who cried : " Char-
mant ! tout-a-fait charmant!" but without
weeping ; and the lady of the house was
very grateful, and the ecclesiastics smooth
and patronising. And Jasmin sat like an
enthroned demigod, and quafied his nectar
and sniffed his ambrosia, smiling benignly.
It was all very amusing to a proud, stiff,
reserved "Britisher" like myself; for how
greyheaded men with stars and ribbons could
cry at Jasmin's reading, and how Jasmin,
himself a man, could sob and wipe his eyes
and weep so violently, and display such ex-
cessive emotion, surpassed my understanding,
probably clouded by the chill atmosphere of
the fogs in which every Frenchman believes
we live. They were like a number' of chil-
dren set free from school playing at human
life. But I saw they all thought me as cold
as stone and as hard as iron : they looked it.
For I did not cry like the rest ; and though
I was more attentive to the poet than many
of them were, yet I knew it was a critical
rather than a responsive attention, and, as
1858.]
AN EVENING WITH JASMIN.
276
such, would naturally be expressed in my
countenance.
The third poem which the coiffeur, now
calmed and smiling, read, was Ma Bigno — My
Vine. This is an exceedingly graceful poem,
Jerhaps as graceful and perfect as anything
afimin has done. Lacking true simplicity,
while to all appearance the very soul of it — in
reality totally destitute of such simplicity as
is expressed by unconsciousness, but fresh
and hearty, and with a certain youthfulness
of feeling that gives it a great charm — a
charm lost when Jasmin reads ; for then the
strained smile, the exceeding self-satisfaction,
the consciousness of ndiveti and simplicity,
spoil the whole thing, and give it the same
false air as paint and tinsel of a theatre give
to a young child — one feels a want of har-
mony somewhere, and one chafes at the na-
ture which parades itself boastingly, and
calls to all the world : " See how charming
I am !"
The subject of My Vine is very simple.
It is an epistle to Madame Louis Veill at
Paris, setting forth the pleasures of a small
piece of ground which Jasmin has bought at
Agen ; a piece of ground long desired, and
now bought with the money gained by his
poems, and christened a Papilldto / His de-
scription of his fruit-trees, his birds, his
flowers, his vines, all warm with sun, spark-
ling, bright, and luscious, is about the best
specimen of this kind of writing we have
seen anywhere. It is a living picture ; you
see the fruit glowing in the sun, the fruit
which Madame Louis Veill is *' to pluck from
the branch," after " taking off her shining
glove," and ** plant in it her white teeth.
" Like us you will almost drink it (the peach)
without taking off its fine skin, for from the
skin to the almond ii melts in the mouth —
it is honey I"
The poem ends with a confession on the
part of the poet of sundry robberies com-
mitted in this same place when a lad, of
apple-trees broken, hedges forced, and vine-
ladders scaled, winding up with these words:
" Madame, you see I turn towtirds the past
without a blush ; will you ? What I have
robbed I return, and return it with usury.
I hare no door for my vine , two thorns bar
its threshold : when by a hole I see the nose
of marauders, instead of arming myself with
a caoe, I turn away and go, so that they
may retnm. He who robbed when be was
young, in his old age allows himself to be
robbed." An amiable sentiment, sure to be
popular among the rising generation of
Agen !
This was the last thing the poet read, and
then his social ovation began. Ladies sur-
rounded him, and men admired him ; a ring
was presented, and a pretty speech spoken
by a pretty mouth, accompanied the pre-
senta^on ; and the man of the people was
flattered out of all proportion by the brave
haughty old noblesse. To do Jasmin justice,
although naturally enough spoiled by the
absurd amount of adulation he has met with,
he has not been made cold -hearted or worldly.
He is vain, vain as a petted child, but true
and loyal to his caste. He is still the man
of the people, content to be so, and not seek-
ing to disguise or belie his profession. In
fact, he always dwells on his past more or
less, and never miss^ an opportunity to re-
mind his audience that he is but a plebeian
after all. He wears a white apron, nnd
frizzes hair to this day when at Agen ; and,
chevalier of the Legion of Honor, member
of academies and institutes without number,
feted, praised, flattered beyond anything we
can imagine in England, crowned by the
king, and the then heir of the throne, with gilt
and silver crowns, decked with flowers and
oak- leaves, and all conceivable species of
coronets, he does not ape the gentleman, but
clips, curls, and chatters as dimply as here-
tofore, and as professionally. He is the
dandy coiffeur if you will, but still the
coiffeur. And (here is no little merit in this
steady attachment to his native place, no
little good sense in this adherence to his old
profession. In the last, I acknowledge a
great deal of that public consciousness which
is in all he says and does ; but pompous as
his steadfastness may be, and conscious and
displayed and egotistical, it' is so far manlier
and nobler than that weak form of vanity
shewn in a slavish imitation of the great and
a cowardly shame of one's native state.
So that, on the whole, though not going
the extreme lengths of his admirers, without
speaking of him as " more than an artist —
more than a poet," with Justin Dapuy, or
as beyond the great men of antiquity, and
equal to the inspired prophets, with Charles
Nodier and others, yet we honor in him a
true poet and a true man, brave, affectionate,
mobile, loving, whose very faults are all
amiable, and whose vanity takes the form of
nature. And if we, of the cold north can
scarcely comprehend the childish passionate-
ness and emotional unreserve of the more
sensitive south, at least we can profoundly
respect the good common to as all — the good
which lies underneath that many-coloref*
robe of manners which ohanges with evr
276
HISTORY OF A CONTEIBUTOK
[Oct,
hamlet ; the good which speaks from heart
to heart, and quickens the pulses of the blood,
wheCher shewn in old Rome or Greece, or in
oar own time, and land ; the fi;ood which
binds as all as brothers, and makes but one
family of universal man ; and this good we
gladly and lovingly recognise in Jasmin, and
while rallying him for his foibles, respectfully
love him for his virtues, and tender him a
hand of sympathy and admiration as a 6ne
poet, a gooa citizen, and a true-hearted
man.
N-»«-
HISTORY OF A CONTRIBUTOR.
About thirty years ago, a popular maga-
zine rejoiced in a Contributor whose name
was destined to acquire a wider currency
than the work he adorned by his pen. His
literary manner was almost a novelty at that
time. Lig'ht, gossiping, vain, egotistical, yet
fresh and clever, his papers on arts and art-
ists seemed the very beau^ideal of magazine
writing. His vanity, however, sometimes
mastered his good- nature, for be did not al-
ways like the clever productions of other
people. Still, he was in the main a good sort
of fellow ; and his brother contributor, Charles
Lamb, describes him under his nom de guerre
as "kind, light-hearted, Janus Weather-
cock." Janus had besides mystery to rec-
ommend him — and not the mystery that at-
taches to anonymity, initials, or nom-a de
guerre, for he appeared in propria personSi,
and was as well known as Mr. Brown, or Mr.
Smith, or any of the rest of us. His haunts,
too, were public enough ; for he was a Park-
lounger, a frequenter of semi-fashionable
parties, a devotee of the Opera, a fastidious
critic of the ballet, and a constant attender
of the private views of the Exhibitions. He
was attracted, in short, by everything that
was elegant and reBned ; and his handsome
person, good-natured con6dence of manner,
and half- military braided frock, were them-
selves objects of attraction wherever he
went. What was mysterious about him was,
that nobody knew anything about his ante-
cedents. There he was — •* Our Contribu-
tor"— ^a fine, dashing, foppish, affected,
clever fellow, an easy graceful writer, and an
accomplished artist. But who was he?
What had he been ? Where had he resided ?
No one could answer these questions ; and
Janus treated any expression of curiosity that
was ventured with a good-natured half-sar-
castic superiority, which increased the inter-
est that surroonded him.
About the year 1825, he ceased to con-
tribute to the magazine ; and from that time
he may be said to have pursued a public ca-
reer, in which thousands of eyes were upon
him — not one of which however, was able to
penetrate the cloud of mystery in which be
continued to live, move, and have his being.
** From this period," says an author, the
leading points of whose narrative we give,
'' the man whose writings were replete with
an intense luxurious enjoyment — whose or-
ganization was so exquisite that his love of
the beautiful became a passion, and whose
mind ^as a significant union of the ideal
with the voluptuous — was dogged in his
footsteps by death. It was death to stand
in his path — it was death to be his friend —
it was death to occupy the very house with
him 1 Well might his associates join in that
portion of the Litany which prays to be de-
livered from battle, from murder, and from
sudden death, for sudden death was ever by
his side."* Surely there is mystery enough
here for a Radcliffian romance or a Coburg
melo-drama! What connection had he with
that spectral Death which was ever in his
company ? Was he an actor or a looker-oo
at the successive tragedies ? Does the au-
thor allude to crimes or coincidences? Or
is his object merely to produce a perora-
tion ?
The contributor, however, proceeded in
1829, with his wife — for he was married to
a young and attractive woman — to visit hiB
uncle. What then ? Why, then his uncle
died, and he inherited his fortune. This was
nothing extraordinary, for uncles always die
at one time or other; and in the present
^ AnsMh^ AnaedoU; und Legends: a Ckrcmidi
of lAfe-iUtuTance, By John Franois. LoDgmao:
1868. ThiB is a alight^ aneedoUoal hUtory of life-
•asnranoe, and ia a very readable and anpretending
TolaBiai
1868.]
HISTORr OF A CONTRIBUTOR.
211
case the heir sacceeded only to what he had
agood right to expect, the uncle having been
his life-long friend, to whose kindness he
owed even his education. But a fortune was
a mere temporary convenience to J anus. He
bad already, as report said, inherited and
spent several; and this one soon followed
the others. Next year the sOkall domestic
circle was enlivened by two young ladies,
stepf- sisters to his wife, who came on a visit.
One of them, who was destined to make
some noise in the world, was called Helen
Frances Phoebe Abercrombie, and is de-
scribed as being at the time ** a buxom girl
of one-and twenty." This young lady, in
company with her step-sister, began all on a
sudden to haunt the insurance offices. She
seemed to be seized with a mania for insuring
her life ; and the two attractive visitors were
seen constantly flitting from the Hope to the
Provident, from the Eagle to the Imperial,
from the Alliance to the Pelican, to the great
surprise and rejoicing of the clerks. Some-
times the Contributor appeared, but rarely :
his taste was probably too re6ned for bus-
iness. Miss Abercrombie, however, found no
difficulty in getting herself insured at the
PaUadium for £3000. The singularity of
the affair was, that this buxom girl insured
her young life for only three years ; but her
further proceedings m this way were quite
unaccountable — for the next insurance she
effected, for the same sum, was for only two
years. The Provident, the Pelican, the Hope,
and the Imperial, came in for their share on
the same terms ; and in the course of six
months the goodly sum of £18,000 depended
upon her surviving for this inconsiderable
space.
But the mnnia was not appeased. £2000
was proposed to the Eagle ; £5000 to the
Globe; and £5000 to the Alliance, which
would have made the whole sum £30,000.
The offices, however, were by this time
alarmed. At the Globe some searching
questions were asked ; but the young lady
could not tell why she insured, and she was
even so foolish to declare that she bad not
applied at any other office. This was so ex-
travagant a falsehood — for her proceedings
had by this time become matter of notorie-
ty— that her proposal was at once rejected.
At the Alliance, the secretary was still more
Eressing as to her reasons ; and when this
ad the effect only of irritating the applicant,
he sketched, for her consideration, the case
of a young lady who had been murdered for
the sake of the insurance money. The hint
was treated by Miss Abercrombie with dis-
dain ; but her applications being now with-
out result, the visits which had fallen like
sunshine on the dull routine of official life,
were discontinued, and the poetry of the in-
surance-desk was at an end.
The Contributor, in the meantime, being
in the lull between one fortune and another,
appeared to be settling down in the trough
of the sea. He was in desperation for money ;
and the literary exquisite, who had described
as a proceeding of consequence his exchan-
ging his ''smart, tight- waisted, stiff-collared
coat, for an easy chintz gown with pink rib-
bons," and alluded with gusto to his *' com-
placent consideration of his rather elegant
figure as seen in a large glass placed oppo-
site the chimney- mirror," had recourse to his
pen in that dangerous walk of compoition
termed plagiarism in literature, but in bus-
iness— forgery. He executed a power of at-
torney in the name of certain trustees of
stock in the Bank of England, the interest
only of which was receivable by himself and
his wife ; and he thus obtained possession of
a part of the principal. The thing was
easy ; and he tried it again — again — again —
and yet again, till the ^hole fund was ex-
hausted. This new fortune was no more
lasting than the others. Down he sunk in
the trough again, till his very furniture was
in pledge, and he removed to ready-furnished
apartments in Conduit Street, with his wife
and her two step-sisters.
Miss Abercrombie now stated to her ac-
quaintances that she was going abroad. Pre-
paratory to this step, it was proper to make
her will ; and accordingly, she left everything
to her unmarried sister, appointing Janus
her sole executor, who would thus, after her
death, have the entire control of her proper-
ty. The insurance in the Palladium for
£.3000 she assigned to him personally ; and
having thus solemnly arranged her affairs,
she went out with her sister and brother-in-
law to the theatre. The evening proved
wet ; but they walked home together, and
supped on lol^ters and porter. That night
she became unwell, and in a day or two was
attended by a physician, who treated the
complaint lightly. " On the 14th Decem-
ber,*' says our author, "she had completed
her will, and assigned her property. On
the 21st she died. On that day she had
partaken of a powder which Dr. Locock did
not remember prescribing ; and when her
sister and brother-in-law — who had left her
with the intention of taking a long walk — re-
turned, they found that she was dead. The
body was examined ; but there was no rea^
219
HiaTORY OP A CONTRIBUTOR.
[Oct,
on to attribute the death to any other cause
than pressure on the brain/'
The impoverished Contributor had now
the disposal of JD 18,000; but it was neces-
sary, in the first place, to get the money
mto his possession. The claims he made
upon the various offices were resisted ; and,
on being called upon to prove an insurable
interest, he suddenly left the country. In
1835, however, he commenced an action
against the Imperial, and the trial of the
question came on. The plea of the office
was deception on the part of the assured ;
but the counsel did not confine himself to the
record. His allegations — made in a civil
court — petrified the jury, and the judge
shrank aghast at the character drawn of the
man. The jury, however, being unable to
agree on the verdict, were discharged ; al-
though in the following December the com-
pany gained a verdict The affairs of Janus
had likewise come to a crisis in another way :
the forgeries on the Bank of England had
been discovered ; and he found it convenient
to remain in France, where he chanced to be
at the time.
A cloud of mystery once more rests for
some time upon the elegant and effeminate
Contributor, till we find him at Boulogne,
where he resided with an English officer.
This gentleman he introduced to the benefits
of insurance. He insured his host's life in
the Pelican for £.5000 ; and in a few months
the man died. These shocking coincidences
appear to have terrified even Janus himself;
at any rate, he now left Boulogne, and trav-
eled through France under a feigned name.
This informality was discovered; he was ap-
prehended by the French police ; and a quan-
tity of strichnia being found in his posses-
sion, he was imprisoned for six months in
Paris. Strichnia is a vegetable poison, which
is obtained by chemical distillation in the
form of minute white crystah; and so pow-
erful is it, that half a grain blown into the
throat of a rabbit has been known to cause
death in a few minutes.
The adventurer returned to London after
his release, probably on some pressing bus-
iness, as it was not his intention to tru^t him-
self there longer than forty-eight hours.
He succeeded in getting, unrecognized, into
an hotel in the neighborhood of Covent Gar-
den ; and closing the blind, sat down to
breathey or ruminate. Whatever his reflect-
ions may have been, they were disturbed by
a noise in the street; and, with the unac-
countable fatality which usually besets crim-
inals, even when hunted for their lives, and
when their whole soul might be supposed to
be occupied with the necessity for conceal-
ment, he drew back the blind. It was only
for a moment ; but that moment was enough.
A passer-by caught a glimpse of the hand-
some face at the window, and immediately
gave notice to Forrester the officer, and the
Forger was apprehended.
This was a curious point in the man's his-
tory, and one that will, no doubt, be taken
advantage of some time or other by the
novelist. It was for forgery he was tried —
for nothing more. The Home Secretary was
well aware of the circumstances connected
with the fate of Helen Abercrombie ; con-
sultations were held by the parties interest-
ed ; the opinions of the law-officers of the
crown were taken ; and Janus was tried for
forgery. Of this crime he was found guilty,
and condemned to transportation for life.
In Newgate, his personal Canity became
the vanity of position. He piqued himself
on the magnitude of his crime, and on the
respect it excited amonff the petty larceny
rogues who surrounded nim. *'They think
I am here for £.10,000," said he, **and they
respect me." lie gloried in being exempted
from the task imposed upon all the other
convicts— of sweeping the yard. Drawing
down his wristbands, as if still admiring in
the glass his chintz gown and pink ribbons,
he exclaimed to a friend : " I am a convict
like themselves, but no one dares offer me
the broom !" A friend ? Yes : Janus was
only a forger — in everything else he was the
victim of a series of extraordinary coinci-
dences. He claimed for himself — for so the
Contributor wrote from Newgate — *'a soul
whose nutriment was love, and its offspring
art, divine song, and still holier philosophy.
But, nevertheless, he was now guilty of an
imprudence which damaged a good deal the
prestige that still accompanied him. The
claim of Helen Abercrombie's sister was
urged upon the insurance offices ; and it oc-
curred to him, that if he took the part of
the latter, by giving such information as
would vitiate the rights of the heir, they
might have interest enough with govern-
ment to obtain some mitigation of his punish-
ment. The communication he made to them
with this view was so far effectual, that it
saved the insurance offices from the necessi-
ty of paying the policies ; but with regard to
Janus himself, the result was somewhat dif-
ferent from his anticipations. On the docu-
ment being forwarded to the Secretary of
Stale, an order was immediately sent to put
the forger in irons, and forward him instantly
1868.]
HISTORY OF A OONTKIBUTOB.
979
to the convict-ship. This was bard upon the
elegant Contributor; for there is oo distinc-
tion among men in irons. " Tbey think me a
desperado! said he; '^mc! the companion
of poets and philosophers, artists and musi-
cians ! Tou will smile at this — no ; I think
you will feel for the man, educated and reared
as a gentleman, now the mate of vulgar ruf-
fians and country bumpkins T*
The Contributor had now found a level
from which it was impossible to rise. His
vanity lost its buoyancy, his mind its elastic-
ity. He rose no more from the trough of
the siea. " Pale, abject, cowering, all the
bravery rent from his garb, all the gay inso*
lence vanished from his brow, can that hol-
low-eyed, haggard wretch be the same man
whose senses opened upon every joy, whose
nerves mocked at every peril ?" So writes
the author of Lueretia of our adventurer,
whom he describes under the name of Ga-
briel Varney. Of the history of the man
himself, we have only further to relate, that
in due time he reached the antipodes, and
that he died miserably in an hospital at
Sydney.
Not many years have elapsed since the
actual time of these events, hut still a suffi-
cient number to blot them from the memory
of all but a few ; and perhaps, without fur-
ther explanation, some of our readers might
suppose that in the preceding columns we
have treated them to a romance — and a very
improbable one. J^nus Weathercock, how-
ever, is an extraordinary fact. His real name
was Thomas Griffith Wainwright ; and he
belonged to the staff of the London Ma^-
zine, with Charles Lamb, Barry Cornwall,
William Hazlitt, Allan Cunningham, and
others, more or less distinguished, for his-
fellow contributors. ^
The Children of Great Posts. — It is
impossible to contemplate the early death of
Byron's only child without reflecting sadly
on the fates of other families of our greatest
poets. Shakspeare and Milton each died
without a son, but both left daughters, and
both names are now extinct. Snakspeare's
was soon so. Addison had an only child, a
daughter, a girl of some five or six years at
her father's death. She died unmarried, at
the age of eighty or more. Farquar left
two grirls dependent on the friendship of his
friend Wilks, the actor, who stood nobly by
them while he lived. They had a small pen-
sion from the Government ; and having long
outlived their father, and seen his reputation
unalterably established, both died unmMrried.
The son and daughter of Coleridge both died
childless. The two sons of Sir Walter Scott
died without children, one of two daughters
died unmarried, and the Scotts of Abbots-
ford and Waverly are now represeuted by
the children of a daughter. How little
could Scott foresee the sudden failure of
male issue ! The poet of the *' Faerie Queene"
lost a child when very young, by fire, when
the rebels burned his house in Ireland. Some
of the poets had sons and no daughters.
Thus we read of Chaucer's son, of Dry den's
sons, of the sons of Burns, of Allan Ram-
say's son, of Dr. Young's son, of Campbell's
son, of Moore's son, and of Shelley's son.
Ben Jonson survived all his children. Some
— and those among the greatest — died un-
married ; Butler, Cowley, Congreve, Otway,
Prior, Pope, Gay, Thomson, Cow per, Aken-
side, Shenstone, Collins, Gray, Goldsmith.
Mr. Rogers still lives — ^single. Some were
unfortunate in their sons in a sadder way
than death could make them. Lady Love-
lace has left three children — two sons and a
daughter. Her mother is still alive, to see
perhaps with a softened spirit the shade of
the father beside the early grave of his only
child. Ada's looks in her later years — years
of suffering, borne with gentle and womanly
fortitude — have been happily caught by Mr.
Henry Phillips — whose father's pencil has
preserved to us the best likeness of Ada's
father. — Aihenaum,
280
MABIA ANTOnVSTTEL
[Oct,
From Elisa Cook'i Joarnal.
MARIE ANTOINETTE.
FROM THE FRENCH.
BoRK at Yienna, in ibe year 1756, a
daughter worthy of that empress who made
the faithful Hungarians cry out, " We will
die for our king, Mnrie Theresel" Marie
Antoinette commenced in a storm that royal
life which was to end amid a volcanic erup-
tion. When she espoused Louis XVI., then
Dauphin of France, she was already the
most beautiful princess in the world. This
beauty increased up to the period in which
Lamartine has painted these admirable traits.
" She was tall, slender, and graceful — a true
daughter of the Tyrol."
It was known with what enthusiasm Marie
Antoinette was welcomed in France. Public
flattery exhausted itself in ingenious emblems
of adoration. She was pronounced more
beautiful than the ancient Venus, more
graceful than the Atalanta of Marly; all
poets sung her praises ; all painters placed
her portrait amid blooming roses. The entire
nation was on its knees before her. When
she appeared in the balcony of the Tuileries,
the crowd uttered a unanimous exclamation of
intoxication and delight, and the old Mar-
shal de Brissac cried out with truth, -"^ You
see, madam, these are so many lovers."
The wife smiled at this word, which was
one day to be spoken in her dishonor; the
dauphiness loved this multitude, which was
to howl beneath the scaffold of the queen.
Catastrophes were mingled in the marringe
festivities, as if to announce the fatal dinou-
ment The concourse of people was such,
that some amphitheatres giving way, women
and children were crushed to death on the
squares. The young couple seized the op-
portunity to lavish their beneSts. The casket
of the dauphiness, her jewels, her heart,
flew to the relief of the wounded, the
widows, and orphans. Who would have
thought that her misery was to surpass all
these miseries, and not one of those whom
she consoled would come to her aid ?
The virtue of Marie Antoinette shone
throuffh the scandals of the latter part of
the reign of Louis XV. like a spotless star
above a stagnant marsh. Then the dauphin-
ess became queen ; she purified the court ;
and the f^tes, more innocent, were but the
more joyous. This period was all happiness
for Marie Antoinette. Her husband was be-
loved and herself adored.
It was on the 5th of October, 1789, that
Marie Antoinette for the first time met the
revolted people face to face. The court and
the assembly of the state were still at Ver-
sailles, and famished Paris was demanding
the king. He committed, as well as the
queen, a great fault, in being present at an
orgie of the guards du corps, in which the
new national cockade was insulted and
trampled upon.
At this fatal intelligence, the faubourg^,
which had already taken the Bastile, rose as
one man to seize the person of royalty. The
idea of bringing Louis XYI. back to Paris
originated with the women, who loved him
still, and called him k bon papa, but who,
dying with hunger without him, thought his
presence would give them bread. ** We
have no bread in Paris," said they in their
coarse language, " let us seek the baker at
Versailles !" A little girl beat the generak
on a huge drum, the whole army of market-
women followed, augmenting from street to
street. On the way they pillaged the Hotel
de Yille, attacked the cavalry with stones,
and, continually crying for bread, amid a
pelting rain, travelled five leagues on foot
to Versailles.
Louis XVI. received them with his ordi-
nary kindness, and gave them an order for
provisions ; but he postponed the signature
of the declaration, and made preparations
for resistance. The people, divining the in-
fluence of the queen, broke out into furious
threats against her, and surrounded her in
her ch&teau with her husband. The rain
I was still falling — they were struggling in the
1853.J
MARIA ANTOINETTE.
281
mire. It was a horrible scene! Louis
XVI. trembling for the life of his wife, at last,
at ten o'clock in the evening, signed the decree.
The nation was Htill amiable, it still re-
spected virtue, beauty, infancy ; on the 20th
of June, the 10th of August, the 2d of
September, it had become a nation of mad-
men and cannibals.
One evening in June. 1701» the door of the
Tuileries, already guarded like a prison, open-
ed to a younff and handsome Swede, whom
a chivalric adoration attached to Marie An-
toinette. It was the Comte de Persen, for-
merly a frequenter of fetes at Trainon, and
now confiding in a desperate plan. The
king and queen urged to extremity, an-
nounced to him that they were about to
leave France, and placed their escape under
the guidance of his devotion and skill.
Fersen joined with himself three sure friends,
MM. de Valory, de Moustier, and de Maldan.
They were to disguise themselves as valets,
mount the box of the carriages, and risk their
heads to save the heads of royalty. All
was thus arranged for the journey to the
German frontier.
On the night of the 2l8t, the king and
queen retired to rest as usual ; but when
the unquiet city was half asleep, both rose
and dressed in simple travelling costumes.
Madame Elizabeth, that angel of devotion,
joined them with the dauphin and Madame
Royale (afterwards the Duchess of Angou-
leme). They left the palace by stealth;
they traversed the Carrousel ; the queen
perceived there in the shade M. de Lafayette
the too confident guardian of royalty ; the
king came out at last, accompanied by the
Comte de Fersen. They met on the Quai
des Theatins. Louis XVI. and his son de-
layed half an hour ; it seemed half a century !
They arrived at last. The party entered
two coaches and pursue* I on a gallop the
road to Chalons.
The passport was thus worded : " By the
king's order, pass Madame La Baronne de
Korif, on her way to Frankfort with two
children, a maid, vaiet'de-chambre, and three
domestics : signed, the Minister of Foreign
Afikirs, Montmorin."
The Baroness de Eorf was Marie Antoin-
ette ; the two children were the dauphin
and Madame Royale ; the woman and valet-
de-chambre, were Madame Elizabeth and
Louis XVI.
They reached Chalons. They pursued
their journey, and the fugitives exclaimed,
" We are saved !" A man recognized them.
It was the young Drouet, whose name will
be eternally tarnished with the blood of fou'
victims. He had never seen Louis XVI. bu^
he noticed his resemblance to the effigy on
coin. He divined all. He immediately gave
the alarm, mounted his horse, and galloped
to Varennes.
At half-past eleven in the evening, the
royal family entered Varennes. Drouet had
already been there a long time. The hussars
had not yet arrived, having been delayed an
hour by a misunderstanaing. Now, one
hour was life or death, safety or the scafi!bld.
The three disguised gentlemen sought the
officers from house to house. The king and
queen, alarmed, themselves alighted and
wandered through the streets. They inter-
rogated the passers-by, like unfortunate
wanderers in quest of a lodging. Useless
trouble and vain humiliation ! They regain-
ed their carriages, and by bribes and en-
treaties induced the the postilions to remount
their horses. They resumed their journey,
traversed the city, and became reassured.
Everything slumbered in obscurity except
Drouet and his friends. They were laying
in wait for the monarchy under the shade of
an old feudal tower. It approached. They
dashed forward, stopped the horses, and
ordered the travellers to descend. The
gentlemen seized their arms, and consulted
the king with a look. The king prohibited
their using them. He preferred to risk the
lives of his own family, rather than shed one
drop of the blood of his people. The man,
who yesterday commanded 30,000,000 of
subjects, obeyed the voice of an unknown,
and followed Drouet to the house of a grocer,
named Sausse. The tocsin sounded, the city
was aroused, the magistrates summoned.
Royalty was imprisoned in a grocer's shop.
Louis XVI. at first denied his name : but see-
ing himself recognised by all, he took the
hands of M. Sausse, and s;ud to him, "Yes,
I am your king : I confide to you my fate,
and that of my wife, my sister, my children.
Allow us to depart ; I will not quit France ;
I will but seek liberty in some loyal city.
Save with me France and Europe ! As a
father, I entreat you ; as a king, I command
you." The queen, Madame Elizubeth, the
dauphin threw themselves on their knees, and
united their'tears to the supplications of the
monarch. At sight of so much^ greatness
humbled before their insignificance, the mayor
and grocer were troubled, and hesitated.
Their hearts might have yielded, but their
selfishness trembled at the account they
would have to render. " All is then lost I
cried the queen ; and rising indignantly, she
,232
UABIA ASTOUSfSTTK
[Oct
retired to a room, with her children, to weep.
Meanwhile Louis XVI. was still agitated, and
still hoped. AI. de Bouill^, who was wait-
ing at Sterni with his troops, might perhaps
be warned in time, and come to wrest him
from his jailers, who dare not lay hands on
him. Hours rolled away and no assistance
appeared. The queen and her children
were reposing on beds without having un-
dressed. Horrible night, which prepared
Marie Antoinette for the vigil before the
scaffold ! When she rose the next morning
her beautiful blonde hair had become white 1
At half-past seven an aide-de-camp of
Lafayette arrived from Paris, bearing an
order of arrest from the Constituent Assem-
bly, and the royal family, surrounded by
3,000 guards, set out for Paris.
The royal family re-entered Paris on the
25th of June, at seven in the evenibg.
Placed henceforth under the suryeillance
of the people, Marie ' Antoinette saw her
slightest gesture watched, and even the bed-
chamber open by night to the National
Guards.
On the 20th June, 1792, the whole pop-
ulation of the faubourgs, women and children,
bearing the declaration of the rights of man ;
mechanics in their shirt sleeves, armed with
pikes and canes, displaying torn culottes for
starldards, invaded the Tuileries, forced the
door of the cabinet of Louis XVI. and said
to hira, '• Monsieur, you are a traitor 1 you
must die or sign these decrees," (they were
the decrees against the priests and in favor
of the federalists ;) then they placed on his
head a red cap, a glass of wine at his mouth,
and sought the Austrian everywhere to kill
her. Al last the tocsin of the 10th of August
sounded the last hour of expiring royalty.
At midnight, Danton gave the signal of as-
sault at ihe clubs and at the faubourgs.
. Louis XVI. entrenched himself in the Tuil-
eries with his last defenders. The queen,
Madame Elizabeth, the children and women,
passed the night in mortal terrors, rising
every moment to listen to the sinister bells
and the approaches of the popular ocean.
Already masters, in fact, of the Hotel de Ville,
the insurgents attacked the Tuileries to the
songs of the Ca ira and the Marseillaise,
Louis XVI. had no longer any safety but in
the Constituent Assembly ; thither he re-
paired with his family and his ministers.
At the steps of the terrace of the Feuillants,
a group of the insurgents perceived the
cortege and barred- the way. **No, no!"
cried they, brandishing their pikes, **' they
shall no longer deceive the nation. Abdi-
cation or death." They obtained a passage
by declaring that the deputies were waiting
for the king. A sapper raised the young
dauphin in his arms, carried him thus before
the queen, and opened the way to the As-
sembly collected at the Manage.
Louis sat down with his family beside the
president, Vergniaud : *" Gentlemen, " said
he, "I am come hither to prevent a great
crime. I have thought that I could no longer
be in safety but in your midst." And he
took a place with his family in the box of the
logograph. He was present, aa a spectator,
s^t his own trial. The secretaries took their
notes near him. The dauphin was seated on
a straw chair. Marie Antoinette concealed
herself in the shade of a corner. This mar-
tyrdom lasted fourteen hours.
Louis XVI. and the queen then saw the
spoils of the monarchy brought into the
saloon, vestments and ornaments, silver and
jewels. Then they heard the Assembly pro-
claim this last decree : Royalty is suspended
in France. The royal family will remain
under the guardianship of the legislative corps.
The dethroned and captive princes were
conducted to a dilapidated lodging in the old
monastery of Les Feuillants. An officer bore
thither, in his arms, the sleeping dauphin.
The king retired without undressing ; the
queen threw Irerself beside her children;
Madame Elizabeth passed the night in prayer
at their door.
On the night of the 19th of August, some
municipal officers entered the chamber of the
queen, and tore from her the last friends of
her captivity. They were replaced by a
brutal jailer and his wife named Tison, by the
saddler Rocher, as ferocious in heart as in
countenance, and by Simon the shoemaker,
the infamous executioner of Louis XVII.
Clery, alone, the valet- de-chambre of the
king, obUiined leave to remain near his master,
and to immortalize his devotion.
The captivity in the Temple lasted nearly
two months. It was frightful, without doubt,
for Marie Antoinette and for the king ; bat
they were resigned to it, since they suffered
together. This last consolation was taken
from them towards the end of September.
They had just supped in the chamber of
Louis XVI. when six municipal officers en-
t<^red. They read to the prisoners a decree
of the Commune, which .ordered their im-
mediate separation, and the removal of the
king into the great tower.
On the llth of December, 1792, the
gloomy silence of the Temple was disturbed
by a great tumult of men, of horses, and of
1863.]
MARIE AlVTOmETTE.
288
firing. The Convention were coming to load
Louis XVI. to his trial. Who can describe
the anguish of the wife during her husband's
trial ? The speech of Desere reached Marie
Antoinette ; then she learned the death-war-
rant and the order of execution in twenty-
four hours.
There remained but one doubt and one
hope : would tiie king be allowed to embrace
her and bless her before his execution ? And
when it was announced to her that she would
see her husband, she felt that agony itself
has its joys, and the beatings of her heart
counted the seconds uutil the morrow.
On the 20th of January, at seven o'clock,
Louis XVI., calm as a philosopher, prepared
for the reception of his family. He request*
ed that his jailers might not be within hear-
ing, but watch through a glazed door.
The queen descended, supporting her son
anddaughter, and leaning herself on Madame
Elizabeth. The king opened his arms, and
pressed them all at once to his heart. He
seated bis wife on his right hand, his sister
on his left, Madame Koyale at his feet, the
dauphin on his knees. Thus grouped and
mingled in one embrace, they formed but one
body as well as one soul.
The fatal moment arrived : Louis XVI.
rose, pressed his family once more to his
breast, and promised to see them again the
next day — before the eternal separation. He
resolved not to keep this promise, left as a
last gleam in this night of despair. He led
or rather bore to the stairs the queen hang-
ing on his neck, Madame Roy ale in his
arms, the dauphin clinging to his knees,
Madame Elizabeth entwmed with them all.
He bade them adieu thrice, loosed their
clasping hands and re-entered, while the
mother and aunt supported the fainting prin-
cess.
The next morning at nine o'clock, Marie
Antoinette heard the roU of sixty drums, the
echoing of artillery, the tread of a whole
army, announce the departure of her hus-
band for execution. The gratings of her
windows did not allow of her receiving the
Jast look which the king cast upon the tower,
where he left his family more unfortunate
than himself. The fatal night had been di-
vided between faintings, sobs, and prayers,
Marie Antoinette calculated the time and the
distance, in such a manner as to divine the
exact moment in which the hea4 of Louis
XVL would fall.
The removal of Marie Antoinette to the
Conciergerie took^place on the 2nd of Au-
gust, 1798.
I Fouquier Unville came, on tbe Idth of
October, to signify to Marie Antoinette her
act of accusation. " Her criihe was to have
been a queen, the wife and mother of a king,
and to have abhorred the revolution that
wrested from her her crown, her husband,
her children, and her life." She replied not
a word, and repaired, amid a battalion of
gendarmes, to the tribunal of her judges.
She defended with courage and even with
self-sacrifice the memory of her husband ;
but the decree had been already pronounced.
Hermann coldly resumed the accusation and
declared Marie Antoinette condemned by the
people. Ohauveau Legarde and Tron^on
Ducondray addressed, to deaf judges, a de-
fence which has been heard by posterity.
Then the jury pretended to deliberate, and
pronounced the penalty of death, amid the
cruel plaudits of the multitude. The queen
returned to listen ^to her sentence, without
suffering a word or gesture to escape her.
" Have you apy observation to make ?"
asked Hermann. She shook her head, and
rose of herself to walk to execution, tri-
umphing in her supreme majesty over the
ignoble applause which followed her to the
very depths of her cell.
It was four o'clock in the morning. The
first rays of dawn were shedding a livid light
in the dungeons of the Conciergerie. Con-
ducted to the funeral cell where the con-
demned await execution, the queen obtained
from the concierge a pen, ink, and paper, and
wrote to her sister-in-law.
Marie Antoinette slept, like Louis XVI.,
some hours of her last night. The 18th of
October, at daybreak, the daughter of Ma-
dame Bault came to dress her and to arrange
her hair. She laid aside the color of mourn-
ing for that of inoooence, putting on a white
dress, a white handkerchief, and wearing no
sign of widowhood but a black ribbon bound
around her temples. How many times dur-
ing the preparation of this toilet for the scaf-
fold, must she have thought of those in which
formerly twenty of her women adorned her
for the f^tes of Versailles and of Trianon I
An immense throng awaited the passage
of the victim, ranged in two tumultuous lines,
stationed at the windows, on the roofs, in the
trees, from the door of the Conciergerie to
the Place de la Revolution. The women
especially, to their eternal disgrace, wished
to see the Austrian die, and had invaded
even the court of the prisons.
At eleven o'clock, the gendarmes and the
executioner came to seek Iheir prey. The
queen embraced Mademoiselle Bault, cut off
284
MARES AinOINETTE.
[Oct.
herself a part of her abundant hair, gave her
hands to be bound by the executioners, and
began her walk with a mnjestic step, without
hesitation, ngitation, or paleness. No human
power could prevent her dying as she had
lived, Queen of France. Only "a gesture of
horror escaped her, when she was ordered to
ascend the cart of the condemned. She had
expected to be spared, like Louis XYI. this
horrible vehicle of assassins. She resigned
herself to it promptly, cast down her eyes, and
ascended this last throne. The sworn priest
took his place behind her, though she repuls-
ed his assistance. The crowd shouted : '* Vive
la Republique ! Down with tyranny ! Death
to the AustrianJ Room for the widow Capet!"
The cart set out surrounded with naked
sabres and bayonets. A martyrdom greater
for the queen than the clamor of the people
was, that she could not, having her hands
tied, save herself from the jolting of the ve-
hicle, and maintain the dignity of her de-
meanor. "Ah ! ah !" cried the women, with
infamous sneers, " you have no longer your
fine cushions of the Trianon !" Another trial
yet for the woman ; the wind, which pierced
the autumnal mist, disarrayed her humble
toi|et, bore her hair from her bonnet, and
blew it against her eyes, reddened by the
cold. She sometimes bit her lip, as if to
suppress a cry of suffering.
At the entrance to the Place de la Revo-
lution, she saw, on one side, the Tuilenes,
where her brow had received the diadem,
and, on the other, the red scaffold, where her
head was soon to fall. Two tears rolled
from her eyes over her captive hands.
On arriving at the foot of the platform,
she ascended with a firm step: "Pardon me,
sir," said she gently to the executioner,
whose foot she had accidentally touched.
She knelt and prayed a few moments. Then
she rose and looked towards the towers of
the temple. "Adieu again, my dear chil-
dren," murmured she, "I go to rejoin your
father." These were her last words. She
threw herself on the block, as if impatient to
die. The executioner hesitated to cut short
such [a life. Hb hand trembled as he de-
tached the axe. It fell aj last, and the head
of the queen bounded far from her body.
The assistant of the executioner seized it by
the hair, and .holding it high in the air, made
the tour of the scaffold, sprinkling it with
blood. A cry of Vive la Republique! re-
echoed from one end of the place to the
other.
The next day might have been read, and
may still be read, on the register of inter-
ments of La Madeleine: — **For the bier of
ike widow Capet, seven franca T*
Milton's Rib-bons. — Mention is made of
Cromwell's skull ; so it may not be out of
Slace to tell you that I have handled one of
niton's ribs. Cowper speaks indignantly,
of the desecration of our divine poet's grave,
on which shameful occurrence, some of the
bones were clandestinely distributed. One
fell to the lot of an old and esteemed friend,
and between forty -five and fifty years ago,
at his house, not many miles from London,
I have often examined the said rib-bone.
That friend is long since dead ; but his son,
now in the vale of years, lives, and I doubt
not, from the reverence felt for the author
of Paradise Lost^ that he has religiously pre-
served the precious relic. It might not be
agreeable to him lo have his name publish-
ed ; but from his tastes, he — being a person
of some disUnction in literary pursuits — is
likely to be a reader of I^otes and Queries,
and if this should catch his eye, he may be
induced to send you some particulars. I
know he is able to place the matter beyond
a doubt. — Notes and Queries,
1863.]
LITERART MISCELLANIES
285
LITERART MISCELLANIES.
Tbm iBBue of the Britith press daring the last
month, haye not been yery important The fol-
lowing liat oomprisee moat oi thoee in which
American readera will haye an interest : —
History of the Byzantine Empire from 716 to
1607, by George Finiay. This is highly spoken oC
The Literary Gazette says: — **Mr. Finlat has un-
dertaken to write the history of a period, the
attraotiye interest of which is Car inferior to its
aeioal importance. With patient aesidaity and
laborious research Mr. Finlay has compiled the
annals of this unpromising epoch, and has filled up
the masterly outline sketched by the historian of
the decline and fall of the Roman Empire. In
oopions detail, be describes the revolutions of the
throne, the successions of families^ the personal
characters of the Greek princes^ the mode of their
life and death, the maxims and influence of their
domestic government^ and the tendency of their
reign to accelerate or suspend the down&ll of the
Eastern Empire. Certainly more is made to appear
in Byzantine history than Gibbon would lead us to
expect^ and then Voltaire describee when he speaks
of it as *'a worthless repertory of deolauiations
and miracles diagraceful to the human ipind.**
Two translations of ProC De Felice's History of
Protestantism in France have been issued. The
Literary Gazette speaks of it as a work of ability
and learning, written in a style of moderation and
candor.
An edition .of Dr. Yinet*s Homiletics, or Theory
of Preaching has been published. It has been pro-
nounced the most complete and systematic work
that has yet appeared on the subject, all points of
pulpit eloquence being discussed, from the sub-
stance and spirit of the matter of discourse^ down
to the details of style and of elocution. Yinet was
was a divine who had the highest ideas of the
dignity and responsibility of the ministerial office,
and he directed the efforts of his powerful and
aeoompUshed mind with intelligent zeal to the
training of students for the sacred office of the
Christian pastorate. The illustrations of his lec-
tures are taken from the stores of classical learning
as well as from the literature of theology and the
records of ecclesiastical history. A more import-
ant and practical manual of study could not be
placed in the hands of those who have to fill the
office of the Christian ministry."
The second volume of the new edition of the
Eneyelopcedia Britanniea is completed, bringing
the alphabetical dictionary down to the article
Anatomy. Many of the pi»ers are the same as
in former editions of the work ; but on subjects the
knowledge of which is progressive, pains have been
taken to bring the information up to the period of
publication. Thus, the articles on Agriculture and
Agricultural Chemistry contain a summary of the
modem improyents and researohea which have
been conspicuous in this department The first
volume contains the Preliminary Dissertations by
Dugald Stewart^ Plajfair, Sir J. Leslie, Sir James
Biaointosb, and Archbishop Whately.
Progress of Russia in the West, North, and South.
By David Urqubart The Critie says:— "This
author, with his accustomed freshnesis vigor, and
originality, has wrought out a drama of modem
history, full of dark plots and stirring incidents,
and tragical catastrophes — the materials collected
in the course of personal communication with the
chief actors in many of the events related the living
testimony of the present ezpkins the past, since
Russia became in Europe a plague-spot and a
power. No diversity of opinion can arise with
regard to the value of this record, although, to
quote a memorable sentence, * Unless a man knows
what ought to be done he can never know what
has been done : information can be of service only
to those who can class it, be it science, be it
conduct' "
Hebrew Politics in the Times of Sargon and
Sennacherib : an Inquiry into the Historical Meaning
and purpose of the Prophecies of Isaiah, with some
Notice of their Bearing on the Social and Political
Life of England. By Edward Strachey. — The ob-
ject of this work is principally to show *' what the
prophets were to the Jews, and what they are to
UP, by a methodical examination of what the great-
est of them said and did, during a chief crisis of
his country's history. The meaning of facts came
to light in the collision of the Awyrian Empire
with the Hebrew Commonwealth, as they did when
Xerxes invaded Greece, or Napoleon, overran
Europe ; and if we will take the book of Isaiah,
and follow its guidance, we may expect to see its
facts in their own proper light" In carrying out
this examinatidh of the book of Isaiah, the author
avails himself as frequently as possible of the recent
discoveries at Nirorod and Khorsabad.
The British Cabinet in 1868. 'The object of this
volume is stated by the Athenentm, to be "to give
an account of the characters and careers of * Her
Majesty's Ministers.' A very interesting book
might be written on such a subject ; but the ex-
ecution of this one falls below the expectations
raised by its title. It is a mere compilation, neither
exhibiting wide research nor dealing in graphic
writing."
Dr. Chalmers's Correspondence, which has been
recently published by Dr. Hanna, and republished
by the HARPxaa, is highly spoken of. But the
Critic thinks the volume ** a mistake, so far as re-
gards the increase of Dr. Chalmers's reputation;
and it will, we fear, be viewed as a mistake by the
purchaser. Considering the many public individ-
uala with whom Chalmers was brought into con-
tact when at the zenith of his &me — ^3ie queetions
of ecdeaiastical and political moment to wh*
286
LITERART MISCELLANIES.
[Oct,
doctrine which pervades the volumes is simply
attention was directed — and especially his cham-
pionship of the *Free Kirk' movement — we are
astonished at the ordinary and commonplace mate-
rials of which the volume is made up. A portion
is composed of merely brief notes; another section,
of letters of religious counsel and advice, excellent
in themselves, but containing nothing of a very
novel or striking nature. A small modicum only
can be specified as interesting to the general reader,
and of that we shall proceed to furnieh some speci-
mens.
Life in Sweden, by Selina Bunbury, 2 vols. The
AthenfPMm reckons Miss Bunbury inthe categorv
of •* odd female travellers." **She is not so much
wanting in good nature as wanting in taste. She
possesses the power of observation in larger pro-
portion than the faculty of selection. A sledge
accident which confined tier to the house, made her
the object of affectionate ministration on the part
of Miss Bremer — to whose thoughtful and delicate
benevolance every one who has written concern-
inff the Swedish novelist bears concurrent tes-
tiSony."
Albert Smith's spirited work, the Ascent of Mont
Blanc, neatly reprinted by Mr. PuTNAif,isthus8poken
of by the Literafy Gazette: **Mont Blano is cer-
uinly Mr. Albert Smith's grand Mi; the earlier
efforts of his fancy were not by many degrees so
happy. The Ballet-girl was untrue to nature (the
young ladies themselves said so); who ever heard
of oysters and porter in the coulisses of IL M. T.
The popularity of the Book of /Snobs among the
very class satirised was the very best evidence
that it was considered a very flattering portrait
than otherwise : Jack Johnson was too fast and too
immoral, while Mr. Ledbury was too slow. The sad
truth became evident, and Mr. Albert Smith was the
first to recognize it — DIcken is inimitable ; none
but he, with that strons yet delicate hand, and that
calm, piercing, love-laden eye, can shoot with un-
erring aim the shafts of a hit that goes straight
home to the popular heart; uuenvenomed shat'ts,
but rather honey-tipt, barbs not wounding as the
steel that kills, but as the healing lancet that lets
the ill- humor out and lets the pure health in. Mr.
Albert Smith resolved upon hitting out something
new for himself — he did so; he dueovered Mount
Blane."
A new edition of Pope's Works has been com-
menced, under the editorship of Robert Carruthers.
Mr. C.*s qualities as an editor are thus spoken of by
the Examiner: — "No part of the poetry is yet be-
fore us in this edition, but Mr. Carruthers shows
UB, hy the judicious tone and manner of his bio-
graphical sketch, that he is likely to prove a very
good editor. He gives an outline of the fa^ts^
neither carping like Bowles nor panegyrising like
Rosooe, but criticising the statements of both bio-
graphers with much discreetnesi^ contributing even
a new illustration now and then, and making ex-
cellent oceasional use of the poet's lettere. Such of
the latter as are thus extracted we have read with re-
newed pleausure, and we must repeat, what more
than once we have said in this journal, that Pope's
letten, notwithstanding an artificiality of tone in
some of them, and a too great elaboration and
nioetT of expression, are for the most part thor-
oughly true m feeling as well as masterly in wit
and style.
Miss Norris's Life of Madame De Stael, which \
has received rough usage from the press, obtains
from a recent reviewal in the Literary Oazettt, a
more lenient treatment: — *' Various faults appear
in the work, but on these we are disposed to look
leniently, as the authoress disarms cnticism by her
own frank apologies. Few writers have succeeded
so well in a first youthful effort^ and the principles
and talents displayed in the work deserve approval
and encouragement Of the life and times of
Madame de Staei, Miss Norris has written a concise
and interesting narrative."
The Lamp and the Lantern. By the Rev. Dr.
Hamilton, which has been handsomely imprinted
by Messrs Carter and Brothebs, New York, is
thus lauded by the ^Literary Gazette : " Dr. Hamil-
ton is one of the most remarkable sermon-writers
of the present day. His discourses have little of
the technicality of styly, or formality of construc-
tion, which we usuall 7 associate with this species of
composition. He deals little in argument and modi
in illustration. This is too often a mark of super-
ficial preaching, but in Dr. Hamiltons sermons the
profuse ornament covers a substantial body of doc-
trinal and practical truth. From history and lite-
rature, from science and art^ this accomplished
divine draws illustrations and enforces applications
of sacred truth. When we say that the diction is
often over^omate, and the allusions sometimea
ludicrously homely, we describe the chief faults of
the writer's style. The work is likely to prove as
popular as other volumes by the same author. An
ima^nation so fertile and information so varied
need not fear exhaustion, and we should be glad to
find Dr. Hamilton more frequently publishing
books which are at once pleasant in their style and
profitable in their matter.'*
The Fall of the Roman Republic A shorty
History of the Last Century of the Commonwealth.'
By Charles Merivale, B.D. The Literary Gazette
says, "In this volume Mr. Merivale has given a
sketch of the most stirring and interesting eentnir
of Roman history. As a book for educational use it
is supeior to anything that has yet been written on
tliat period of Roman history. Those who wish
more fully to study the history, and especially the
political philosophy, of the last days of the Roman
Commonwealth, we recommend to pass from the
short sketches of Merivale to the copious disquisi-
tions of Ferguson."
Private Trials and Public Calamities; or the
Early Life of Alexander des Escheralles. This is
characterized by the Spectator, as *'a natural and
interesting, if not striking account of the family
and social distress inflicted by the French Revolu-
tion."
Mount Lebanon; a ten Teats' residence from
1842 to 1852, describing the Manners, Customs and
Religion of its inhabitimts, with a full account of
the Druse Religion and historical records of the
Mountain Tribes by CoL Chnrchill, Staff OfiSoeron
the British expedition to Syria. 8 Vols. The
Athenenim pronouncesthese volumes " very curious
and interesting. All the essential matter which
they contain might have been presented in a more
condensed form, and might have been far bettor
arranged ; but for the faults of the work in these
respects there is some excuse in the abundance of
the details, many of them personally collected,
which the author had to communicate respecting a
country so little known as the Lebanon. The political
1853.J
LITERART MKCELLANIES.
287
this : — ^that TarVey is fast breaking up from internal
canaes, even if let alone; that Syria ia a moet im-
portant part of the Turkish dominions, that at pre-
sent the Russians and the French are the two Eu-
ropean powers that have the strongest hold of this
part of the East — Russia as the protector of the
Greek, and France of the Latin Christians; but that
it would be well for the East if Great Britain,
America, and Protestantism were to 8te{v in more
ostetisiblj and act a more direct and yehement
pwrt."
The Life and Martyrdom of Savonarola, illustra-
tive of the History of Church and State Connection.
By R R. Madden. 2 vols. The Atherueum thinks
that "Savonarola has undoubtedly been ill used.
He was persecuted by the Medici, and burnt by the
Pope. He has been largely admired by fanatics,
and aa largely abused by men of letters. Bayle
haa touched him with his merciless scalpel, — Roecoe
has urged against him every scrap of scandal and
every suggestion of a fault treasured up by his
ancient enemies of Florence. A host of other
writera have spurted their ink upon his name, and
as if all this were not enough for the poor monk to
bear-^Mr. Madden has undertaken his defenoe.
The book will be a welcome one to many English
readers, as containing a full account of a remarka-
ble person whose name ia perhaps better known in
this eoontry than that of any other Romish martyr.
But it ia in DO sense a good *' Life." The materials
collected are rich and interesting : thej are want-
ing, however, in art and orderly disposition."
Life in the Clearings versus the Bush. By Mrs.
Moodie, author of "Houghing in the Bueb." The
papers are getting tired of Mis. Moodie. The
Atheneeum find the "made-up tone and style of the
magazine, the annual, and the pic-nic volume in
Mra. Moodie's new efifort to turn Canada into a
pocket Mldorado. We go on through scraps of
verse, sketches of character, a tiifle altered and im-
proved for exhibition, cuttings from the local
papers concerning famous criminals and their in-
famous dee Is — glibly and spiritedly it is true, but
with a sense of unreality — a pervading asHurance
that we are dealing with a professional authoress —
such as prevents our giving to this work a recep-
tion aa cordial as that which we gave to its prede-
oesBOT — and such as warrants our hoping that Mrs.
Moodie will not further bring the " sweepings'' of
her experience to market now that the real, valua-
ble trtiths in her wallet have been all purchased,
paid for, and sent home."
Mr. Prime's "Old House by tSe River," by the
author of " The Owl Creek Letters," originally pub-
liahed by the Habpers, is noticed by the Athenaeum,
** The Old House by the River,' is a series of small
sentimentsl tales^ in which the writer w<ould seem
to have taken Professor Wilson for his model, and
treats us to a series of pathetic death-soene^ i&c, the
like of which we do not recollect, save in Cbristo-
pher North's *'Lighto and Shadows of Scottish
Life.'' This oharaeter will suffice for the guidance
of thoee who desire to rank this volume aright
among the fictions of America. Though the style
of ancb pathos be not the purest quality, or of the
moat powerful order, the sentiment cannot be com-
plained of aa wholly insincere, to judge by the im-
preasion produced on ourselves."
Mr. Braee'a Home Life in Germany, originally
published by Mr. SaBiBMSB, haa been republished
in liOndon. A long reviewal in the Literary
Gazette closes by "cordially recommending both
this and the previous volue by Mr. Brace, ou Hun-
gary, as books of descriptive travel by an intelli-
gent observer, and a right-minded and genial-
hearted writer."
Mr. Hawthorne's Tangle wood Tales, published
by Tick NOB, Reed and Fields, of Boston, have been
republished in London. The Critic says of the
work, " this is really a pleasant little book — ^a book
for the sea-side, the river, and the rail — a book for
old boys as well as young boys, when the old boy
gets weary of his newspaper and the last Quarterly."
For students of Greek literature a useful manual
is prepared of the Homeric Dialect, its leading
Forms and Peculiarities, by Jsmes Skerrett Baird,
T.C.D. The variations of the epic language which
distinguish the Homeric poems are pointed out in
a dear and systematic manner, and useful tales
and paradigms are included in the work from the
best German writers on Uie dialecta. Mr. Baird
intends to publish similar treatises on the other
dialects, to facilitate the study of the Greek classic.
The Vices ; or, Lectures to Young Men, by the
Rev. Henry Ward Beecher, is thought by the Liter'
ary Gazttte to contain " warnings and counsels by
a man who knows much of the world, and who is
actuated by sincere and earnest anxiety for the
welfare of the young. Some of the statements are
especially addressed to American readers^ but roost
of the principles and practical bints are applicable
to young men under all circumstances."
Stray Leaves from Shady Places. By Mrs.
Newton Crosland (late Camilla Toulmiu). "Mrs.
Croeland has collected in this delightiul volume, the
tales which she has had contributed to the various
magazines and annuals. They well deserve to be
rescued from the oblivion of periodicals They are
all wholesome in their teachings; the texts are
taken from real life ; they have a definite end and
aim, in the improvement of men and of society."
The death of one of the most distinguished of the
British soldiers^ Lieutenant General Sir Charles J.
Napier, occurred on the 20th ult, in the seventy-
first year of his age. From the year 1704 to the
year 1849, he had been almost constantly engaged
m military service. In 1798 he was engaged in the
suppression of the Irish rebellion, and again in
patting down the insurrection of 1808. In the
Peninsula he oommanded the 60th throughout the
campaign, terminating with the battle of Corn una,
and was made prisoner after receiving no fewer
than five wounds^ viz: leg broken by a musket
shot^ a sabre cut on the hcM, a wound in the back
with a bayonet^ ribs broken by a amnon shot, and
several severe contusions from the butt-end of a
musket In the latter end of 1809 he returned t^
the Peninsula, where he remained till 1811, and
was present at the action of the Coa, where he had
two horses shot under him ; at Busaco, where he
waa shot through the face, and had his jaw broken
and eye injured ; at the battle of Fuentes d*Onor ;
at the second siege of Badajos^ and li great number
of skirmishes. In 1818 he served in a floating ex-
pedition on the coast of the United States of
America, and landed a great number of times at
Craoey Island and other placet. He served also in
the campaign of 1816, and was present at the storm,
ing of Cambray. He commanded the foroe emplo^
288
LTTERABT lOBGELLAKIEa
[Oct, 1863.]
ed in Soinde, and, on the Ifth of Febnuuy, 1848,
ivith only 2,800 BritiBh troopi^ attaeked and de-
feated, after a desperate action of three hours
duration, 22,000 of the enemy etronglj potted at
Meeanee. Qn the 2l0t of February, Hydrabad
surrendered to him; and on the 24th of March,
-with 5,000 men, he attacked and signally defeated,
20.000 of the enemy posted in a yery strong and
difficult position at Dnbba, near Hydrabad, thns
completing the entire subjusation of Scinde. Early
in 1846, with a force consietmg of about 6,000 men
of all arms, he took the field against the mountain
and desert tribes situated on the right bank of the
Indus to the north of Shikarpore, and, after an
arduous campaign, effected the total destruction of
these robber tribes. In 1849 Sir Charles was ap-
pointed commander-in-chief of the forces in India,
out this position he did not long retain.
The Earl of Carlisle is about to make an excursion
to Egypt, yia Constantinople; not^ it is understood,
in any political capacity, but in order to make him-
self personally acquainted with these interesting
countries. Mrs. Howard, it is said, neyer was in
the United States^ but was the daughter of a baker
and pastry-cook, in Drury Lane, London, Some
years since, Miss Howard married an attorney's
clerk, named Gurley, from whom she separated in
a few montha Louis Napoleon saw her on the
stage, and became enamored of her ; hence the con-
nection between them.
The Leicester Mercury has an account of a
general tea-gathering of the working-classes of that
town held to celebrate the name of Eliza Cook, by
recitations, ibei, from her worka A fuU-siaed por-
trait of the fay^rite authoress was placed oyer the
chair, encircled with a wreath of roses^ intertwined
in a yery tasteful manner with yarious other
flowers. In the course of the eyeniug between
thirty and forty recitations and singings^ all from
Miss Cook's work% were giyen by about a dosen
working men.
Thackeray's new serial, to be entitled The New-
eomes, is on the yerge of publication.
Mr. Lookhart, the editor of the Quarterly Review^
Bon-inlaw and biographer of Sir Walter Scott^
author of Valeriue^ and translator of the Ancient
Spanish Ballads, one of the deyerest men there
were in Britain has been compelled to depart for
Italy for health. In noticing his absence the Critic
saySk *' They say that his departure from England is
coincident with his departure from the editorship
of the Quarterly Beview, If so, 'tis pity : pity 'tis,
'tis true. Our last man of high talent then has
departed from the Quarterlies. The EdinbtirghhBa
now for editor Mr. Comewall Lewis; the North
BritUh, Professor Fraser; the British Quarterly ,
Dr. Yaughan ; the Westminster^ the tres Juncti in
uno of Chapman, in the Strand, Bray of Coyentry
(what an appropriate name I what an appropriate
locale I) and ** Miss Eyans^*' translatreee of Strauss's
Zife of Christ, These are thy trimestrial Gods, O
Israel."
Dr. Waagen's work on the Treasures of Art in
England^ will form one of the early publications of
the ensuing season.
A new work by M. Prondhom, entitled Philoso-
phy of Progress^ or the Program, is announced to
appear.
Cheyalier Bunaen's Stppolytus figures in the laat
I batch of works denounced as " damnable and dan-
gerous** by the Congregation of the Index at Rome.
A new Life of Sir Joshua Reynolds is announced,
and a carefully compiled Catalogue of his worki^
from the pen of Mr. Cotton, of Ply mpton, in Deyon-
shire.
The Parlamento of Turin of the 4th announced
that two manuscript^ of sreat importance haye
been found among Gioberti's papers : one being a
complete work on Ontology, and the other a work
on Catholic Reform, a subject which had engrossed
Gioberti's attention during the latter daysof his
life, and which he used to diseusa with his intioiate
friends^ the Archbishop of Pari% Montanelli, and
Lamennaia
The new Duke of Saxe Weimar has ordered the
castle of Wartburg, in which Luther was secreted
after being placed under the ban of the empire, and
in which he worked at his tranelation of the Bible^
to be decorated with appropriate mural paintanga
Professor Encke, the Astronomer, has been ap-
pointed Rector of the Uniyersity of Berlin.
Mr. Leone Leyi has had the honor to receiye
from the Kbg of Prussia the Gold Medal for
Science, in appreciation of his work on the Com
mereial Law of the Wotld,
German journals announce that Professor Ger-
yinus has been depriyed of his title of Professor by
a ministerial decision : — he has also been interdicted
from giying lectures.
A new English expedition for Uie exploration of
the Niger is contemplated. It will be directed to
the promotion of ciyilization in Africa, and the
opening up of new sources of commerce.
A deputation, headed by the Earl of Rosse, Presi-
dent of the Royal Socieiy, had* an interyiew with
the Earl of Aberdeen, at his official residence in
Downing street, to recommend the establishment of
a telescope of great optical power in the southern
hemisphere, for the purpose of increasing our
knowledge of the nebule of that region of the
heayena
The tomb of the Tradescants in Lambeth church-
yard has been restored. These eminent naturalists
and antiquarians, who resided in South Lambeth,
and whose quaint old mansion is still preserved, on
the left side of the road from London that leads to
Stock well, died in the period 1688 1652. The
tomb in St. Mary's churchyard was originally
erected in 1662.
Alexander yon Humboldt spades highly of the
projected oceanic canal between the Pacific and the
Atlantic. '* It will render the whole globe more
easy to be travelled oyer; this little globe, of
which Christopher Columbus, in one of his letters
to the Queen of Spain, said, 'El mundo espoca'^'
M. Arago, whose health has so far improyed that
he is able to peruse the correspondence of the
Academy of Sciences, has just announced that a
new and verj fine comet was discoyered in the
eyening of the 19th simultaneously by seyeral
obseryers.
The Industrial Exhibition at Moscow had been
closed after attaining gr^at suc<*e8S ; 668 exhibitors
had contributed, and the Exhibition its<'lf bad been
yisited by 86,000 persons altogether, ^he arrange-
ments of the whole had been made by a German
architect of the name of Ricbter.
ECLECTIC MAGAZINE
FOREIGN LITERATURE, SCIENCE, AND ART.
lOTEfllBER, 1S58.
ftUEEN ELIZABETH, AND THE EAKl OF ESSEX.*
Cvptain Devereux has done good service in
the cause of hiatorical Irulh, bj ae^kin^ out
those hidden Ireasurei of unpublished MS3.
which enable the lover of history to judge of
facts and interpret the feelings of historical
persODHgcs by their own nritings rather than
by the s peculations of modern bistorinns; and
certflinly the iD»jority of the letleis of Eliu,-
beth and of Lord Edsez, noif for the first lime
offered to the public, place this character and
cooducl of both in a most unfitvorable point
of view.
There is a natural tendency in every biog-
rapher, no less lo palliate the fsults and mag-
Dify the virtues of his hi^ro, thitn to exagger-
ate the errors and vices of those nho were
opposed lo him ; and from this species of
hero-worship Csplnin Devereui is certainly
Dot exempt, either in bis estimate of the sec-
ond Lord Eiisei's qusliiies, or in hi» view of
the conduct and motives of his enemies.
iUrtaf ..
in Ihe Rtignt of Siaabeth, Jama /., and OharUi
I. ISM— IMS. Bj the Honorabla Walik*
BocaomEa Divnuvx, B. N. 1 vols., B to,
London: I BBS.
VOU XXX. HO. Ut
There is a degree of dignity attached to the
name of certain failings, and under sucb
names the more repugnant qualities may be
often so disguised as to become scarcely less
attraciive than meritu ; thus Lord Eiisex la de-
scribed as buying been haughiy. proud, im-
Eetuous, imprudent, (avish ; but on the other
and to have been generous, brave, and siu-
cere; and for such characters there is never
any lack of sympathy and admiralinn ; but,
in truth, his conduct throughout life affords
but Utile ground for extenuation and still less
for praise. Devoid of all the more ennobling
qualiljes that spring from genuine loyalty, he
was mean or violent as best suited his pur-
pose or temper; be could fawn and flatter,
but would neither serve nor obey ; arrogant
without independence ; rapacious and extra-
vagant, impetuous but insincere; impatient
of control, and petulent if opposed; he was
rather insubordinate than higli-splriti^d, and
greedy of favors, without gratitude for gifts ;
he was at once a courtier and a rebel. Even
the wild spirit of adventure which gave a ro-
mamio coloring (o bis daring exploits by sea
and land, resembled rather that of the pirate
IB
200
QHEEN EUZABETH, AND THE EABL OF ESSEX.
[Not.,
and the buccaneer than such as should ani-
mate a loyal subject in the service of his coun-
try ; and though his great personal courage
and the splendor of his position as favorite
of the Queen, may have dazzeled the multi-
tude and influenced the court, and thus ac-
count for the popularity he enjoyed during
his life ; it is difficult to understand the inter-
est attached to his name even in later times,
but from the circumstance that his execution
did not receive the sanction of public feeling.
Like Mary Queen of Scots, his guilt was un-
doubted, yet both have been treated as vic-
tims of the cruel despotism of Elizabeth ; the
guilt of high treason has been forgotten in
one case in sympathy for the exiled and im-
prisoned Queen ; and in the other, in disgust,
that where the hand had pampered and
spoiled, it should have implacably enforced
the right to punish.
Robert, Earl of Essex, was about nine
years of affe when he succeeded to the title
and much impaired estates of his father. In
1677 he was entered at Trinity College, and
the Christmas vacation of that year was
passed at the Court. In 1581 he took his
degree (M. A.), and the following year, at the
age of fifteen, he wrote to his guardian, Lord
Burleifi^h, to ask forgiveness for having passed
the bounds of frugality. (P. 171.) Three
years later (1585), he accompanied his step-
father, the Earl of Leicester, to the Low Coun-
tries ; when not satisfied with the command
of General of the Horse to which he was ap-
pointed, he wished to equip a band of his
own ; and in a strong letter of remonstrance
from his grandfather. Sir Francis Enollys,
*' against this causeless and needless expense,"
he is also reminded of the impoverished state
^of his inheritance, his father not having left
him " sufficient lands to maintain the poorest
Eari in England." (Vol. 1. p. 178.) So early
in life had the love of display and the habits
of extravagance begun to appear in the future
favorite.
In December 158?, Lord Essex became
Master of the Horse (p. 1 94), and was in the
full sunshine of royal favor and bounty ;
but his prodigality outrant he Queen's liber-
ality, and her kindness was repaid by con-
tempt of her authority. In April 1589, an
expedition was fitted out under the command
of Sir John Norreys and Sir Francis Drake to
assist the King of Portugal to regain posses-
sion of his throne; Essex desired to join it
— the Queen refused her consent, and to that
refusal Essex was bound to have submitted
both as a royal subject and as the paid officer
of the eonrt ; but m defiance of tne Queen's
prohibition, he secretly fled, leaving behind
him not less than forty letters addressed to
the Council and others, in which he expressed
his resolution not to be stayed by any com-
mandment excepting death. ( Vol. 1 . p. 1 96.)
He proceeded to Plymouth with extraordi-
nary haste, and unknown to Sir J. Norreys
and Sir Francis Drake, went on board one of
the Queen's ships (the Swiftsure), which,
without authority, he placed at his own dis-
posal and proceeded to Falmouth. From
that port he set sail about the pame time as
Norreys and Drake from Plymouth, and in
about a month after fell in with their fleet.
These commanders in vain endeavoured to in-
duce Essex to obey the commands of the
Queen and Council ; he persisted in refusing
to return to England, the winds rather favor-
ed his resolution to remain, and as soon as
the troops were landed in Portugal, he suc-
ceeded in taking a leading part in the expe-
dition. We naturally look for some motive
to account for such acts of subordinatioD,
and that motive is explained by himself in
a letter to his grandfather (p. 206.), wherein
he states that his debts amount to 22,000/.
or 23,000/. ; that her Majesty's goodness to
him had been so great, that he could ask no
more of her, that he had already offended
her with solicitations, and that his object is
to repair himself by this adventure ; th^t if
he sped well, he will *< adventure to be rich,
if not, he will never live to see the end of his
poverty.''
That Essex showed courage and activity
when engaged in the object he had thus in
view, is a merit which has distinguished the
lawless leader of many a lawless band ; but
it is difficult in the teeth of his own letter to
acquiesce in the chivalrous turn which Cap-
tain Devereux has given to this daring at-
tempt to repair the dissipated fortunes of a
rapacious courtier by calling it ** a romantic
spirit of knight-errantry" (p. 194); and a
desire to succor a distressed prince, and to
annoy Spain, which exactly suited his temper
(p. 195.). Elizabeth formed a just estimate
of his misconduct towards herself in the re-
proof contained in her letter of recall, when
she addressed him in the following words :
— "Essex, your sudden and unduitiful depart-
ure from our presence and your place of at-
tendance, you may easily conceive how oflen-
sive it is and ought to be to us. Our great
favors bestowed on you without deserts, hath
drawn you thus ta .neglect and forget your
duty*" (P. 205.) Had Essex shown equal
independence of the wishes and authority of
Elizabeth on the subject of his marriage he
1S53.]
QUEEN ELIZABETH, AND THE EARL OF ESSEX.
291
might Lave been better entitled to those chiv-
alrous attributes lavished od Inm by his bi-
ographer; but the "generous," "proud,"
"high-spirited," and "romantic" Essex did
not scruple to keep his marriage with the wid-
ow of Sir Philip Sidney secret till her reputa-
tion demanded its avowal, and then, " for her
Majesty's better satisfaction was pleased that
his wife should live very retired in her mo-
ther's house." (P. 212.) Lady Essex is des-
cribed as " an accomplished person, of a re-
fined taste in literature, and one whose society
must, during his long period of confinement
and anxiety, have afforded the greatest conso-
lation to her husband ;" and yet it is said
that '* the names of at least four ladies of Ihe
Court were coupled with his" (p. 475.); and
that hb faithless conduct so seriously affected
the happiness of Lady Essex that it not only
on one occasion blighted her maternal hopes,
bat drew from Lady Bacon a friendly exhor-
tation, not again to risk a similar misfortune,
but " to make great account of God's bless-
ing to them both, and not to make her
heart sorrowful to the hindrance of her
young fruit." (P. 407.) Nor was Lady
Essex the only sufferer from her husband's
infidelity ; for the objects of bis attention were
sure to provoke the suspicions of Elizabeth,
and they were made to feel in acts of petty
spite the power of a jealous Queeo.
** On the nth of Febnary we hear that * it is
spied ODt by some that my lord of Essex is
anin fallen in love with his fairest B.; it cannot
choose but come to her Majesty's ears, and then
he is undone.' Lady Essex, who was with child
at this time, was observed to be much disqoited,
having either been informed of or suspecting it.
The lady in question was Mrs. Brydges, a maid
of honor and celebrated beauty, who had been
in some disprnice the preceding April on this
account The Queen had treated her and Mrs.
Russell with words and blows of anger ; they
were pot oat of the Coffer Chamber, and took
refuge in Lady Stafford's house for three nights,
when, promising to avoid the like offence in
future, they were restored to their wonted wait-
ing. One reason as^iened for the royal displea-
sure is sufficiently ludicrous, that the ladies had
taken physic — without leave I presume; the
other was that they had gone one day privately
through the privy galleries to see the playing of
ballon, or foot-ball. [It appears that for some
days subsequent to the visit of his ladye-love to
the ballon-plaving, Essex was confined ' with a
great heat in his mouth,' caused by over-excite-
ment in playing this game.] .... Lady Mary
Howard neglected to ^bear Her Highnesses
mantle, and other furniture,' at the hour that the
Queen walked in the garden ; she was absent
from meals and prayers ; and, on one occasion,
was not ready to carry the cup of grace during
dinner into the Privy chamber, and, when re-
buked, gave such unseemly answer as bred
great choler in the Queen, whose mind was at '
that time very much occapied with Irish affairs,
so that she seldom talked of familiar matters to
her women, and chided them severely for small
neglects. But the cause of Lady Mary's offence
was likely to increase her Mit^tress's anger, for it
appeared that she had * much favor and marks
of love' from the young Earl, which she en-
coursged, notwithstanding that the Queen ex-
horted all ' her women to remain in virgin state
as moch as may be.' Lady Mary was advised
to shun the Earl, and not entertain his company
nor be careful in altering her person to win his
love, which she seemed more careful about than
the Queen's goodwill. Elizabeth herself took
the following method of correcting the latter
fault in Iiady Mary, all that could be said 'of
youth and enticing love' in mitigation of her
offence having rather a contrary effect. Lady
Mary had a velvet dress with a rich border, pow-
dered with gold and pearl, which moved many to
envy, and among the rest the Queen herself, who
thought it surpasued her own in beauty and
richness. So one day she sent privately for
Lady Mary's dress, put it on, and came out
among the ladies; the Queen being a great deal
taller than Lady Mary, the dress vnis ridiculous
on her; she asked all the ladies how* they liked
her new fancied suit ; at length she came to the
poor girl herself, and asked her if she did not
think it too short and unbecoming, to which
Lady Mary was forced to agree. * Why then,*
said the Queen, * if it become not me as being
too short, I am minded it shall . never become
thee, as being too fine, so it fitteth neither well.'
The dress was accordingly put by, and never
worn till after the Queen's aeath, when he, to
gratify whose eyes it had been perhaps originally
made, was no longer there to admire its fair
wearer." (Vol. i. p. 476.)
That Essex ill repaid his wife's constancy
and affectoin was not only shown by his
attentions tp others, but in the want of
tenderness he appears to have evinced at the
close of his life towards both her and his
children. After his condemnation, we find
Lady Lssex the humble and earnest suppli*
cant to Cecil, " for the hindering of that fatal
warrant for execution, which if it be once
signed, she would never wish to breathe one
hour after." (Vol. ii. p. 176.) But " Lord
Essex never saw his wife and son, nor took a
last farewell of them or any of his friends,
nor had expressed a wish to see them." (Vol.
ii.p. 178.)
Whatever may have been the nature of
the feelings with which Elizabeth » regarded
Essex, it is obvious by the letters contamed in
these volumes that w4)ilst he addressed her
in terms of adulaUon, neither his personal
devotion nor his loyalty were sincere. Af'
292
QUEEN ELIZABETH, AND THE EARL OF EBdEX.
[Not.,
passing two hours on his knees to obtain the
commnnd of an auxiliary force in Normandy,
he writes to the Queen on the second day
only after his departure " a lamentation on
the misery of absence." (Vol. i. p. 219.)
His object in life appears to have been to
obtain from the Crown all that his vanity, his
ambition, and his extravagance demanded ;
and whilst he querulously resented the small-
est check to his success, the Queen was con-
stantly chafed by the sense of his insolence
and rapacity ; and it is to be presumed that
DO tender regret for his death could obliterate
the recollection of these offences, when we
find that in 1602, she talked to M. de Beau-
mont of Essex, " with sighs and almost tears,
but added, qu'il se content^t de prende plaisir
de lui d^plaire i toutes occasions, et de
ro^priser sa personne insolemment, comme il
faisoit, et qu*il se gard&t bien de toucher a
son sceptre." (Vol. ii. p. 204.) So constant
indeed were the quarrels, and so bitter the
mutual reproaches that passed between the
Queen and her favorite, that the difficulty is
rather to understand how he came to be so
often reinstated in her good graces, than that
bis days should have ended on the scaffold.
The following extracts are but a sample of
the tone of those letters which form a con-
siderable portion of his correspondence con-
tiuned in these volumes : —
Essex to Sir R. CecylL
** Sir Robert, — You will bear with me for mv
short writing the last time. I was punished with
a fever, and my heart broken with the Queen's
unkindness. Since the writing of my last I lost
my brother in an unfortunate skirmish before
Rouen. I call it unfortunate that robbed me of
him who was dearer to me than ever [ was to
myself. We killed divers of them, and lost but
two, whereof he was one. When I went I was
so weak I was carried in a litter.* This cursed
mishap took me at great disadvantage, when I had
neither strength of body nor mind to overcome
my grief. Upon my return to Argues, with a fit
of ague on my back, I received the Queen's letter
of the 3d of this month, together with my L.
your father's packet. When I read them I thought
I should never see the end of my affliction. I
want words to express my just grief. 1 was
blamed as negligent, undutiful, rash In going,
slow in returning, indiscreet in dividing the horse
from the foot, faulty in all things, because I was
not fortunate to please. Whereas, if I did not
•end as oflen as it was possible to have passage, —
if I did not refuse to march until 1 knew trie rati-
fication was signed (for so I was commanded), —
!f I had not tfie assent of my K. ambassador, Mr.
Killiffrew, and all the chief officers of the army,
besides the King's scndld^ with such earnestness,
as he said it imported both the States,-— if I did
not return with as much speed a? might be, sav-
ing that at Gisors I left the ordinary wny, because
I knew I was laid for by all the forces both at
Normandy and Picardy, — if I left not the foot in
safety where they had no use of hprse, — have me
condemned in all ; but if this be all true, as upon
my soul it is true, judge uprightly between the
Queen and me, whether she 1^ not an unkind
lady, and I an unfortunate servant. I wish to be
out of my prison, which 1 account my life; hot
while I must needs live, I will seek to have my
service graciously accepted by Her Majestv, and
my poor reputation not overthrown.'* — (Vol. i. p.
233.)
Essex to the Queen.
**Your Majesty's unkindness accompanied the
loss of my brother, and your heavy indignation 1
s#e follows your unkindness ; and now Ifind that
Your Majesty's indignation threatens the ruin
and disgrace of him that hath lost his dearest and
only brother, spent a great part of bis substance,
ventured his own life and many of his friends in
seeking to do Your Majesty's service. But I
have offended and must suffer." (Vol. i. pi 241.)
At other times he addressed her in terms
of such adulation and submission, as the fol-
lowing letters: —
Essex to the Queen,
" Receive, I humbly beseech Your Majesty, the
unfeigned submission of the saddeat soul on earth.
I have offended in presumption, for which my hum-
ble soul doth sigh, sorrow, languish, and wish to
die. I have offended a Sovereign whose displeas-
ure is a heavier weight upon me fhan if all the
earth besides did overwhelm me. To redeem this
ofience, and recover Your Majesty's gracious
favor, 1 would do, I protest, whatsoever is possible
for flesh and blood ; and for proof of my true
sorrow, if Your Majesty do not speedily receive
me, I hope you shall see the strong effects of
vour disfavor in the death and destiny of Your
Majesty's humblest vassal, E^ex."*
Essex to the Queen,
" Vouchsafe, dread Sovereign, to know tliere
lives a man, — ^though dead to the world, and in
himself exercised with continued torments of
mind and body, — ^that doth more true honor
to your thrice blessed day than all those that
appear in your sight For no soul had ever each
an impression of your perfections, no alteration
showed such an effect of your power, nor no
heart ever felt such a joy of your triumph. For
they that feel the comfortable influence of Your
Majesty's favor, or stand in the bright beams of
your presence, rejoice, partly for Your Majesty's,
chiefly for their own happiness.
''Only miserable Essex, full of pain, fall of
sickness, full of sorrow, languishing in repentance
for his offences past, hateful to himself that he is
/YoLii.pb83.
1853.]
qV ilEN ELIZABETH, AND THE EAEL OF ESSEX.
293
yet alive, and importunate on death, if your sen-
tence be irrevocable, he joys only for Vour Maj-
esty's ffreat happiness and happy greatness; and
were the rest of his days never so many, and sore
to be as happy as they are like to be miserable,
he would lose them ail to have this happy seven-
teenth dav many and many times renewed with
f^Iory to Your jlajesty, and comfort of all your
faithlul subjects, of whom none is accursea but
Your Majesty's humblest vassal, Essex."*
Bat his letters were at onoe fulsome and
false, and not all the gifts and honors lavished
upon him could preserve his allegiance
intact, or prevent bis carrying on intrigues
with the King of Scotland, and making his
house the rendezvous of Puritan preachers
and malcontents of various descriptions,
who held doctrines subversive of the Queen's
authority (vol. ii. p. 135.); his professions
of submission, loyalty, and affection, when a
suitor for favors, did not withhold him from
acting in defiance of the Queen's commands,
nor could all the expressions of regret and
despair at having incurred her dbpleasure,
deter him from planning acts of violence to
reinstate himself in power. The Earl of
Southampton being in disgrace with the
Queen, was notwithstanding appointed by
him Greneral of the Horse in Ireland (Vol. ii.
p. 42.) ; when ordered to be circumspect in
the use of his power of making knights in
Ireland, be created no less than eighty- one,
and notwithstanding that he had received an
order not to come over to England without
license, he suddenly abandoned his command,
and forced himseli into the Queen's presence.
(Vol. ii. p. 123.) The arbitrary spirit of
Elizabeth was not likely to make her very
tolerant of such acts of resistance and disre-
spect, nor did her partiality blind her to the
objects of self-interest which dictated some
of his most repentant and devoted letters.
She told Bacon, that " he had written her
some very dutiful letters, and that she had
been moved by them ; but when she took it
to be the abundance of his heart, she found
it to be but a preparation to a suit for the
renewing of his farm of sweet wines." (Vol.
ii. p. 125.) Essex professed to kiss her fair
hands and the rod with which she corrected
him, — that he would retire into a country
solitude, and say with Nebuchadnezzar, *' Let
my dwelling be with the beasts of the field,
let me eat grass as an ox, and be wet with
the dew of heaven, till it shall please her
Majesty to restore me to my understanding."
To which the Queen, on receiving his appli-
cation for this favor, replied, with more truth
• VoL ii. p. 128.
than delicacy or tenderness, " that the more
one feeds corrupt and diseased- bodies the
more one hurts them ; and that the ungov-
ernable beast must be stinted of bis proven-
der." '
Captain Devereux has laid much stress on
the enmiQr and intrigues of those who were
opposed to Essex ; but in tracing liis " Life
and Correspondence," it is easy to peiceive
the fact that be was, tliroughout his short
and chequered career, his own worst enemy.
It is much to be regretted that Captain
Devereux was not permitted, as he states in
his Preface, to have access to the MSS. at
Hatfield, which would probably have better
explained the relations subsisting at different
times between Essex and Robert Cecil ; but
we must also remark that the evidence of that
powerful and effective hostility of the Cecils
to Essex, so often alluded to, is hardly sub-
stantiated in the facts adduced in these
volumes. Lord Burleigh appears to have
been the friend of his father, and to have
shown a kindly interest in his welfare, and so
far from wishing to estrange him from the
favor of the Queen, he even incurred her
bitter displeasure for pleading in his favor;
and on one of those occasions, when Essex
had absented himself from Court, he wrote
to him to urge him to return and make his
peace.
To state that enmities and cabals, quarrels
and reconciliations, were constantly occurring
between all who were rivals for power, is
saying no more than that the Court of Eliza-
beth was composed of men moved by the
passions common to human nature, and who
were seeking, in the personal favor of the
sovereign, the means of gratifying their own
ambition.
Essex andJElaleigh were constantly opposed
to each other, and though Captain Devereux
often alludes to the influence exercised by
the latter to the prejudice of Essex, it is clear
that Essex was equally unfriendly to Raleigh,
and addressed the Queen in terms of great
bitierness and hostility towards him. (Vol.
i. p. 186.)
Captain Devereux has endeavored to
prove, in spite of the authority of Camden
and of Lord Bacon, that the appointment of
Lord Essex to Ireland was not only unsolicit-
ed by Essex, but that ** he had from the first
a strong aversion to the service, and accepted
the office of Deputy most unwillingly." (Vol.
ii. p. 2.) Essex's own letter to the Queen
(Vol. i. p. 496,) tends to confirm Camden's
view, for by that it appears that after absent-
ing himself from Court, and refusing to take
204
QUEEN ELIZABETH, AKD THB EABL^OF ESSEX.
[Not.
bis place at the Council, he was aroused to |
post up and offer to attend when the unhappy 1
news from Ireland arrived, and that he ap-
prehended how much Her Majesty would be
frieved to hear of her armies beaten iind her
ingdoms conquered by the son of a smith."
The choice of a Lord Deputy of Ireland
was a question of great importance; Cam-
den states, that the Queen and most of the
Council were in favor of Charles Blount,
Earl of Montjoy ; but essex strenuously op-
posed his appointment, and at the same time
pointed to the necessity of such qualities for
the duties of that office as to be " a broad
sign that he thought none so proper as him-
self" for their fulfilment, and he had an ob-
jection ready against any person whom the
Queen might name. Captain Devereux,
strangely enough, assigns as a possible reason
for his opposition to Lord Montjoy's appoint-
ment, the unwillingness of his sister, Lady
Rich, to part with her lover ; but without
attributing any great strictness of morality to
Essex, he was hardly likely to have treated
the susceptibility of Lady Rich on the point
of separation from her lover with more tender*
ness than he evinced towards his other sister,
whose husband, the Earl of Southampton, he
appointed to be General of the Horse in
Ireland.^ The Essex's enemies wished to be
rid of him was both of natural and true, and
perhaps without any great gifts of prophecy,
they might foresee that his fame was likely
to be diminished rather than increased by
the undertaking in question ; but if their
cle^irsightedness but them upon this track,
the blindness of Essex soon furnished them
with a powerful coadjutor in himself. Cam-
den's account of the opposite motives and
feelings by which he and his adversaries
were drawn to act in unison on this occasion,
is very clear and consonant both with pro-
bability and facts. " They were," says he,
speaking of his enemies, " in the meantime
using all arts to undermine him, as knowing
well that the vehemency of his spirit would
conspire with their endeavours to ruin and
undo him, and that there was not any like-
lier method to trip up the heels of an aspir-
ing man than to push him upon an office he
was altogether unfit for ; to be short, as quick
and penetrating a person as he was, he either
did not, or would not, perceive the bottom of
their aims, as long as he thought no employ-
ment too big for his grasp, and his friends or
flatterers supported him in that opinion." ^
Whatever hesitation was shown by Essex
- — — —
Camden, '' Life of Elizabeth," p. 614.
either in accepting this office, or in proceed-
ing to the execution of its duties, was occa-
sioned by his repeated demands for further
supplies, or greater powers; and in one of
Elisabeth's many letters of severe reproof to
him when in Ireland, the expressions she uses
tend to prove, that she regarded the task he had
undertaken was one for which he considered
himself better fitted than others, and was in
accordance with his own wishes. " How
often," says she, " have you told us, that others
that preceded you had no judgment to end
the war." " You had your asking, you had
your choice of times, you had power and
authority more ample than ever any had or
ever shall have." (Vol. ii. p. 63.)
Amongst the most interesting historical
questions to which the '^ Life of Lord Essex'*
must again give rise, is the degree of blame
to be attached to Lord Bacon on the score
of ingratitude to his early patron. The
knowledge of the course which Bacon finally
adopted towards Lord Essex has tinged
Captain Devereux's view of his motives, and
he has certainly antedated with insufficient
proof the period at which Bacon seemed to
forget the kindness he had received from
his friend. He ventures too freely on sur-
mises of the feelings by which Bacon waa
actuated, and thus attributes a decay of his
intimate friendship with the Earl of Essex
from the summer of 1597 to the ineffectual
attempts made by Essex to further bis inter-
ests in his suit to the rich widow. Lady Hat-
ton ; adding, '* that he had probably con-
templated, and was prepared to execute, when
occasion should offer, that base desertion of
his generous and unsuspecting friend, which
has cast a shade of infamy on his memory
that not all the reverence felt for his splendid
intelleet, nor all his great services to mankind
have been able to remove." (Vol. ii. p. 21.)
Bacon ascribes the cessation of intimate
relations between himself and Essex to the
effects of his constant efforts to repress the
soaring ambition of the favorite ; he urged
him to stand upon two feet, and fly not
upon two wings ; and their differences of
opinion upon points so material, " bred/*
says he, " m process of time, a discontinuance
of privateness (as it is the manner of men
seldom to communicate where they think
their courses not approved) between his
lordship and myself, so as I was not called
nor advised with for some year and a half
before his lordship going into Ireland as in
former time."
A difficult, not to say impossible, task re-
mains to the enthusiastic admirers of Bacon
186a.]
QUBEir EIiIZABBTH, AMD THE BARL OF ESSEX.
295
to justify or eveii to excuse the conduct he |
pursued when called upon to decide between
his feelings of gratitude for past obligations
to Essex, and what he might consider bis duty
to the Queen, which was, in fact, identical
with his own interest. Mr. Basil Montagu
labored hard to prove that Bacon sacriGced
himself and his friend in order that the com-
munity at large might reap the benefit of his
professional advancement ; an explanation of
his conduct ably and humorously exposed
some years ago, by Mr. Macaulay, in his
" Essay on Loni Bacon."
Mr. Basil Montagu, however, afforded a
sufficient commentary on his own theory by
saying, " that bacon saw, if he did not plead
against Essex, all his hopes of advancement
mighty withont any benefit to his friend, be
destroyed ;*' and doubtless it was a sincere
rjBgard for his own advancement, but very
little checked by the consideration of what
might benefit his friend, that ultimately de*
termined the part he took. Still Bacon's
conduct was rather mean than perfidious ; he
was grateful, but he was not magnanimous —
he unceasingly acknowledged his obligations
to Essex, and for long repaid those obligations
by attachment and advice — he risked the
Queen's displeasure for his sake, and even
endured her coldness and reproaches for his
attempts to serve him, — but to be absolutely
ruined for the doubtful benefit of one whom
neither counsel nor experience could guide or
amend, was beyond the stretch of his grateful
and self-sacrificing friendship.
Captain Devereux has quoted two letters
from Bacon to Lord Essex.^-one written
during the absence of Sir Robert Cecil in
France, and the other after Essex's nomina-
tion to the Government of Ireland, — in order
to prove that Bacon was amongst the num-
ber of those who encouraged an undertaking
which was most unwillingly accepted by
Essex, and which would obviously lead to
his ruin. There is no date affixed to the
first of tliese letters ; but as Cecil returned
from his mission in May, 1598, it must have
been written at the least ten months before
the time when Essex's commission as Lord
Lieutenant was signed. There can be no
doubt but that Bacon in that letter appeared
anxious to draw Essex's attention to Irish
matters, "as one of the aptest particulars
that can come upon the stnge for his Lord-
ship to purchase honor upon ;" but even then
he concluded his epistle with this useful cau-
tion : " I know your Lordship will carry it
(the business,) with that modesty and respect
towards aged dignity, and that good corres-
pondence towards my dear ally and your
good friend now abroad, as' no inconvenience
may grow that way."
Ample time had elapsed after the writing
of this letter and the time of Essex's appoint-
ment, for Bacon to have changed his opinion
as to Ireland being the fittest stage for his
Lordship to purchase honor upon, and by no
means therefore disproves the truth of his own
account of the matter in his '^ Apology/' when
he says, " I did not only dissuade but protest
against his going, telling him with as much
vehemency and asseveration as I could, that
absence in that kind would exulcerate tbe
Queen's mind, whereby it would not be pos-
sible for him to carry'' himself -so as to give
her sufficient contentment, nor for her to
carry herself so as to give him sufficient coun-
tenance ; which would be ill for her, ill for
him, and ill for the State. And because I
would omit no arj^ument, I remember I stood
also upon the difficulty of the action ; many
other reasons I used, so as I am sure I never
in any thing in my lifetime dealt with him in
like earnestness by speech, by writing, and
by all the means I could devise. For I did
as plainly see his overthrow chained, as it
were by destiny, to that journey, as it is pos-
sible for a man to ground a judgment upon
future contingents. But, my lord, howsoever
hi:» ear was open, yet his heart and resolution
were shut against that advice, whereby his
ruin might have been prevented.*
Bacon, writing in defence of his own coo-
duct, may of course be suspected of taking
an advocate's liberty in favor of his client ;
but it can hardly be supposed that he went
the length of asserting so broad a falsehood,
as that he not only dissuaded but protested
against his going, had he, as Captain Deve-
reux supposes, used all his influence "to
induce the unwilling Essex to take a more
favorable view of it. The second letter of
Bacon, quoted by Captain Devereux in sup-
port of this opinion, was written after Lord
Essex's app(>intment was settled ; there was
no longer, therefore, question of advice as to
the acceptance of so perilous an undertaking,
and the letter is one of compltment, congrat-
ulation, and encouragement ; still the warn-
ings and advice contained in that letter cor-
respond with the warnings he describes him-
seli as having used to dissuade him from
accepting the post, and show that, whilst
encouraging him to hope for success, and
pointing out the best means to secure it,
he continued fully alive to the dangers to
^ Bacon's Worki^ voL vL p. 246.
296
QUEEN EUZABETH, AND THE EARL OF ESSEX.
[Not.,
whicb Essex would be exposed from his rash
and insubordinate i^ature.
" Now, although it be true," says he on this
occasion, " that these things which I have
writ (being but representation unto jour
Lordship of the honor and appearance of
success in the enterprise) be not much to the
purpose of my direction, yet it is that which
18 best to me, being no man of war, and igno-
rant in the particulars of State ; for a man
may, by the eye, set up the white right in the
midst of the butt, though he be no archer.
Therefore I will only add this wish, according
to the English phrase, which termeth a well-
wishing advice a wish, that your Lordship, in
this whole act4on, looking forward, set down
this position, that merit is worthier than
fame ; and looking back hither, would remem-
ber this text, that '* obedience is better than
sacrifice. For designing to fame and glory
may make your Lordship, in the adventure of
your portion, to be valiant as a private soldier,
rather than as a general ; it may make you
in your commandments rather to be gmcious
than disciplinary ; it may make you press
action, in the respect of the great expectation
conceived, rather hastily than seasonably and
safely; it may make you seek rather to
achieve the war by force, than by mixture of
practice ; it may make you (if God shHl^send
you prosperous beginnings) rather seek the
fruition of the honor, than the perfection of
the work in hand. And for your proceeding
like a good protestant (upon warrant, and not
upon good intention), your Lordship knoweth,
in your wisdom, that as it is most fit for you
to desire convenient liberty of instruction, so
it is no less fit for you to observe the due
limits of them, remembering that the exceed-
ing of them may not only procure (in case of
adverse accident) a dangerous disavow, but
also (in case of prosperous success), be sub-
ject to interpretation, as if all was not re-
ferred to the right end."*
It might have happened that Bacon, blind-
ed by partiality, might have sincerely thought
it well, for the fame of his early patron, to
undertake the difficult task of reducing
Ireland to a state of loyalty and obedience,
and that he might, therefore, have advised his
acceptance without the sinister motive attrib-
uted by Camden to the^ enemies of Essex, of
wishing «* to trip up his heels," by pushing
him upon an office he was altogether " unfit
for;" but Bacon was too clear-sighted to
mistake where lay the real interest of his
friend. He *' vehemently dissuaded him from
• Baoon's Worki» vol. xil pp. 22, 28.
seeking greatness by a military dependence,
or by a popular dependence, as that which
would breed in the queen jealousy, in himself
presumption, and in the State perturbation.*
And, when listening to the queen's complaints
of Essex's proceedings in Ireland, which she
spoke of as " unfortunate, without judgment,"
contemptuous, and not without some private
end of his own, he endeavored to persuade
her to place him where he was best fitted to
shine without risk of offence to Her Mnjesty,
or of danger to the State. " If you had my
Lord of Essex here," said he, " with a white
staff in his hand, as my Lord of Leicester had,
and continued him still about you for society
to yourself, and for an honor and ornament
to your attendance and Court in the eyes of
your people, and in the eyes of foreign
ambassadors, then were he in his right ele-
ment; for to discontent him as you do, and
yet to put arms and power into his hands,
may be a kind of temptation to make him
prove cumbersome and unruly."f
On Essex's abrupt return without 4eave
from Ireland, he lighted at once at the Court
gate, '' and though so full of dirt and mire
that his very face was full of it," he rushed
into the Queen's bedchamber, where he found
the Queen newly up, the hair about her face :
he kneeled unto her, kissed her hands, and
had some private speech with her, which
seemed to give him great contentment."^
Whether the Queen, surprised for the
moment by the unexpected pleasure of seeing
him again at her feet, really gave him cause
for thin contentment, or that his vanity mis-
construed her reception, or that he deemed it
only politic to affect, as he said, to have found
a sweet calm at home after he had suffered
much trouble and storm abroad, it is certain
that, before the day was over, he had little
reason to congratulate himself on the effect of
his daring intrusion. Not many hours elapsed
before the Queen's recollection of what was
due to her own dignity, or the sense of Essex's
defalcation of duty, or the representation of
her Ministers as to his conduct, aroused her
displeasure ; it appears that, after dinner, he
found her much changed — she treated him
with coldness — the Lords were appointed to
hear bira in council that afternoon, and be-
tween eleven and twelve o'clock that nfght
he was ordered by the Queen to keep his
chamber. Bacon was still the friend of
Essex ; and, according to his own statement,
* Bmod'b "Apology,'' voL vL p. 246.
! Bacon's Worka^ voL vi. p. 50.
Acoount given by Rowland White in ''Sidney
Memoir."
1858.]
QUEEN ELIZABETH, AIO) THE EARL OF ESSE^
297
offered bim such advice on the course he should
pursue as would have been best calculated to
reinstate him in favor with the Queen ; first,
not to treat the peace with Tyrone as a mat-'
ter of glory, but of unfortunate necessity ;
next, not to force upon the Queen the neces-
sity of sending him back to Ireland, but to
leave it to her decision ; and, above all, to
seek access, importune, opportune, seriously)
sportingly, every way ; but though Essex
listened willingly, " he spake," says Bacon,
"very few words, and shaked his head some-
times as if he thought I was in the wrong ;
but sure I am he did just contrary on every
one of these three points."* It was deter-
mined, after much doubt as to the course of
proceeding, that Essex's conduct should be
mvestigated, not by public accusation but by
a declaration in the Star Chamber. Captain
Devereux admits that, during the time of
Essex's confinement, the Queen had frequent-
ly consulted Bacon respecting his case, " and
*that he had made many efforts to persuade
Elizabeth to relax the severity of her treat-
ment. He endeavored, by such arguments
as wer^ best calculated to make an impres-
sion on her mind, to dissuade her from the
declaration in the Star Chamber in Novem-
ber, telling her that the Earl possessed the
pity of the people, and that such a course
would lead them to say that my Lord was
wounded in the back, and that justice had
her balance taken from her, which consisted
ever in an accusation and defence ; but his
arguments were for the time unheeded by his
irntated mistress." This assembly oC Privy
Councillors, Judges and Statesmen, was held
on the 80th of November, when they declar-
ed, without Essex being heard in his own
defence, the nature of his misconduct. Bacon
would not attend, and afterwards excused
himself to the Queen on the plea of indispo-
sition.
Bacon continued to warn the Queen of the
danger of bringing the cause of so eloquent
and well-spoken a man into any public ques-
tion, and advised her "to restore the Earl to
his former attendance, with some addition of
honor to take away discontent;" but she
rejected his advice. After Easter, she con-
fessed to Bacon that she found his words
were true respecting the proceedings in the
Star Chamber — that instead of doing good
they had only kindled factious fruits ; and
that she was therefore determined now to
proceed against the Earl in the Star Cham-
ber by an information ore tenus, to have him
* Bacon's "Apology," voL vi p. 264.
brought to an snswer, although what she
did should not be ad destrucHonem but only
ad castigationem — not to render him unable
to serve her after. Bacon and others of the
learned Counsel were hereupon sent for by
some of the principal Councillors, to notify
Her Majesty's pleasure to them, when he was
"openly told by one of them that Her Maj-
esty had not yet resolved whether she would
have him forborne in the business or no."
Bacon then addressed a letter to the Queen,
praying " that she would be pleased to spare
him in Lord Essex's cause, out of the consid-
eration she took of his obligations to that
Lord, and that he should reckon it one of
her greatest favors ;" at the same time as-
suring her that ''no particular obligation
whatsoever to any subject could supplant or
weaken the entireness of duty that he did
owe and bear to her and her service." But
Elizabeth was not one to admit the claims of
friendship and gratitude to interpose or in-
terfere with the execution of her will ; and
Bacon states that the next news he heard
was, that " Her Majesty's pleasure was, we
all should have parts in the business*." Ba-
con remonstrated with the Lords on the part
allotted to him ; but the Queen's plea ure
was imperative, and Bacon, as he himself
acknowledges, "little satisfied in his own
mind," submitted. Whether his mode of
conducting the part thus forced upon him
was, as both he and his eulogist Mr. Bazil
Montagu pretend, ingeniously friendly to
Lord Essex, or was unnecessarily hostile, as
Captain Devereux implies (vol. ii. p. II.),
may remain matter of discussion and dispute
between those who, on one side, see nothing
in Bacon's conduct but that of the kind and
constant friend, and those who, on the other
side, view Essex as the object of his heart-
less ingratitude. The result of this trial,
which took place on the 5th of June, 1600,
was " that the Earl of Essex should be sus-
pended from his offices, and continue a pris-
oner in his own house till it pleased Her
Majesty to release him." According to Ba-
con, he immediately used his utmost endeav-
ours with -the Queen lo bring Lord Essex
back again into Court and into favor, iCnd
tried to satisfy her that the course she had
now taken was successful, and therefore
should be no further pursued. Elizabeth,
satisfied with herself, reiterated her saying
that the proceedings should be ad repara-
tionem and not ad ruinam, and there was
every appearance of her intending to relent,
when she was again offended by the indis-
creet zeal of some of Essex's ^ partisans in
298
QUEEN ELIZABETH, AUD THE SABZi OF ESSEX.
[Not.
endeayonring to justify his conduct. Bacon
again interposed in his behalf ; and in the
beginning of July, Essex was ordered to be
liberated from his keeper, but not to quit
London.
On the 9th of July* Bacon addressed a
letter to Essex, assuring him of his affection
and good offices ; and though Captain Dev-
ereux comments upon Essex's reply to this
letter was one ^* which merits particular atten-
tion» so dignified, so gentle, so free from re-
proach, or rather, in its very gentleness, so
full of reproach," we cannot but think that
the. more simple solution of the absence of
reproach is to be found in the fact that none
was intended, Essex having been secretly
well informed of Bacon's constant advocacy
in his behalf with the Queen. The style of
the correspondence may be formal, and from
some of the expressions it appears to bear
out Mr. Basil Montagu's supposition that it
was intended to be seen by the Queen, but
there is no reason to suppose that Essex in-
tended or Bacon understood any deep hidden
reproach in a letter which Bacon describes as
" a courteous and loving acceptation of his
good will and endeavors."!
Bacon's tender of good offices was made
and accepted in good Faith, and was speedily
called into action. He not only watched his
opportunities of working on the Queen in
Lord Essex's favor, and then apprising him
of what had passed, and advising the best
course for him to take, but he gave him the
further assistance of his pen, in writing at his
desire and for his benefit, a supposed corre-
spondence between his own brother Anthony
Bacon and Essex, which was to be shown to
the Queen, and also a letter from Essex di-
rect to the Queen, all of which letters were
thought calculated to plead best for his
restoration to favor. At the end of August,
Essex was liberated, but not allowed to re-
turn to Court, and be retired into the coun-
try, hoping soon to obtain the further grace
of a renewal of his patent of monopoly of
sweet wines, which was nearly expired. To
the renewal of this patent he looked as the
critical event which was to determine whether
he should be reinstated in his former credit
at Court. He sought it with the most abject
professions of devotion and humility ; but he
overshot the mark, and the Queen was of-
fended at the ill-adjusted veil which could
not conceal the intended object for which it
* Life of Bacon, vol zvL Bacon's Works. Note
4 D. In Captain Devcreox's work the date of the
Letter, is July 19.
f Life of Baoon, vol. xvi p. 8L
was assumed. The patent was refund, and
the humble, contrite Essex indulged at once
in a tone of petulant and insulting complaint.
The man who had addressed letters of adu-
lation and penitence to his " most dear and
admired Sovereign ;" who spoke of himself
on the occasion of the anniversary of tha
Queen's accession as " the miserable Essex*
full of pain, full of sickness, full of sorrow,
languishing in repentance for his offences
past, hatenil to himself that he is yet alive,
and importunate on death if her sentence be
irrevocable" (vol. ii. p. 128.) ; the man who
wrote to Her Majesty, saying, " I look up to
you on earth as my only physician, yet look
for no physic till you, in your deepest wis-
dom and precious favor, shall think the crisis
past and the time fit for a cure" (vol. ii. p.
116.) ; now that he was denied the favor he
expected, scrupled not to declare, that ** he
could not serve with base obsequiousness*
that he was thrust down into private life and
wrongfully committed to custody, and this
by an old woman no less crooked in mind
than in body."* The breach that Bacon had
so sedulously endeavored to heal between
the Queen and her turbulent favorite became
wider and wider ; her indignation was roused
by Essex's ingratitude, and whilst she re-
solved to humble him more effectually by
prolonging his banishment from Court, Essex
House became the resort of every malcontent*
and he had actually gone so far as to hold
out the threat of entering the royal presence
by force. " I sometimes think of running,'*
says he^ in one of his letters to the Queen,
** and then remember what it will be to come
in armor triumphing into that presence out
of which both by your own voice I was com-
manded, and by your own hands thrust out."
(Vol. ti. p. 129.) The Queen now visited her
anger on the friend who had so constantly
endeavored to persuade her to restore the
refractory Essex to her grace and presence ;
and, to use Bacon's own words, '* for the
space of three months, which was between
Michaelmas and New Year tide following,
the Queen would not so much as look on me*
but turned away from me with express and
purposelike discountenance whenever t&he
saw me ; and at such time as I desired to
speak with her about law business, ever sent
me forth very slight refusals."!
At the end of the three months Bacon
*Qaoted in "Life of Baoon," Bacon's Worker
IVoL xvi. p. 85.
f Bacon's "Apology,'' Bacon's Works^ vol vL p.
27 L
1Q53.]
QUBEK EUZABEIH, AND TH£ SABL OF ESSEX.
2S9
asked an audience of the Queen, and after an
explanation and many gracious expressions
on her part towards him, he departed, " rest-
ing/' as he says, " determined to meddle no
more in the matter, as I saw that it would
overthrow me, and not be able to do him any
good." It is from the moment of this deter-
mination that the conduct of Bacon towards
Lord Essex becomes matter of fair discussion,
as to whether the sense of those obligations
he had so often acknowledged should have
carried him on to act the part of his friend,
at whatever risk to himself ; or, if not, how
far the instinct of self-interest justified his
being passive to serve or active to ruin his
former patron. Bacon had committed him-
self over and over again to the Queen by
confident assurances of Essex's attachment
and repentance; and Essex must have de-
ceived him by insincere professions of loyalty,
or the cautious Bacon would never have
ventured to be the constant advocate for his
re-estabiishment in her favor. His conduct,
after the refusal of the patent, must have
convinced him that he had been surety for
one who was not to be trusted ; his omission
to make any further efforts to serve the
interests of a man who marred the effect of
every friendly exertion, is hardly worthy of
the severe censure with which it has been the
babit of some writers to load the memory of
Bacon, and to treat hinfi as if be had been
one of those summer friends who had basked
in the sunshine of the favorite's fortune till
night came on, and then, without cause or
provocation, turned upon him and hastened
his destruction. Thus far Bacon's course in
"meddling no more in the matter" was
purely defensive, but unhappily it did not
rest there. It is unnecessary to enter into
the details of the last well-known fatal act of
rebellious violence which led to Essex being
again placed on his trial. In the plan, and
in the execution of his conspiracy, no less
than during his trial, he showed throughout
the same selfish ambition, the same impa-
tience of authority and irresolution of pur-
pose, the same faithlessness, and also the
same personal courage, that had so often
marked the conduct of the rebel courtier
throughout his career.
Bacon says he never saw the Queen from
the day on which he resolved to meddle no
more in the business, till the 8th of Februa-
ry, which he terms the day of my Lord of
Essex's misfortune; and for that which he
afterwards performed at the bar in his public
service^ he was bound, says he, by the rules
of duty to do it honestly and without pre-
varication— but. that for putting himself into
it, he protested before God he never moved
either the Queen or any person living con-
cerning his being in the service either of evi-
dence or examination, but that it was laid
upon him with the rest of his fellows.* It
may be perfectly true that Bacon only under-
took to perform the task laid upon him, and
it is more than probable, even if we had not
his word for it, that he did not seek the ser-
vice on which he was employed ; but did he
then, as before, request to be spared in ray
Lord Essex's cause on account of his obliga-
tion towards him? He had promised to
meddle no more in his favor ; might he not,
therefore, have the more reasonably asked of
the Queen the favor to be excused from tak-
ing part, even professionally, against one to
whom he owned former obligations? The
Queen might have refused ; but it is clear,
by Bacon s own statement, that he made no
attempt to preserve his neutrality; when
once engaged in the service, he was certainly
bound by the rules of duty to do it honestly
and without prevarication, and for that verv
renson he should have risked even the Queen s
displeasure sooner than be placed in a posi-
tion, where it might, and indeed must, be-
come his duty to share in being the legal in-
strument of death to a former friend. There
was no excuse to be urged of danger to the
Queen or to the State. Essex's guilt was too
clear to require the exercise of any great
legal skill to ensure conviction. Bacon's
services could not have been necessary to the
public safety. . Essex had fairly forfeited the
confidence and tired out the good will and
affection of his best friends — but he had not
canceled the claims which former obligations
had given him on the gratitude of Bacon,
and that tongue should never have been em-
ployed to point and fix his guilt, that pen
should never have been used to perpetuate
the remembrance of it. Essex's miserable
defence in extenuation of his treason, that his
enemies were seeking his life, and that he
fled into the city for favor and defence, was
rebutted by Bacon, who very aptly compared
him to the self-wounded Pisistratus, *< who
ran crying into Athens, that his life was
sought and like to have been taken away,
thinking to move the people to have pity on
him by such counterfeit danger and harm,
whereas his aim was to take the government
of the city into his hands. "f
Essex, with singular baseness, retorted upon
«.^»^— .^■— »^—^^— ^— * ^—^■^~ ' ■ ■ — ^»— ■»— ^»
• " Apology," voL vi. p. 274.
t HarL MS. No. 6864. fol 18&
800
QtTEEN ELIZABETH, AND THE EARL OF ESSEX.
[Nov.,
Bacon by tbe most palpable breach of confi-
deDce : he at once betrayed the assistance he
had received from him in the composition of
those letters written at his own desire, and by
which he had profited during bis recent dis-
grace with the Queen. He thought that
Bacon was in his power, and in defiance of
every feeling of honor, he used that power
not even to oenefit himself, but to endanger
one who had been his friend for a service
which he had desired and accepted. Bacon
was probably well justified in asserting in
return, that he had #pent more hours in vain
in studying bow to make him a good servant
to h«r Majesty than he had done in anything
else, and that for the letters they would not
blush for anything contained in them ; but
his further retort was most ungenerous : he
compared his conduct to that of Henry Duke
of Guise, and bis attempt in the city to the
day of the barricades, — allusions which were
peculiarly calculated to aggravate the Queen's
displeasure, and to withhold the exercise of
her clemency, by which alone it was possible
for his life to be spared. Nor is there any
proof afforded even by himself that Bacon
made any real effort after Essex's condemna-
tion to move the Queen to spare his life. It
would seem but natural to suppose, that after
satisfying the Queen how far his loyalty had
outstripped his friendship and gratitude to his
early patron, he might have safely pleaded
for mitigation of the fatal sentence ; but
whilst in his *' Apology" he takes credit to
himself for the effgrts he made for others
concerned in the plot, he acknowledges, that
during his interview with the Queen, " he
durst not deal directly for my lord as things
then stood." Bacon's views of Essex's char-
acter had evidently undergone considerable
change ; he had regarded him as rash, im-
petuous, and turbulent, but trusted to his
being undesigning, fickle, and yielding ; he
found him intriguing, false, and fierce; he
saw he was incorrigible, he felt he was
dangerous, and with the instinct of fear he
became cruel. He saw in Essex a friend who
would betray and a foe who would destroy :
self-preservation predominated over every
other feeling, and Bacon hardened his heart
from cowardice at the moment when it
should have been softened by pity. Essex
had nothing to allege that could disprove an
act of open rebellion, but he indulged in the
malignant pleasure of making accusations
that might injure those whom he regarded
as his enemies. Not contented with this un-
generous breach of confidence towards Bacon,
which exposed him to danger for services
rendered to himself, he also accused Cecil of
having said that the Infanta of Spain was
the rightful heir to the Crown of England.
Cecil indignantly refuted the charge. ** For
wit, wherewith you certainly abound," said
he, addressing the Earl of Essex, *' I am your
inferior ; I am inferior to you in nobility, yet
noble I am ; a military man I am not, and
herein you go before me : yet doth my inno-
cency protect me ; and in this court I stand
an npright man, and you a delinquent:" he
demanded the authority for this accusation,
and Essex unhesitatingly compromised his
brother-in-law, Lord Southampton, by say-
ing that he had heard it as well as himself.
Cecil then called upon Southampton to name
his authority, and was told it was Mr. Comp-
troller. Cecil desired Sir William Knollys
might be sent for, when ** it appeared that a
book treating of the succession of the Infanta
had been read in his presence, and some re-
marks made on it, but that Sir Robert Cecil
had never used such an expression to the
Comptroller" (vol. ii. p. 156). Essex might
possibly have believed that Cecil had used
such expressions, but it was clear he had
been at no pains to ascertain the truth of the
matter, and yet put forth without scruple an
idle tale that in no way bore upon his own
vindication, but wl ich might have proved the
ruin of the man whom he had regarded
sometimes as a friend, sometimes as an ene-
my, and always as a rival when in power.
It was fortunate for Cecil that he was able
to disprove at once an aspersion so well cal-
culated to rouse the Queen's jealous alarms.
Essex was condemned, and received his sen-
tence with the firmness that marked every
occasion in his life when personal courage
was required to support him. He desired to
have the same preacher that he had with him
since his troubles began (vol. ii. p. 163.), and
accordingly he was visited in prison by his
chaplain, Mr. Ashton. Mr. Ashton reproved
him severely for his crimes, and expressed
his doubts as " to any person having been
either his adviser, persuader, or approver"
(vol. ii. p. 167,). Irritated by this reproach,
Essex at once confessed his plan, and ended
at his own desire by betraying, in presence
of the Lord Keeper, the Lord Treasurer,
Lord Admiral, and Secretary, the names of
all whom he had induced to follow him, or
who from love of him had joined in his dar-
ing conspiracy (vol. ii. p. 169.). Captain
Devereux dilates much on the cruel and
Jesuitical conduct of Mr. Ashton towards
Lord Essex ; but there is no reason to think
he forfeited his confidence; as it appears
1858.]
QUEEN EUZABETH, AND THE EA^L OF ESSEX.
801
that by Lord Essex's own desire, he was still
in altendance on him the very morning of
his execution, and even to the scaffold.
However unfavorable may be the impres-
sion left on the mind of the reader, after pe-
rusing the life of this unfortunate viciioi of
over indulgence and of unsparing justice, he
must close the book with equal dii>satisfiic-
tion at all that it reveals respecting the dis-
position of the Queen. Ingratitude and
treason cannot be excused by the personal
faults of H benefactor or a sovereign ; but it
must be confessed that Elizabeth's character
and conduct may be pleaded in extenuation
of the errors if not of the crimes of Essex.
Arbitrary, capricious, and vain, she tolerated
and encouraged adulation she must have
known was insincere ; her approbation and
rewards were bestowed rather by favor than
accorded to merit, whilst a sense of justice
seldom checked her ebullitions of temper or
guided the exercise of her power. That
Essex served her ill was to the shame of one
who so often and so largely reaped the
benefits of her partiallity. ; but who can say
that she personally deserved the devoted
service which she expected from all^ and
which was so conscientiously rendered by
many ? Is it to be wondered at that the
Queen, who could receive with reproachful
coldness the officers who had done honor to
her arms in foreign lands, and who could
degrade herself by indulging in violent and
coarse abuse of her tried and faithful ser-
vants,— who could treat Burleigh with in-
dignity and reject him as a coward and a mis-
creant when opposed to her schemes of avarice
(vol. i. p. 389), — is it to be wondered at, that
she should have failed to fix the fickle affections
and light allegiance of a youth dazzled by
the splendor of his position and corrupted
by the unearned distinctions he enjoyed ?
The story of the ring said to have been
sent by Lord Essex to the Queen through
the Countess of Nottingham, is discussed at
some length in this work. Captain Deve-
reux inclines to accept it as an historical fact ;
but notwithstinding this, and the popular
belief in its truth, and the existence of the
Tarious rings 'which have been so carefully
pre:>erved as the idenlical ring, it is impos-
sible to assent to its authenticity without
better proof than has adduced in its support.
The anecdote is mentioned by Clarendon in
a work entitled " Disparity between the Elarl
of Easex and the Duke of Buckingham,"
written by him, as he states, in his younger
days, nna ia which he mentions it only to
discredit it as "a loose report which hath
crept in.'* At a later period this same story
figures in Mr. Francis Osborn's *' Memoirs of
Queen Elizabeth," published in 1658 ; and
in M, Aubrey de Maurier's " Memoirs," pub-
lished in 1688, as having been told to Prince
Maurice by Sir Dudley Carleton, Ambassa-
dor in Holland under James I. ; and again,
some years later. Lady Elizabeth Spelman
related the same to the E irl of Cork ; to him
she also gave the MS. memoirs of her great
grandfather. Sir Robert Carey (Earl of Mon-
mouth) ; and by him they were published
in 1759. There is a slight variation in
the story, as told by Aubrey de Maurier and
by Lady Eliznbeth Spelman. M. de Maurier
states that '* Le Comte dans la premiere ex-
tr6mit6, eut recours k la femme de TAmiral
Howard sa parente, et lafit supplier par une
personne conGdente de batlier cette bague a
la reine en main propre ; mais son mari. Tun
des ennemis capitaux du Comte, k qui elle le
dit imprudemment, I'ayant emp^cli^e de
s'acquitter de sa commission, elle oonsentit a
sa mort."
Lady Elizabeth states that the Eirl of
Essex, unwilling to trust any who were about
him, ''called a boy whom he saw passing
beneath his window, and whose appearance
pleased him, and engaged him to carry the
ring, which he threw down to him, to the
Lady Scrope, a sister of Lady Nottingham,
and a friend of the Earl, who was also in
attendance on the Queen, and to beg her to
present it to Her Majesty. The boy, by
mistake, took it to Lady Nottingham, who
showed it to her husband, in order to take'
his advice. The Enrl forbade her to carry
it to the Queen, or return any answer to the
message, but desired her to ret-iin the ring."
The variation between the two stories is not
very material ; the principal facts are the
same in each, — that the queen had given a
ring to Essex, which was to serve him in
time of need ; that he employed the Coun-
tess of Nottingham to transmit it to the
Queen ; that she consulted her husband, who
forbade her to do so; and that on her deaths
bed she made a full confession to the Queen
of all the facts, alleging her husband's prohi-
bition as her excuse. The whole of the evi-
dence in support of the facts, therefore, is
the mention of it by Osborn fifty-five years
after the death of Elizabeth \ the subsequent
narration of it in M. de Manner's Memoirs ;
Lord Clarendon's authority to confirm the
fact that *' such a loose report had crept into
discourse ;" and the narrative of Lady Elizi-
302
QUEEK ELIZABETH, AND THE EABL OF ESSEX.
[Not,
beth Spelnoan, the great-granddaughter of
the Earl of Monmouth, and the great-great
niece of the Countess of Nottingham.
On the other hand, there is no cotempo-
raneous account of the fact. A most detailed
account of the Queen's last illness, — of her
sighs, depression of spirits, and of her death-
bed,— were recorded by the cotemporary
pen of Camden, in the letters of M. de Beau-
mont, the French Ambassador, and in the
Memoirs of the Earl of Monmouth, both the
latter having been eye-witnesses to what they
related.
Camden alludes to the Queen's melan-
choly, and says that Essex's friends were in-
clined to attribute the change in her spirits
to his loss, and also gives other reasons as
equally supposed to have produced this
effect. M. de Beaumont mentions the Queen
having excused herself from granting him an
audience on account of the death of the
Countess of Nottingham, for which she had
wept extremely, and shown an uncommon
concern.*
The Earl of Monmouth describes her
melancholy humor, and his fruitless endea-
vors to cheer her, but no allusions to the
cause being in any way connected with Essex
or Lady Nottingham ; but the following
passage shows, that so far from anything
having occured to disturb her friendly rela-
tions with Lord Nottingham, he was actually
sent for, as the only person whose influence
would be sufficiently powerful to induce her
to obey her physicians : — " The Queen grew
worse and worse, because she would be so,
none about her being able to persuade her
to go to bed. My Lord Admiral was sent
for (who, by reason of my sister's death, that
was his wife, had absented himself some fort-
night from Court) ; what by fair means, what
by force, he got her to bed.'*f
Now, whatever might be the supposed in-
dignation of Elizabeth againsi her dying
cousin, Lady Nottingham, it is clear that, as
the real offender was Lord Nottingham, he
would naturally have more than shared in
her displeasure ; and it is very improbable
that a fortnight after the Queen had shaken
the helpless wife on her death- bed, the hus-
band, by whose authority the offence was
committed, should have continued in undi-
minished favor. The relationship between
Lady Elizabeth Spelman and the Countess
of Nottingham might give some weight to
her as an authority for this story, had there
* Biroh's Queen Elizabeth, vol. ii. p. 606.
t Memoin of Earl of Monmoath, p. 140.
been any reason to suppose that it had been
handed down as a family tradition ; but this
does not appear to have been the case, for it
was evidently unknown to her great-grand-
father, the Earl of Monmouth, the brother of
Lady Nottingham and of Lady Scrope. The
existence of the ring would do but little to
establish the truth of the story, even if but
one had been preserved and cherished as the
identical ring ; but as there are two, if not
three, which lay claim to that distinction,
they invalidate each others claims. One is
preserved at Hawnes, in Bedfordshire, the
seat of the Bev. Lord John Thynne ; another
is the property of C. W. Warren, Esq, ; and
we believe a third is deposited for safety at
Messrs. Drummond's Bank. The ring at
Hawnes is said to have descended in unbro-
ken succession from Lady Frances Devereuz
(afterwards Duchess of Somerset) to the pre-
sent owner : —
'-*li2sr£?J?5Si'"«*^''' }=pwiiii«E.ri.f H.rtfcK
Ilary>-H«nf7 Ikri of WladiMtsr
I Thyna»f flfst Thwaiit Wtjnuntli
Fwnc— ' te Robtii Wonlt/ ot AppvUmeamb*
FraiieM*-Jolia OMtont, Karl OrkoTUI*
LoBlM)— TkoouM, Moood ViMooal WcTmcmtli, whoie Mcood wa, Bniy
Fiaduiok ThToa*, bMUM hMt to hte omI*, Jbnl QnuiriM.*
The stone in this ring is a sardonyx, on
which is cut in relief a head of Elizabeth,
the execution of which is of a high order.
(Vol. ii. p. 183.) That the ring has de-
scended from Lady Frances Devereux affords
the strongest presumptive evidence that it
was not the ring. According to the tradition,
it had passed from her father into Lady Not-
tingham's hands. According to Lady Eliza-
beth Spelman, Lord Nottingham insisted
upon her keeping it. In her interview with
the Queen, the Countess might be supposed
to have presented to her the token she had
so fatally withheld; or it might have re-
mained in her family, or have been destroyed;
but the most improbable circumstance would
have been its restoration to the widow or
daughter of the much injured Essex by (he
offending Earl of Nottingham. The Duchesa
of Somerset left a " long, curious, and minute
will, and in it there is no mention of any
such ring." (Vol. ii. p. 183.) ~ If there »
good evidence for believing that the curious
ring at Hawnes was ever in the possession of
• VoL ii p. 188.
1853.]
XAKLT CHMSTIAN LTTERATUBE OF BTRIA.
803
the Earl of Essex, one might be tempted to
sappose that it was the likeness of the
Queen to which he alludes in his letters as
his "fair angel."
It was when setting out on his expedition
to Spain (1597) that he thus expresses his
passionate gratitude to the Queen for the
gift of her likeness : — " Most dear Lady, —
For Your Majesty's high and precious favors
.... but above all other, for Your Majesty
bestowing on me that fair angel which you
sent to guard me ; for those, 1 say, I neither
can write words to express my humble
thankfulness, nor perform service fit to ac-
knowledge such duty as for these I owe.
Sandwich, June 25th." (Vol. i. p. 414.)
And again : "If I could express my soul's
humble, infinite, and perfect thankfulness for
so high favors as Your Majesty's Qve dear
tokens, both the watch, the thorn, and, above
all, the angel which you sent to ffuard me,
for Your Majesty's sweet letters indited by
the spirit of spirits ; if for this, I say, I could
express my thankfulness, I would strain my
wits to perform it. Portland Road, 0th
July." (Vol. i. p. 41 O.J
At the time of Essex s disgrace, after the
proceedings in the Star Chamber, and when
still under restraint at Essex House, he
again alludes to this precious gift from the
Queen : —
" To mediate for me to Your Majesty, I neither
have nor would have any ; but to encourage me
to be an unfortunate petitioner for myself, I have
a lady, a nymph, or an angel, who, when all the
world frowns upon me, cannot look with other
than gracioas eyes, and who, as she resembles
Your Majesty moft of all creatures, so I know
not by what warrant she doth promise more
grace from Your Majesty than I without your
own warrant dare promise to myself.'
« April 4, 1000."
Had Essex possessed at this time any ring
or token which, by presenting, could have
entitled him to a restoration to favor, it
seems most improbable that he should have
kept it back, and yet alluded to this likeness
of the Queen, whose gracious eyes encour-
aged him to be a petitioner for himself.
The whole tone of this letter is, in fact, al-
most conclusive against the possibility of his
having in his possession any gift of hers en-
dowed with such rights as that of the ring
which the Countess of Nottingham is sup-
posed to have withheld.
•Vol. il>96.
From the North British Review.
EARLY CHRISTIAN LITERATURE OF STRIA.*
Dr. Arnold has somewhere remarked that
histories, instead of being too much prolong-
ed, are too brief and superficial. The re-
mark expresses, we are sure, the intense feel-
*1. 8^eet Metrical HymnB and HomUieB of E^h-
raem Sjfrttt, Translated from the Original ayr*
ta«, %oith an Introduction and Hittorical and
Philolooical Notee. By the Bev. Hkmrt Bur-
enw, PL D. of GotUogen, a Presbyter of ths
Chnroh of Eoglaud, Translator of the Festal L^t>
ters of Athaoaaiua, from an Ancient Syrilus Yer-
■ioD. London, 1858.
S. Bardeeenee Onpeticue, Syroruntprimiu Hymno'
loffue, Commentatio Hiatoricc^ ^neologiea quam
aeripeit Augustus Hahn. Lipeiae, 1819.
S. Vitit to the Monasteriet of the Levant. Bj the
Hon. RoBCBT CuazoM,. Jan. Fourth Edition.
London, 1868.
ing of many in these times, to whom the
study of the past is a deep moral necessity,
and who long for a history which shall be
more than a mere syllabus of names, and dates,
and external events, — which shall connect
these with the human hearts and intellects
whence they have received life. As regards
a history of the Church, the matter seems to
stand thus« We have something more than
its grand outlines in the well-known works
of Mosheim, Gieseler, and Neander : yet even
the amplest and richest of these books leaves
behind it a feeling of dissatisfaction, if it be
intelligently .and • earnestly read. Our con-
ceptions are painfully dim, when we are
eaffer to obtain <« close and familiar know-
ledge of the eTery*day movements of the
804
EARLT CHBffiTIAK LTTfiRATURE OF STRU.
LNOT.,
Christian community. Our readtnf( has also
awakened a keen craving for information
more minute and life-like. We thus are
grateful for supplemental books, — like Ne-
ander's Tertullian, and Julian and Chrysos-
torn, or, indeed, for any conributions which
may, in some measure, help us to imagine
the actual Christianity of the past and the
distant — fitted, as the picture often is, to ex-
pand the sympathies, and abate prejudices.
One marked characteristic of recent re-
search into other forms of Christian life, is
the special attention now given to the vener-
able but sadly decrepit Christian communi-
ties of the East, whose formularies exist in
languages cognate with the ancient Hebrew.
For ages these have been considered, it may
be, as objects of curioiity and m>urnful re-
trospect, but also as remote from the hopes
and living interests of modern Chiistian civ-
ilization. Happily, this indi£ference is begin-
ning to di&appear. The works of Curzon,
Layard, Badger, Fletcier, and many others,
have made Englishmen in some measure
familiar with the interesting communities on
the mountains and in the vallies of Syria
and Egypt. The generation which has dis-
closed the long buried monuments of Nine-
veh, and in which the eyes of the politicians
of the world are keenly directed to the East,
has brought into high relief the present
forms and feeble vitality of the Christian insti-
tutions of Ethiopia and Syria.
Among the Oriental Churches, those of
Syria should always hold a first place in the
affections of Christendom. The New Test-
ament, it is true, in wise adaptation to the
wants of coming ages, was given to the
world in Greek. But we remember that
our Lord and his disciples spoke in the dia-
lect of Syria;* that although the Sacred
penman wrote in Greek, it was in Syriac
that they heard their Masters's utterances,
and first preached the coming of the ** King-
dom of Heaven." In Syria, too, Christiani-
ty obtained its earliest triumphs, and the
disciples were called Christians first at An-
tioch.
The works placed at the head of this art-
*From various causee, especially their captivity
in Babylon, the Hebrews lost their dialee^ and
adopted tbe Aramscau or Syriac^ thus beooming, in
thede^liob of iiatioaal gr«alneaL more assimilated
with the surrouodiog peoples It was the lauguage
of Syria therefore, and not a oorroptioQ of Hebrew,
as is souetimes supposed, that was Ternacular to our
lord and his apostles. The Hebrew was still the
sacred tongue ; but the lAognage of ordinary life
waa, provinuialiscDs excepted, that used at Da-
mascus^ Antiooh, and Kdesaai
icle offer an occasion for presenting some in-
formation— new and curious even to the
student — concerning the life and literature
of this section of ancient Christendon. Syr-
iac Literature, in its existing monuments,
embraces the whole period from the date of
the invaluable Syriac version of the Scrip-
tures, known as the Peschito, until the pres-
ent age. It bursts upon us at the earlier
epoch in all the effulgence of a sanctified in-
tellect, and then gradually declines to the
misty and scarcely animated productions of
modern ecclesiastics.* Then the language
was spoken by nations of great political in-
fluence and refinement, and was made to ex-
press every shade of thought and passion ;
but now it has ceased to be an organ of a
people, and only lives in Church formularies,
and occasional controversial or diplomatic
productions. A patois^ in which fragments
of Syriac are discoverable among the over-
laying Arabic, may still be found in retired
religious communities ; but with these rare
exceptions, the language has long been a
dead one.f The era of its triumph and
glory may be said to have declined soon
after the death of Ephrakm, in the year
872 ; but it continued to exert an important
influence, especially in translations, down to
the time of Bar Hebraeus, or Abulpharag, in
the thirteenth century.
We might devote an article to the Syriac
version of the Old and New Testaments
alone, of which the excellences, though
generally acknowledged, are far too little
understood. The fact that Syrific is so
closely allied to Hebrew, wo\i\d prima facie,
confer importance on a version of the Old
Testament into the cognate tongue, apart
from the acknowledged fidelity of the Pes-
chito translation. How much more docs
the fact that our Lord and His apostles
spoke in Syriac, confer value on the trans-
lation of the New Testament, made at a
time wiien the language was vernacular to
* Joseph, a Syrian patriareh, who died in 1714,
wrote a treatise on the Nestorian Controversy , re-
Bpecting the person of Christ.
t Siooe writing the previous sentences, we have
received from a gentleman, lately retuuned from
Persia, a Number of a Magazine, printed and pub-
lished by the American missionaries in Oroomiah,
in that country. We have be^n agreeably surpris-
ed to find, that although there is a ^reat admixture
of words of Persian and Arabic origin, the Striae
is sufficiently prominent to give to the language its
character. The work is in quarto, and is entitled,
"lUysof Light." It consists of missionary and
midcellaneou:» articles on religious subjeota. We
rejoice in this happy symptom .
1853.]
EARLT CHRiaTIAK LITERATURS OF STRIA.
306
those who executed it? It is not improba-;
ble that, in this 8?riac Tersion, we have, in
many cases, the exact words employed in their
public miTusirations by our Lord and Bis
apostles. And yet this precious monument
of ancient piety and learning was not known
in Europe unlil the middle of the sixteenth
century, when Ignatius, the patriarch of
Antioch, sent Moses of Merdin to obtain the
aid of the Roman Pontiff in printing it.
Compared with the Greek original and the
Latin Vulgate its criticism is but recent, and
therefore scanty and imperfect.*
In order to convey to our readers some
idea of the remains of the past, to which so
high a value is justly attached, we may
describe briefly a Syriac manuscript, which
we had lately an opportunity of inspecting
in the British Museum. After glancing at I
other objects in that grand national reposi-
tory, we made our way to the manuscript
department, where the written lore of past
ages, which once slumbered in darkness and
was the prey of worms, shakes itself from
the dust, and puts on the garb of Russia
binding, under the supervision of Sir
Frederick Madden. The resurrection of
these faded parchments has, in many cases,
raised human thought from the charnel*
house, and given immortality td what was
long considered dead. This is the temple
of their fame, in whose niches that which
remains of the poet, the philosopher, the
historian, or the divine, is now enshrined.
This is the palace of the former great ones
of the world of mind, where, in silent state,
each shall sit, probably until the day of
doom, disturbed only by the curious student
or desultory visitor. But let us spend a
short time with these spectres of other
years.
We begin with the venerable relics which
have more than their antiquity to recom-
mend them— the manuscripts which God
has made the depositories of the documents
* No want is more prearing in relation to Bibli-
eal learning than a good critical edition of the
Byriac Scriptures, formed by the aid of the numer-
oa« ancient MSS. which are now known to exist.
We believe each a task is contemplated by the Rev.
W. Gureton, and earnestly hope he may be able to
complete iL To say nothing of the stores of the
Vatican, there are materials in oar own Museum of
the Highest value in relation to such a recension.
Manuscripts of the Holy Scriptures have been
brooght from Egypt at the expense of our Oovern-
ment» and are waiting for some practised hand to
nnlock their treasurea Criticism, on the Greek
side, has pretty neariy exhausted its stores, and it
may therefore bp hoped that attention will now be
turned to thb rich, but soaroely cultivated field.
VOL. XXX. NO. m.
on which our faith as Christians is built.
This is a Syriac manuscript from the collect-
ion of Rich, named after that successful ex-
plorer of Oriental treasures. To preserve
it from injury, it is enclosed in a Qase, which,
when opened, presents a compact volume
of the size which we moderns call royal
octavo^ and about two inches and a half in
thickness. It is bound in Russia, its contents
being lettered on the back. This is a copy
of the version of the New Testament in
Syriac, which we have already mentioned ;
it is described in the catalogue as exceeding-
ly old, the inscription of its transcriber fixing
its completion in the year of the Greeks
1079, or A.D. 768, making its present age
nearly eleven centuries. A man may well
feel awed when opening a production written
by hands so long since shrouded in the tomb,
in regions far away, and relating 'to topics
so sublime. The material is the finest vellum,
more or less discolored by age ; indeed,
much more so than some of the Nitrian
manuscripts a century or two earlier. The
writing is in double columns, and like most
ancient documents, is exceedingly correct,
clerical errors being coropaiatively rare.
The ink is very thick in consistence, more
like a pigment, making the letters stand out
somewhat in relief; and, except where damp
has injured it, the writing is quite intelli-
gible, as though written bi^t yesterday. The
titles of the separate books, and the headings
of the ecclesiastical divisions, are written m
red and green ink, of so good a color that
they give the page a gay appearance. The
beginning of the volume, as far as the third
chapter of Matthew, is lost ; but the deficiency
has been supplied, in a larger character, by
a more modern writer. A note informs us
that the work was finished more than a
thousand years ago by a certain Sabar Jesu,
in the monastery of Beth Cocensi.
0 Sabar Jesu! we mentally exclaimed,
on whose handiwork we are now looking,
who wer^ thou ? what was thy history ?
whtft drove thee from the world to the
company of monks, and what was the extent
of thy literary labors? This age knows
nothing of thee but thy name, thus inscribed
by thyself in red letters at the close of thy
great undertaking. Thy course was silent
and contemplative, for a work like this could
only be wrought in the solitary cell, and
with concentrated attention. We will "not
say, On thy soul may God have mercy, as thy
fellow -scribes so often write at the close of
their tasks; but we will hope that, while
giving to after ages this monument of
SO
306
EARLY CHRISTIAir LITERATUBB OF SYRIA.
[Nor.,
Cbristiaa truth, thou didst feed upon it io
thine own spirit ! Sabar Jesu, thou wast
different in thy language, thy dress, and thy
habits, from the men of this generation, but
thou wast a Christian, and didst, we hope,
drink of the same living waters as supply
our wants, and we therefore gladly call thee
brother. We trust thou art now at rest, and
wilt stand in thy lot at the end of the days !
£de8sa appears to have been renowned
for its literature very early in the Christian
era. Tradition ascribes its conversion to
Thomas the Apostle. There are reasons for
thinking that these translations of the Bible
were made there ; but it is certain that the
place was celebrated for its schools of learn-
mg. Asseman states,* that " in the city of
Edessa there was a school of the Persian
nation, established by some one unknown,
in which Christian youths were taught sacred
literature." Indubitable proofs are furnish-
ed by Dr. Burgess, of a very early literary
vitality in this celebMrated city. Here Barde-
sanes flourished in the second century, and
here Ephraem preached and wrote in the
fourth. Much curious information respect-
ing Bardesanes, especially in relation to the
Syriac Hymnology, is found in the scarce
tract named at the head of this paper. He
was a Gnostic Christian, who» by the charms
of oratory, and by musical adaptations to
hymns and other metrical compositions,
bewitched the people with his heresies. His
works have perished, except some fragments
found in the writings of Ephraem ; but,
from the testimony borne by ancient writers,
he must have been a man of rare genius, able
greatly to influence the public mind.
It was in opposition to the influence exerted
by the memorv and the writings of Barde-
sanes, that Ephraem, the Deacon of Edessa,
as the '* champion of Christ, put on his arms,
and proclaimed war against the forces of bis
enemies." Thus originated a noble mon-
ument of Christian literature, in the form of
a set of polemical homilies* which have come
down to us in the original Syriac. They
are entitled, in the Roman edition, Semwnes
Pokmki adversu$ HaereseM, They contain
an account of the heresies which disturbed
the Eastern Church in the first four centu-
ries, more copious, perhaps, than is extant in
any other record.
It thus appears that from the time of
the formation of the Pescbito versions to
Ephraem, the Syriac language was employed
as an important instrument for afiecting the
• Bibliatk€€m OrUnUai$t», torn. ir. p. 69.
public mind. We have no doubt that many
works of genius appeared in the long in-
terval, as well as tliose of Bardesanes. But
we must look to Ephrasm as the great
master of Syriac literature, for in his time
the language was in its complete manhood.
How much he wrote it is impossible to say ;
but his surviving compositions are volumi-
nous, and have yet for the most part, to
be introduced to the public. It is doubted
by some whether he understood Greek : it is
certain that he did not write in it ; and, con-
sequently, his works extant in that language
are only translations. Yet it is by these
versions that he is generally estimated as an
author, his genuine Syriac writings having
been neglected, in the too prevalent ignorance
of that language. Great facility is given
for the study of them by the magnificeot
edition published at Rome by the Assemans
in the early part and about the middle of
the last century. In six large folios, nearly
all the confessed works of thb celebrated
Father of the Church have been collected,
and edited with a critical sis^acity and elab-
orate care which must ever confer honor
on the editors. Three volumes contain the
Greek translations, and three the Syriac
originals — ^the latter being in nearly all cases
productions different from the former. Of
these three volumes, about one and a-half are
occupied with a Commentary on the Old
Testament, which deserves more attention
than it has yet received. The other volume
and a-half contain hymns and homilies on
every variety of topic concerning Christian
life and doctrine.*
The Syriac writers after Ephraem are very
numerous, but none possess his genius. They
are all referred to, with notices of their lives
and characteristic catalogues of their known
writings, in that marvellous production of
learned industry, the Bihliotheea OrieniaUi
of J. S. Asseman. This work, like the edition
of Ephraem just referred to, we owe to the
patronage of the Popes, and the treasures of
the Vatican — would that two such potent
instruments were always as usefully em-
ployed ! — both turned to account by the
master minds of the Assemans and their co-
adjutors. It may be confidently said that
this work contains literary wealth not likely
to be soon exhausted ; and that Syriac Lite-
rature « is more indebted to it than to any
work besides, the editions of the Holy Scrip-
* It is from thift portion of Ephraem's writings
that Dr. Burgen has selected the pieces trandated
in his Tolome. He has aocomptmed the traiiBla-
tions with some valuable notes.
1858.]
KABLY OHRISTIAir LITERATURE OF SYRU.
SOY
tares excepted. As a catalogue, it indi-
cates where materials for illustrating the
Syrian Church, its language and literature,
are to be found ; but it does far more than
this. It gives lengthened extracts from the
writers enumerated ; to such an extent, in-
deed, that Syriac lexicography would be
marvellously enriched if these stores alone
were properly examined and applied. There
18 only one deduction to make from the
praises we are able to bestow on both these
works — the edition of Ephraem and the
Bibliotheca — they are necessarily very ex-
pensive, and consequently not always avail-
able to those who might make good use of
them.
We have said enough to show that Syriac
Literature is very extensive in its existing
monuments, and that it supplies abundant
materials for a laborious scholarship yet to
work upon. But we must now turn to an
aspect of it singularly interesting and re-
markable, as exhibited to us in the volume of
Dr. Burgess. We quote his words : —
** When the student comes in contact with the
Syrian f hnrch Literature, either in man a script
or printed books, he is attracted by the singular
fact, that much of it is in a metrical form. We
lay stress on the word etuderUt because a super-
ficial investigation will leave the phenomenon
unnoticed, as has indeed happened to men of
learning. Both in manuscripts and printed
books the metrical verses of this literature are
generally written as prose, only a point indicating
Sie close of a rythm, and that not always ; so
that such works may be consulted occasionally,
as books of reference, without their artificial con-
struction being perceived. But apart from all
marks of distinction, as soon as these composi-
tions are read and studied in their individual
completeness, their rythmical character beoomeR
evident, sometimes from the poetical style of what
Is thus circumscribed by tnese prosoclical meas-
ures, bat always from the moalding and fashion*
ine which the language has to undergo before it
wul yield up its freedom to the fetters of verse.
This then is the sphere of our present undertak-
ing, and it will be our duty to trace up this met-
rical literature to its origin as far as historical
light will ^uide us : to say something on the laws
by which its composition appears to be regulated ;
to glance at its existing monuments ; and then,
more especially, to treat of the works of Ephraem,
the great master of this literature, a few of whose
compositions are now brought before the English
public." — Pp. xxii., xxiii.
Now, when it is known that all the extant
writings of Ephraem in SyHae, with the ex*
ception of his Commentary on the Old Tes*
tament, are composed in this metrical form,
and that in the Roman edition they occupy
a folio volume and a half, it may excite sur-
prise that this extraordinary feature should
not have had more attention, and engaged
scholars in the dilligent study of it.* If this
vast amount of composition had consisted
merely of hymns, iis neglect would have
been less surprising; but it includes every
description of subject, from discourses of
great length to the short hymn properly so
designated. We have here polemical treatises
on doctrine, religious poems, meditations,
and prayers.
It would be considered an extraordinary
circumstance in the case of any Greek or
Latin author, whose works are printed, thai
the metrical fortn of his writtings should noi
be recognized ; and yet this is what haa
happened to Ephraem. It is a fact whieb
speaks loudly of the jjttle attention given
to Syriac learning. Nor is this a natter
of mere literary curiosity. It concerns the
whole Christian and ministerial life of these
communities of Syria and their pastors, and
reveals views of early Christianity moat in-
teresting and curious. As far as we can
judge from existing documents^ all Ephraem*^
pulpit effbrte were metrical, and his hearers
were instructed from time to time with com-
positions of rare felicity of invention and
strength of argument, clothed in a form
highly poetic.
The metrical writings of Ephraem have^
for the most part, far more than the exter-
nal and adventitious form of poetical com-
position; they are essentially poetic in
their conception and execution. We can-
not now present proof of this; but our
readers may judge for themselves, by the
few pieces which Dr. Burgess has translated.
We cannot compare him with any of his
predecessors, from the want of any of their
remains, but he is favorably contrasted
with those who come after him. For the
greater part, the latter are circumscribed by
the few topics especially related to them aa
Churchmen, and can lay no claim to general
literary knowledge and genius. But Ephm*
em, while confining himself very much to
Biblical thoughts, is copious in his fancy^
and has a considerable creative imagination.
The external form of Ephraem*s versifi-
cation is varied, but in all cases the rhythm
is reckoned by syllables — not by feet, as is
* The editors of the Syriao works of Ephraem ar*
not to blame for tbii^ for they have in their preiiM«a
pointed oat all the metrical pieoei^ and expatiated
on their usual various merita
808
EARLY 0HRI8TIAN LITERATUBB OF STRIA.
generally the case in the Greek and Roman
verse. The Sjriac metres are six in num-
ber, consisting respectively of four, five, six,
seven, eight, and twelve, syllables. Each of
these is found in strophes or stnnzas of va-
rious lengths, from three or four to twenty
or thirty verses. Many pieces are com-
posed of different verses. Ephraem appears
to have exercised much ingenuity, in giving
the charm of variety to his compositions in
accommodation to the popular taste of
Edessa. Sometimes his pieces have rhymes,
but these are of rare occurrence; some-
times they have similar endings in the
lines- It is a singular fact that while the
great number of forms and metres in our
modern hymn-books is a ground of objec-
tion with some persons on the score of
taste, the hynms of the Syrians of the fourth
century, go far beyond them in their ca-
pricious and fanciful arrangements. If, as
18 to be presumed, these were all accom-
modations to musical times, we have pre-
sented to us a Christian service, endeavour-
ing by every possible variety to keep up
the attention and life of the worshipers.
But there is another notable feature of
these com positions, which is thus referred tQ
by Dr. Burgess : —
*' Historical evidence is quite conclusive as to
the popularty of the practice of alternate sing-
ing in the early Syrian Church, and as to the
important use made of it both by Bardesanes
and Ephraem, as an instrument for moulding
and fashioning the public mind. And its in-
fluence is founded in nature, exciting as it does
an interest in a public service, and keeping
alive an enthusiasm in more private musical
performances. • . . There arc at least two
distinct forms of this practice manifest in the
works of Ephraem. The first has the charac-
ter of the dialogue, or rather of the amcebaBic
poems of Theocritus and Virgil ; when two per-
sons, or more, carry on a conversation on a to-
pic forming^ the subject of the composition.
. . . But the second form of the respon-
sive chant is more common ; it consists of a cho-
rus at the end of each strophe, formed either by
a repetition of a portion of the poem, by a pray-
er, or by a doxology." — P. liv. .
When we ask the very natural question, —
"Who invented these metres, or first intro-
duced metrical compositions into Christian
worship ? we get no reply, the whole mat-
ter being involved in obscurity, in the first
and second centuries. Tradition assigns
the invention to Bardesanes. Harmonius,
the son of Bardesanes, is said to have been
educated in Greece, and afterwards to have
improved upon his father's discovery, by
[Nov.,
the introduction of Greek metres. We in-
cline to think that the Syrians very early
introduced into their language the metrical
forms of the Greek and Latin literature ;
but whether the Church originated the prac-
tice of metrical writing, or adopted it and
improved upon it, is probably still an open
question.
In the liturgies and service books of the
Syrian Christians many hymns are inter-
spersed, and it is from these shorter pieces
that the current opinion respecting the char-
acter of the metrical writings has been
formed. Certainly, if Ephraem Vhad only
written these shorter pieces, they would
have been worthy of attention; but the
value of the metrical literature is greatly
enchanced by its being the vehicle of dis-
courses on controversies, and doctrines, as well
as matters of Christian practice, A set of
homilies, thirteen in number, on the Nativi-
ty, occupy forty folio columns of Syriac,
and may be properly considered as a con-
tinuous work, although thus divided for
convenience.
Our readers may perhaps expect a speci-
men of the Literature we have been describ-
ing, and we select the first hymn from the
volumn before us. It is in Tetrasyllabic
metre in the Syriac, and consequently terse
and compressed in its composition.
OR THE DEATH OF A CHILD.
" Oh my Son, tenderly beloved !
Whom grace fashioned
In his mother's womb,
And divine goodness completely formed.
He appeared in the world
Suffering like a fiower ;
And Death put forth a heat
More fierce than the sun,
And scattered its leaves
And withered it, that it ceased to be.
I fear to weep for thee,
Because I am instructed
That the Son of the King hath removed thee
To ttis bright habitation.
<* Nature in its fondness
Disposes me to tears,
Because, my son, of thy departure.
But when I remember the bright abode
To which they have led thee,
I fear lest I should defile
The dwelling-place of the King
By weeping, which is adverse to it ;
And lest I should be blamed
For coming to the region of bliss
With tears which belong to sadnete ;
I will therefore rejoice,
Approaching with my onmixed offering.
1858.J
BARLT GHBiaiXAN XiITERATlTRE OF 8TRIA.
300
" The sonnd of thy sweet notes
Once moved me and caught mine ear.
And caused me much to wonder ;
Again my memory listens to it,
And is effected by tho tones
And harmonies of thy tenderness.
But when my spirit groans aloud
On account of these things,
My judgment recalls me,
And listens with admiration
To the voices of those who live on high ;
To the sonpr of the spiritual ones
Who cry aloud, Hosannah !
At thy marriage festival.*'
To appreciate tho genius of this Syrian
divine it is necessary to compare his hymns
with those of the early Latin and Greek
Churches. This may be conveniently done,
as far as the latter are concerned, by con-
sulting Daniel's Thetaurtu Hymnologicua.'^
A great difference will, with a few excep-
tions, be at once perceptible in the freedom
and general literary expansiveness of
Ephraem, contrasted with the narrow and
mere doctrinal productions of the Greek
Upd Latin hymn writers. The Greek and
Latin hymns are mostly only adapted for
eccle&iastical use, while a great number of
Ephraem's pieces have an mterest as exten-
sive as human nature. This characteristic
is doubtless attributable. in part to his free-
dom from the fetters of religious conven-
tionalism and theological polemic. It is
true the controversies respecting heresies
had distracted the Church before this time,
but they had not resulted in the hard stereo-
typing of the mind in the prescribed formu-
las which soon afterwards took the place of
a free exposition of Scripture, and obstructed
the development of religious life.
This remark suggests some examination of
the relation of the early religious life and lit-
erature of Syria to the forms of Christianity
which now prevail in that country. If our
readers wish to pursue the sad comparison
at greater length than our space will now
permit, we refer them to the volume of Dr.
Burgess and the Bardesanes of Hahn for the
former period ; and for the modem Church-
es, to the other works placed at the head of'
this article. By these aids very different
are the pictures we get of the working of
Christianity in nearly the same places — but
at eras separated by fifteen centuries. How,
comes it that in the one epoch there is little
ardent, impassioned, and practical * in the
other, only a slight movement in the debil-
* In three volumes. Halle & Leipaic, 1841-1846.
itated members, and a hectic flush upon the
brow?
In ancient times, there were doubtless
fixed ritual arrangements by which the Syr-
iac Churches were governed, but, whatever
they were, they were not so cumbrous or
stringent as to destroy the freedom and para-
lyze the action of the religious life. The
ecclesiastical system then existing allowed
a latitude in the conception of new methods
of Christian operation and in carrying these
into action. While moving within the or-
bit of a Church system, Ephraem was not
rigidly con6ned to any linear course in it,
but could move right and left ns his con-
science might guide him, or as the profit of
the people might seem to demand. The
public service of that age seems to have ad-
mitted a variety of form ; its boundary
lines were sufficiently elastic to allow of
novelties in the external accompaniments of
worship. For example, on the occasion of
a death, Ephraem was wont to compose a
piece appropriate to each special instance,
and which, as the case might demand, la-
mented the premature decay of the flower
of infancy and youth, the mysterious re-
moval of the head of a household, or the de-
scent into the tomb of ripe old age, each
instance suggesting fitting Biblical topics
and consolations. The great variety of this
class of his writings shows us that every
opportunity was embraced of turning the
sorrows of the bereaved to the best account
— hb Syriao pieces on death, as far as pub-
lished, amounting to eighty-five. Great
public events were in a similar way sugges-
tive of materials for public worship. Sev-
eral homilies exist, written in the times of
pestilence, from which Syria suffered so
much. And this freedom to adopt new
modes of teaching was not confined to oc-
casional services, it evidently pervaded the
ordinary performance of divine worship.
Putting all these signs and motives of vig-
orous life together, we are at no less for a
reason why, in the fourth centnry ; the Church
at Edessa flourished.
But, as time rolled on, system and me-
chanical routine gradually took the place of
spontaneous movement; age by age cus-
tom became stronger in its' influence, and
at length assumed the office of a supreme
arbiter in the Church. Some centuries after
Ephraem, his successors were satisfied with
his thoughts, and ceased to put forth their
own. Imperceptibly, yet surely, like the
gathering frosts of winter, conventionalisms
and church laws bound all free aspirations
810
BABLY CHRISnA}^ IITEBATUBB OF S7BIA.
[Nov.
9
in their icy chains^ until the Syrian Ch arches
became what they now are. The times
changed, but men did not change their
modes of action with them. The language
of Ephraem ceased to be a living one, and
yet continued to be the vehicle of the
hymns and liturgies of the church. No
active spirit appeared, to accomodate the
utterances of Divine truth, to new and diffe-
rent circumstances ; and even if genius had
conceived the design, it was immediately
repressed by the doctrine, that what was
new could not be sanctioned because it was
irregular. When we read the works written
by modern travellers who have visited these
Churches, we learn that they now pride
themselves on their orthodoxy and zeal for
ecclesiastical forms and traditions, or main-
tain the direct succession of their, ministers
from the apostles. A sorry substitute for
the want'of apostolic life and doctrine ?
It seems that no ' restoration of earnest
Christianity can be expected among these
ancient Syriac Churches, until the barrier of
conventionalism is thrown down, and their
religious teachers labor among them as
Ephraera did at Edessa, adapting their teach^
ings and operations to existing wants and
circumstances. Various efforts have been
made by the Episcopal Churches of the
West to vivify their brethren in the East,
but it is plain that too much attention has
been given 'to their antiquities, and too little
to their practical religions wants. If it is
true that a superstitums attachment to that
which is old, has led to the low state of
these communities, it must be desirable* to
correct rather than cherish that feeling, and
to move stagnant thought by opening up
new channels. In this way the American
missionaries among the Neslorians in Persia,
referred to by Mr Badger, have acted, and
apparently with signal success. The Bible
is translated into their modern tongue ; mo-
dem religious books are distributed ; schools
established, and the gospel preached in
the living language of the people. Mr.
Badger's work, we may add, is deeply inte-
resting throughout ; but he is, in our opi-
nion, much too hard on the American mis-
sionaries, and disposed too little to value
their labors, because they are not Episco-
palians. We presume the lively volume of
Mr. Curzon has been seen by most of our
readers. It contains valuable information
concerning the Eastern forms of Christianity,
and humorously, yet affectingly, describes
the living death of the Syrian and other
monastenes in these regions.
We conclude with an expression of hope,
that the field to which we have introduced
our readers^ may soon bo occupied by dili-
gent laborers. Dr. Burgess, in particular
has devoted himself, apparently amid many
difficulties, to a department of literature in
which he has few companions. He is an
enthusiastic Syriac scholar. His book is a
real contribution to our knowledge of the
christian life and literature of the East io
the fourth century ; presented too in a man-
ner well fitted even for popular reading. In
these hymns and metrical homilies of the
Edessan teacher — many of them fit utte-
rances of the tenderest and liveliest emo-
tions of a christian, — we see vividly how
Christianity, after its three centuries of tre-
mendous struggle, had conquered its way to
the world's heart, and became the moving
principle of their life to thousands in the
regions of Syria. We are grieved to think,
with Dr. Burgess, that there are some good
people among us who look with suspicion,
at least, on literary labors like bis, — fitted
as these labors are to remove exclusive-
ness by an incursion among past and dis-
tant forms of religious thought and worship.
Surely those who tremble at the resuscita-
tion of an Ephraem or a Chrysostom, can-
not be easy among the more daring foes of
these irreverent days. In truth, every his-
toric light struck out between the time we
live in and the time of the humiliation of
the Son of Ood, throws some part of its ra-
diance on the great objects presented in the
New Testament, and may help us to grasp
these more firmly as historic facts.
1658.]
SIR THOMAS NOOK TALFOUBD.
911
From (he New Ifonthly Xagasine.
SIR THOMAS NOON TALFOURD.
To win gdden opioioos (we speak not of
fees) from all sorts of men, in and out of
Westminster Hall, as Mr Serjeant and Mr.
Justice, is good. To win renown in litera-
ture— such renown as comes not of sounding
brass and tinkling cymbal — is — iwell, out
with it ! — better. To win tbe loving esteem
of all one's associates, as a man with heart
large enough for them all, is best. This
food, better, best, hath Sir Thomas Noon
alfourd. His it is to enjoy at once the
three degrees of comparison — the positive
forensic, the comparative literary, and the
superlative humane. A case in Rule of Three
with a splendid quotient. To " take a rule"
of that sort, is not allowed to many. But
Sir Thomas has it all his own way — " rule
absolute." And probably, were his good
wishes for his brethren as efiScacious as they
are cordial and general, there would be hard-
ly an instance of " rule refused." But there
is no surplusage of instances of combined
literary and forensic success. To him who
would be at once a great lawyer and a great
poet, and would bind up together in his book
of life the studies of Blackstone and the
dreams of Coleridge, — to him £i]5erience,
harsh monitor, whispers, or if need be
screams, Divide and conquer. Eminence in
both departments is of tbe rarest. Scott re-
tained his clerkship at the Court of Session,
but who ever heard of the Wizard of tbe
North as a law authority ? Jeffrey is one of
the select inner circle to which Talfourd be-
longs. Wilspn and Lockhart — " oh no, we
never mention them" in wig and gown. Sir
Archibald Alison and Professor Aytoun, Mr.
Procter and Serjeant Kinglake, Lords Broug-
ham and Campbell, Mr. Ten Thousand-a-
Year Warren and a few others, are not all
unexceptionable exceptions to prove the rule.
And yet there has ever been, more or less,
a hankering after the Muses and the Maga-
lines on the part of Messieurs of the long
jobe.* Very natural, too, if only by a law
* For example (though one swallow proves not
•aminer,) the French lawvers of the sixteenth oen-
tory. A biographer of Etienne PasquieJ, aiter |
of reaction ; but very hazardous, notwith-
standing ; and alarmingly symptomatic of a
fall between two stools. Odo thing at a
time the ambiguously ambitious avocat may
do triumphantly ; but to drive Pegasus up
and down an act of parliament, whatever
may de done with a coach-and-six, is no
every-day sight, no anybody's feat. Lord
Eldon, when plain Jack Scott, keeping his
terms at Oxford, obtained the prise of Eng-
lish composition, " On the Advantages and
Disadvantages of Foreign Travel ;" and it
has been remarked, we believe bv Mr. Justice
Talfourd himself,* that since the subject of
this essay was far removed from John's New-
castle experience, and alien from his studies,
and must therefore have owed its success
either to the ingenuity of its suggestions, or
to the graces of its style ; and that as, in
after-life the prize essayist was never dis-
tinguished for felicity of expression or fer-
tility of illustration, and acquired a style not
only destitute of ornament, but unwieldy and
ponderous; this youthful success suggests
the question, '* Whether in devoting all his
powers to the study of the law, he crushed
the faculty of graceful composition with so
violent an eflTort, that Nature, in revenge,
made his ear dull to the music of language,
and involved, though she did not darken, bis
wisest words?" Happily no such qucere
affects the career of the author of " Ion."
He, indeed, is not Lord High Chancellor;
which makes a difference. But neither did
the great Eldon write a triumphant tragedy ;
and that again makes a difference in the
Puisne Judge's favor. Fancy lK>rd El-
don editing the Reliques of Ella, or meas-
uring Macready for blank verse ; and if that
is not extravagant enough, then fancy your-
relating his dilmt as avocat at the barreau de Paris
proeeeds to eay ; " Et en m^me tempfli pour ooonper
aes loisin^ il Be livra a la po^sie a la composition
lit^raire, earaetire qui dittingtti at generation
d^avocatSf et Pasqaier entre lea aatres."
* Unleas we err m attribnting to his pen the
very pleasant notice of the Lives of Lord Eldua
and Lord Stowell, in the Quarterly Review for
December, 1844.
312
filR THOMAS NOON TALFOUBD.
[Not.,
self reading the one, or squeezing into the
pit to see the other.
Sir Thomas was not far gone in his teens
when he woo'd and won publicity, it is said,
by a " poem" on the liberation of Sir Fran-
cis Burdett from durance vile. While still a
schoolboy at Reading, he published a volume
of '* poems,'* including a sacred drama on
the ^* Offering of IsaMc" (inspired by that
admiration of Mistress Hannah More, of
which lingering traces survive, in the pre-
face to " Ion,") '* An Indian Tale," and some
verses about the Education of the Poor,
suggested by a visit to Reading of Joseph
Lancaster. School-days over, he came to
London, and fagged under the famous Chitty,
in whose Criminal Law he aided and abetted.
Then we find him fertile in the production of
pamphlets, on toleration, on penal institut-
ions, <fec., and taking a gallant stand on the
side of Wordsworth, at a time (1815) when
to do 80 was to be in a scouted and flouted
minority. Anou be is on the list of con-
tributors to the periodical literature of the
day — to the Retrospective Review ^ the En-
cyclopcedia Metropolitana^ and the Ixmdon
Magazine. T|iis kind of work he engaged
in for love and money. Himself is our au-
thority for making lucre a part of his motive :
for when old Godwin toddled into the young
advocate's chambers, the very morning after
an introduction at Charies Lamb's, and then
and there " carelessly observed that he had
a little bill for 150/. falling due on the mor-
row, which he had forgotten till that morn-
ing, and desired the loan of the necessary
amount for a few weeks," — the flattered and
regretful Tafourd " was obliged, with much
confusion," he tells us, '* to assure my dis-
tinguished visitor how glad I should have
been to serve him, but that I was only just
starting as a special pleader, was obliged to
write for magazines to help me on, and had
tiot such a sum in the world."* The articles
contributed to the Encyclopcedia are the
most notable of his labors nt this period, and
well deserved their recent republication in a
compact, collected form.f Foremost among
these is his history of Greek Literature.
Here he contrives to press a large amount of
information into very narrow limits-^as they
seem, at least, when compared with those
defined for himself, on the same classical
ground, by Colonel Mure. We are told all
that is known, and of course a trifle more,
* FiDftl Memorials of Chiirles Lamb,
f Id the seriee of reprints by Measn. GrifBo, in
orown octavo, oommenoed in 1849.
about such early birds as Linus — be he sin-
gular, dual, or plurimal — and Orpheus, who
brought Wisdom into Greece, and married
her to immortal verse, and by his music sub-
dued I' Inferno itself, *' creating a soul under
the ribs of death" — and Musseus, priest of
the mysteries of Orpheus, and perhaps his
son. Homer is amply discussed — large place
being given to what Hartley Coleridge calls
the Wolfish and Heinous point of view, and
due stress laid on the good old conservative
creed, which believes m the strict individu-
ality of the bard. To divide, the stanchly
orthodox feel, is to destroy : — *' that fame
which has so long resisted time, change, and
mortal accident, would crumble into ruins —
an immense blank would be left to the im-
agination, an aching void in the heart — the
greatest light, save one, shining from the
depth of time, would be extinguished, and a
glory pass away from the earth." Homer,
therefore, is assumed to be, not a class, but a
mnn ; not an abstract, impersonal Un-Self
and Co., but our familiar childhood honored
Homer's own Self; the man we came to
know in connexion with Donnegan's obsolete
lexicon, and Pope's sonorous verse ; the well-
known blind old man of Scio's rocky isle —
who was born in one of the seven states
hexametrically immortalised.
Smyrna, Rhodas, ColophoUi Salamis, Chios,
Argos, Athense,
and not in all seven at once, not in seventy
times seven, as the German theory would im-
ply.— Hesiod is designated the most unequal
of poets; sometimes daringly and ardently
imaginative, at other times insufierably low^
creeping, tame, and prosaic ; in his didactic
poetry, rising occasionally into a high and
philosophical strain of thought, but common-
ly giving mere trite maxims of prudence,
and the most common-place worldly cunning ;
without any of Homer's refined gallantry, and,
indeed, something very like a misogynist and
a croaker. — The three great tragic poets of
Greece are ably portrayed, though without,
perhaps, any very original criticism or sub-
tle discrimination : the " intrepid and fiery** •
i£schylus, on whose soul mighty imagina-
tions trooped so fast, that, in the heat of his
inspiration, he stopped not to accurately de-
fine or clearly develop them — like his own
Prometheus, stealing fire from heaven to in-
spire and vivify his characters — however
mighty his theme, always bringing to it a
kindred emotion, but never losing his state-
liness in his passion, never denuding his ter-
rors of an unearthly grandeur and awe.
1858.]
SIR THOMAS NOON TALF0T7BD.
813
Sophocles : always perfect master of him'
self and his subject ; conscious of the pre-
cise measure of his own capacities; main-
taining undisturbed, his majestic course, in
calm and beautiful progression ; in every-
thing lucid and clear, never forgetting the
harmony and proportion of the whole, m the
variety and complexity of the parts — his
philosophy musical as is Apollo's lute —
his wisdom made visible in the form of beauty.
Euripides : appealing less to the imagination
than to the sensibilities and the understand-
ing— ^loving to triumph by involving us in
metaphysical subtleties, or by disolving us in
tears, and* scarcely ever laboring to attain
the grreat object of the other tragedians, a
representation of serene beauty; — ^a mind
more penetrating and refined than eihalted ;
holding up to nature a mirror rather micro-
scopic than ennobling ; intent on depicting
situations the most cheerless and externally
desolate, so that "Electra appears tottering
not only beneath the weight of affliction, but
of a hugh pitcher of water ; and Menelaus
mourns at once the mangled honor of his
wife and the tattered condition of his gar-
ments." To the same Unct/clbpcedia, Sir
Thomas contributed the notices of the Lyric
Poets of Greece, of Thucydides, sections of
the history of Greece and of Rome, the Arts
and Sciences of the Ancients, &c.
*He stood well, too, on the once brilliant
staff of the London Magazine, that bright-
starred, thickly-starred, ill-starred rival of
Old Ebony. Remembering how noble an
army of coadjutors it once maintained, we
may well concur in Hood's saying, that per-
haps no ex-periodical might so appropriately
be apostrophised with the Irish funeral ques-
tion, ''Arrah, honey, why did you die?*'
" Had you not," he continues (and as poor
John Scott's successor he speaks feelingly),
** an editor, and elegant prose writers, and
beautiful poets, and broths of boys for criti-
cism and classics, and wits and humorists, —
Elia, Gary, Procter, Cunningham, Bowring,
Barton, Hazlitt, Elton, Hartley, Coleridge,
Talfourd, Soane, Horace Smith, Reynolds,
Poole, Clare, and Thomas Benyon, with a
power besides? Hadn't you Lions' Heads
with Traditional Tales? Hadn't you an
Opium-eater, and a Dwarf, and a Giant, and
a learned Lamb, and a Green Man ? Arrah,
why did you die ?"* To that longer-lived
• HwHra Own (1846). The pathetic Why in ihw
inqnest touching the ** dear deceased" Beems to find
its aoBwer io the miBmaDagement of new proprie-
tori^ and the fklling off of old contribttton. ThoB
Magazine which the reader now holds in his
hand, was Mr. Talfourd also a steady con-
tributor ; and he has amusingly recorded his
sense of the utter unfitness of the then
Editor (Campbell) for his office — alleging
that he regarded a magazine as if it were a
long affidavit, or a short answer in Chancery,
in which the absolute truth of every senti-
ment and the propriety of every jest were
verified by the editor's oath or solemn
affirmation ; that he stopped the press for a
week at a comma, balanced contending epi-
thets for a fortnight, and at last grew rash in
his despair, and tossed the nearest, and often
the worst article, " unwhipp'd of justice," to
the impatient printer. Both the great Quar-
terlies, we believe, may also claim the name
of Trilfourd on their respective lists of criti-
cal allies.
But though periodical literature hajl pro-
vided his labors with a " local habitation," a
"name" of prominent import and illumina-
ted letters was first secured to him by the
production of "Ion." The play was pri-
vately printed in 1834, and reviewed in the
Quarterly ; its performance at Covent Gar-
den in 1836 was one of the memorabilia of
the modern staore. Mitss Mitford has told us
of one brilliant gathering congregated to
watch the fortunes of the tragedy on its
opening night; and Mr. Leigh Hunt has
pictured the dazzling coup d^ml of the
theatre, where, " ever and aye, hands, stung
with tear- thrilled eyes, snapping the silence,*
burst in crashing thunders ' — and where the
we read in a letter of Lamb's to Wordsworth
(1822) : " Onr chief reputed aaaiBtante have for-
saken U8. The Opinm-eater crowed us once with a
dazzling path, and hath as suddenly left us dark-
ling :-^nd again, to Bernard Barton (1828): The
London, I fear, falls off. I linger among its creak-
ing rafters, like the last rat ; it will topple down if
they don^t get some buttresses. They have pulled
down three ; Hazlitt, Procter, and their best stay,
kind, light hearted Wainwright, their Janus." (Of
the last-mentioned [Janus Weathercock], Justice
Talfourd disclosed a lamentable history in the
Final Memcriaig.) Thomas Hood thus sketches
the catastrophe of the declining Maeazine : " Worst >
of all, a new editor tried to put the JBelles Letters in
Utilitarian envelopes; whereupon the circulation
of the Miscellany, like that of poor Le Fevre, got
slower, slower, slower, — and slower still, — and then
stopped for ever 1 It was a sorry scattering of those
old Londoners I Some went out of the country^
one (Clare) went into it Lamb retreated to Cole-
brook. Mr. Cary presented himself to the British
Museum. Reynolas and Barry took to engrossing
when they should pen a stanza; and Thomas Ben-
yon ga^ up literature."
* All this, by the way, is rather difficult to con-
strue, Mr. Hunt
814
Sm THOHAB NOON TALFOUBB.
[Not.,
proud, glad-hearted dramatist might, amid
thick-clustered intellectaal bevies,
see his high compeersi
Wordsworth and Landor — see the piled array,
The many-visafifed heart, looking one way,
Come to drink beauteous truth at eyes and ears.
Of " loQ " we may say, as its author has
said of the "Ion" of Euripides, that tha
Bimplicity and reverence inherent in th^ mind
of its hero are no less distinct and lovely than
the picture of the scenery with which he is
surrounded. His feelings of humble grati-
tude to the power which has protected him —
his virtue unspotted from the world — and
his cleaving to the sacred seclusion which
has enwrapped him from childhood, are
beautifully drawn. The picture seems sky-
tinctured, of an etheria] purity of coloring.*
life hath flowed
From its mysterious urn a sacred stream,
In whose calm depth the beautiful and pure
Alone are mirrorM.
Love is the germ of his mild nature, and
hitherto the love of others hath made his
life one cloudless holiday. But a curse
smites the city — pestilence stalks there by
noonday, and its arrows fly by night, and
there is not a house in which there's not one
dead —
'sv f * h «'up9opo; ^£0^
Sxti-^^g ^Xauvei, Xoijxof ^X^itf^'Of, iroXiv.J
And with this crisis in the history of Argos
opens a crisis in the nature of Ion — his soul
responding mysteriously to the public afflic-
tion, and conscious of strange connexion ^ith
k: his bearing becomes altered; his smile,
gracious as ever, wears unwonted sorrow in
its sweetness ; " bis form appears dilated ;
in those eyes where pleasure danced, a
thoughtful sadness dwells; stern purpose
knits the forehead, which till now knew not
the passing wrinkle of a care." All this is
touchingly and tenderly brought out; and
indeed the whole tragedy is touching and
tender. Beautiful passages, feelingly thought-
ful, and in a dulcet strain of rhythmical ex-
pression, enrich its scenes. But that it has
massive power, as some allege, or that it is
an outburst of ardent genius, or that it is
true, first and last,'to the spirit of the ancient
Greek drama, and is indeed the one solitary
and peerless specimen in modem times of
* Tragio Poets of Greece,
t CEdip. Tyt. 27-8.
that wondrous compoeition — when we hear
this sort of thing dogmatically reiterated, we
are stolidly infidel. The very atmosphere of
AtUoa, is it? — we cannot "swallow" it,
then. Byron tells us how John Keats
— — without Greek
Contrived to talk about the gods of late.
Much as they might have been supposed to speak.
The author of " Ion," totth Greek, has made
his Argives talk as the real *' old folks " may
be supposed not to have talked. Medon and
Agenor, Ion and Irus, are a whit too good to
be true, and a little too metrical, smooth, and
polished, to be vigorously effective. We
will not go so far as to assert with a recent
writer (famous in the Anti-Church and State
circuit, and not unknown on the *' floor of
The House") that ancient civilization not
only exhibits little benevolence, and wants
tenderness, but also shows none of the
healthier moral sensibilities — ^^that ''it is not
humane — nor can it be pretended that the
most intimate converse with it through the
medium of its literature tends to elicit or to
cultivate our more generous sympathies ;"*
but we may pretty safely ignore in the ven-
erable Argive heathens the benevolence, ten-
derness, healthy moral sensibilities, humani-
ties, and generous sympathies, which their
histnonic doubles on the boards of Cov§nt
Garden displayed so winsomely. Evidently
they have had the schoolmaster abroad and
the missionary among them. They have been
handsomely evangelized, and gone through
the cirriculum of a polite education. Ion
especially is good and wise enough to deserve
benefit of clergy, whatever parricidal or
suicidal freak he may indulge in. He has
plainly read the Bible and the Elizabethan
dramatists, and moulds his manners and
eloquence accordingly. But, after all, it
goes against the grain to affect levity in
speaking of one so finely and delicately
wrought as this royal orphan of the temple,
some of whose words so penetrate the soul.
Witness his logic on the immortality of man:
CU. O unkind !
And shall we never see each other ?
Ion (after a pause). Yes!
I have ask'd that dreadful question of the
hills
That look eternal ; of the flowing streams
That 1 acid flow for ever; of the stars,
Amid whose fields of azure my raised spirit
Hath trod in glory ; all were dumb ; but now
* Bases of BeUefl By Edward MiaU, M.P. P.
{ 41-2.
1868.J
SIR THOMAS IfOON TALFOUBD.
815
While I thus gaze upon thy living face,
I feel the love that kindles through its beauty
Can never wholly perish; we smU meet
Again, Clemanthe !
Witness, too, his description of love tri-
umphing over death in the plague-blighted
homes of Argos, and his appeal from AdraS'
tus the ruthless tyrant to Adrastus the
sportive child, and his compact with his old
playmate Phocion, when the latter would
ante- date the coming sacrifice. The frame-
work of the tragedy is not, perhaps, very
artfully constructed, nor the exigencies of
stage effect carefully studied, nor the subor-
dinate actors individualized in tiny memora-
ble degree: but, on the whole, ''Ion" is
surely a fine play, and a moving — a thing of
beauty, and therefore a joy forever. Or if
** for ever " will not stand as a logical sequent
to Buch an aesthetic and Keatsian antece-
dent— if literary immortality be too infinite
a conclusion to aeduce from such a premise —
let us at least give the will, which is penes
naa, for the deed, which is not; and take up
our parabola, and say, in eastemly devout-
nesB, 0 Ion, live for ever! and may thy
shadow never be less !
" The Athenian Captive *' is thought by
some, in the face of that stubborn thing,
fact, to be a better play than " Ion." It is
generally allowed to be inferior in poetry and
style. Passages and lines there are, how-
ever, of strength and beauty — more than
most barristers could find brains and time to
insert in the product of a Christmas vaca-
tion. The description of Ismene's death
reralls that of Lady Randolph in Home's
now unacted drama ; the lines that tell how
the frenzied queen, at the cave's mouth,
To88*(j her arms
Wildly abroad ; then drew them to her breast,
As if she clasped a vision'd infant there —
add reflex energy and pathos to her own fine
utterance,
* Listen ! I was pluck*d
From the small pressure of an only babe . —
and her destiny is wrought out with highly
impressive art, " as fits a matron of heroic
line" — her majestic form lost finally in
clouds and mystery, departed like GSdipus,
where none may follow or inquire. Tkocu
declaims with glowing rhetoric, and plays
the high-soul'd warrior almost grandly-—
cleaving in captivitv to " the loveliness, the
might, the hope of Athens " — one that is
'Toe to Corinth — not* a traitor, nor one to
league with treason" — ^whose bearing and
speech under the pressure of thraldom are
shaped, " with a difference," after those of
the Miltonic Agonistes. '^ Glencoe " is more
peremptorily repudiated, as a Highland
tragedy, by North Britishers, than the
" Athenian Captive " and '' Ion," as Greek
tragedies, by Hellenizing Southrons. Lord
Jeffrey permitted it to be inscribed to him,
but his countrymen protest against the stage
massacre, as "murder most foul and most
unnatural," committed on their unapproach-
able territory ; so perilous is it to meddle
with the national property of a people char-
licterized, according to £lta, by such " Im-
perfect Sympathies" with the rationale of
homage ab extra. Thus, one Edinburgh
critic — Professor Ay toun, was it not ? — was
spokesman for a phalanx of others, all armed
to the teeth, when he declared that a more
lamentable failure than this attempt to found
a tragedy on the woful massacre of Olen-
coe — "a grosser jumble of nonsense about
ancestry and chieftainship " — was never per-
petrated. As though even in Glencoe's
ashes lived their wonted fires, — nemo me
impuhe lacesset being practically synonymous
with noli me tangere — for ** off at a tangent "
of the tenderest quality flies the gentu irri"
tabile, and '* take that, you pock- pudding !"
(illustrated by the administration of a ** con*
ker ") is the reward of any such " ordeal by
touch." We fear that had this particular
tragedy been a stage triumph, it would have
been " damned " with something else than
"faint praise," across the Tw'eed. But even
sturdy Cis-Tweedites are constrained to own
that " Glencoe " »« flat and feeble, and that
no mountain breeze freshens it, no mountain
catar<«ct chants a wild obligato to the stern
theme, no swelling pibroch utters its wail, no
heather-legged son of somebody shows us
where we are, to the oblivion of an accom-
r^lished Londener in his study, inspired by
Macready as model of Celtic heroism, and
content with the stage of the Little Theatre '
in the Haymarket, as a tolerable approxima-
tion to the romantic* fastness of the Mac-
donalds.
Thus, by public judgment, both from the
closet and from the playhouse. Sir Thomas
Talfourd's second dramatic venture was pro-
nounced a decline from the first, and still
more decidedly the third from the second.
He is said to have now "on the stocks"
another tragedy, which we hope to greet as
an emphatic reaction from this scale of
descents. May it take precedence as unques-
tioned of the existing trilogy, as Mr. Justice
316
NEO-PLATONISM— HTPATLL
[Nov,
on the bench does of Mr. Serjeant at the
bar.
In his " Vacation Rambles ** we find the
hearty glee of a fagged counsel at escaping
from work, not iodeed to take his ease at his
ino, but to bustle about guililess o( horse-
hair corona] and defiant of common law —
steaming from Havre to Rouen, whizzing
along the St. Germain Railway, playing the
gourmand at Meurice's, and the critic at
tiie Parisian theatres and the galleries of the
Louvre, pilgriraizing to Geneva and the
Alps — Mont Blanc reminding him, as he saw
it, of " nothing so much in nature or art as
a gigantic twelfth-cake, which a scapegrace
of Titan's 'enormous brood,' or 'younger
Saturn,' had cut out and slashed with wild
irregularity." His frank expression of so
unsentimental a thought, is one characteris-
tic of this book of rambles ; another is, the
zest with which he so frequently records his
appreciation of creature comforts — such as
the " we sat down to an excellent breakfast,"
on ''a large cold roast fowl, broiled ham,
eggs, excellent coffee, and a bottle of good
Rhenish," followed "about two o'clock " by
an "admirably dressed little dinner," made
up of " a thin beefsteak, thoroughly broiled
(or fried, as the case might be), with a sauce
of parsley and butter, and a cold crearo-
ohicken-salad, d^c, d^c.,'' " accompanied by
a bottle of Asmanshauser wine." Even in
the family bivouac at the Grands Mulcts, we
are conducted through the details of the
dinner, joyously protracted "till it merged
in supper " — though the Head of the Fam-
ily feelingly says, '^ I regret to confess that
I could not eat much myself ; but I looked
with a pleasure akin to that with which the
French king watched the breakfast of Quen-
tin Durward, on the activity of my younger
friends " — who with Homeric intensity tore
asunder the devoted chickens, and left the
bones there, to be matter of speculation to
aspiring geologists and scientific associations
in future ages.
The "Life and Letters of Charles Lamb,"
and the " Final Memorials," are household
treasures. Exception may be taken to occa-
sional passages — but the net result is de-
lightful, as every memorial of Elia must be—
that "cordial old man/* whose lot it was to
— ^!eave behind him, freed from griefs and years,
Far worthier things than tears*
The love of friends without a single foe :
Unequalled lot below !
^Addrened by Mr. Lander to "The Sifter of
Elia^ — whom, mouming, he would fain' comfort
with the reminder — ** yet awhile 1 again ahall Elia's
smile refreah thy hearty where heart can aehe no
more.
■ I ^ >»
NEO-PLATONISM — HTPATIA.*
From the British Quarterly Review
WITH A PORTRAIT OF MR. KINGSLET.
Sir Thomas Browne compares heresies to
the river Arethusa, which loses its current,
and passes under ground in one place, to re-
appear in ^bother. He talks, in his quaint
fashion, of a certain metempsychosis of ideas,
according to which the soul of one man appears
to pass into another, and opinions find, after
sundry revolutions, "men and minds like
those that first begat them." No philosopher
has yet arisen fully to follow out the hint of
* Hypatia ; or, New Foes with an old face. By
Cbarlb KiNosLXT, Jun. 2 vola. J. W. Parker,
and Son.
that fanciful old physician to»whose egotistic
yet genial soliloquizing we still hearken in the
pHges of ^he JRelipio Medici. A synic might
perhaps, regard Adelung*s History of Hu-
man Folly as already occupying nearly all
the ground embraced by such a study. Has
not Shakspeare said —
One touch of nature makes the whole world kin.
That all with one consent praise new-born gauds,
Though they be framed and fashioned of things
past?
True, — as Shakspeare always is — yet what
18fi8.]
NBO-PLATONIBM— HYPATUl
817
8 fascinating theme does the verj rebuke
disclose. Such an inquiry into the pro*
cesses by which antiquity has been thus
attired in the show of novelty, — into the his-
tory of that mysterious interpenetration of
old and new, — into the laws, if laws there
be, according to which dead thoughts are
periodically raised to life, and the past is
summoned to play its part under the freshly-
painted mask of the present, might well task
the largest powers, would be replete with
interest and instruction. It is interesting, in
the fairy land of fiction, to watch the transit
of the classic into the romantic fable, — to see
Jason and Medea reappear as venturous
knight and sage princess, — to find the Fates
transformed into duennas keeping watch over
Proserpine, and to recognize Cerberus in
that hideous giant horrible and high, who
guards the melancholy castle of Kin? Pluto.
It is yet more so, in the high provmces of
taught, to trace the transmigration of error
W>r of truth into forms familiar to a later age,
and to observe the resumption, as in a new
element, of conflicts apparently decided long
since. What tradition long reported con-
cerning that terrible engagement between
the utmost strength of the Roman and the
Hun, philosophy exhibits as true respecting
the more subtile struggles of human opinion.
It was said that, on the night after the bat-
tle,— ^above the vast plains of Ch4.lon6,
stretching with their heaps of dead miles
away into the darkness on either hand — the
ghosts of the slain warriors arose, and, mar-
shalled, in the upper air, renewed, with un-
earthly arms and hate, the strife which death
had interrupted. Thus has the antagonism
of rival modes of thought perpetuated its
contest, while the early champions or pro-
pounders of either principle are sleeping the
sleep of death below. ** Non enim hominum
interitu sententicB quoque occidunt.**
A comparative survey of the modifications
of opinion such as we propose, would fur-
nish many a valuable lasson. It would illus-
trate, in its course, that substantial identity
of human nature which makes one kindred
of all times and countries. It would point
out those common wants and common hopes
which, under every superficial difference, are
the foundations of man's nature, somewhat
as science finds the inorganic crust of the
earth unaltered by varieties of clime, and
trap and basal t» porphyry and granite, every-
where the same, whether crested by the
branching palm, or mantled shaggily by
stunted firs. It would separate between
the original and the stolen property of mo-
dem speculation, and bring about such a
general gaol-delivery of plagiarisms as might
well remind us of those grotesque mediaeval
pictures of the last judgment, in which
the fishes appear bearing in their mouths
the heads, arms, and legs of the drowned
men they have devoured. It would show
how often the prophetic words of the con-
fessors and the martyrs of reform in religion
or in science — which seemed to be shed
like an untimely product on the earth —
to be scattered by winds, and trodden into
mire by the hoof of beasts, have been in re-
ality conserved, and made to utter their voice
in another form to another generation, even
as the withered leaves in the fabled island of
the Hebrides were said to be changed into
singing-birds as soon as they had fallen to
the ground. Such an inquiry would occupy
a space in the kingdom of mind as compre-
hensive as that of physical geography in the
kingdom of nature. It would be the meta-
physical " Cosmos" of the mysterious micro-
cosm— man. As the botanist can trace the
course of certain races of the human family
by the presence of particular plants, which
are only found where they have trodden, sa
would our investigator pursue the history of
a certain order of mind by those modifica-
tions of mental product, and those practical
and moral fruita which uniformly spring up
in its train. As the zoologist has al ways de-
rived, from the examination of monstrous
and aberrant forms, material to extend his
knowledge of the regularly-developed organ-
ism, so the mis-shapen creations of mental
extravagance or disease would throw light
for the philosopher .on the sources of man's
danger, on the true power and province of
man's mind. • As the votary of science learns
to distinguish between the physiological and
the morphological import of the organs of a
plant, when he finds the same vital function
which belongs to the leaf in one species, car-
ried on by the stem in another, — so would it
be with our inquirer, if possessed of a saga-
city equal to his undertaking. He would
find the intellectual life of successive periods
fostered, now by one class of men, and now
by another, — that no order or institution can
be declared the necessary organ by which
society shall breathe or feed, — and that he
must often look for the vitality of an age,
not in the professed centre of its culture, but
in some portion of its growth which, to a su-
perficial eye, would appear only an unsightly
excrescence, or an unimportant appendage.
He would learn, too, to anticipate, from the
revival of old errors, the revival of old re-
818
NBO-PIiATONISM— HTPATIA.
[Nov.,
actions appropriately modified, and would
contemplate with wonder that beneficent pro-
vision by which the most baneful opinions
appear, almost invariably, accompanied by
their antidotes — the excess of the evil pro-
voking a healthful antagonism, so that the
poison and the medicine grow side by side,
as the healing trumpet-tree is said always to
raise its purple blossoms in the neighbor-
hood of the deadly manchineel.
From the somewhat enigmatical title of Mr.
Kingsley's tale, we had looked for a contri-
bution, which we felt sure would be of value,
in the direction now indicated. It appeared
to be his purpose to indicate the substantial
identity of the past and the present strife
waged between that wisdom of this world ac-
counted foolishness by Ood, and that preach-
ing of the cross so often accounted foolish-
ness by man. The past conflict he has de-
picted fully, and with admirable skill. But
Its parallel with the present antagonism of
similar parties is but generally hinted at in a
summary remark or two on his last page.
This reticence may have proceeded from
aesthetic or from prudential considerations.
Cyril of Alexandria, with his bitter worldly
heart and oily sanctimonious phrase, with his
capacity for business and for hatred, alike
enormous, is a shadow among shadows. But
the bishop of Exeter, into whose body the
soul of Cyril has unquestionably transmigrat-
ed, is a living reality in lawn. It might not
be pleasant to approach too nearly that eccle-
siastical mud volcano, which, always growl-
ing and simmering, may explode in an instant
with such terrific force its bespattering bap-
tism of abuse. Again, Mr. Newman, like
Porphyry, aspires to be a religious man with-
out being a Christian, and in behalf of. an
ambitious and unintelligible religious senti-
ment assails the Old Testament and miscon-
ceives the New. Like lamblichus, too, many
of our sceptical spiritualists are credulous
votaries of the tbeurgic pretensions of our
time. They find the gospels incredible, but
they have surrendered to the Pough Keepsie
Seer. Their leason rises in disdain against
the claims of an apostle, but falls prostrate
before an American rapping. Their faith re-
sembles that of Dr. Johnson, who refused to
credit the report of the earthquake at Lisbon,
but could lM9lieve in the Cock-lane ghost.
These spiritual manifestations of our own day
are the counterpart of those pretended marvels
which deluded the Alexandrian adepts who
were too wise to receive the faith of the Na-
sarene. If Mr. Kingsley had pursued hb
parallel* therefore, he would have had work
enough upon his hands, ^e two foes he
had so faithfully portrayed would have united
against him. The bigots would have assailed
him on the one side, and the infidels on the
other. In the hands of adversaries so em-
bittered, his reputation could scarcely have
escaped the fate of his heroine Hypatia.
But no one acquainted with the spirit of
Mr. Kingsley 's writings will readily believe
that he has in any undue measure the fear
of man before his eyes. He is more likely
to have paused where he has done, from de-
ference to what he deented the dictate of
taste, than from any cautious heed to the
presentiments of timidity. He considers,
probably, the history he has revived as a
parable, which, like all parables good for
anything, carries its main lesson on the sur-
face. He would urge, with some truth, in
his justification, that the moral of a story
should be suggested rather than obtruded, —
that a romance is not the place for a homily,
— that the painter is only indirectly the
preacher, — that those who have ears to hear
will hear with advantage, and those who have
not will never be prosed into wisdom. Still
we think that some farther application of the
results brought out by this study of the past
should have been attempted. A concluding i
chapter, embracing some such thoughtful
and suggestive summary, and indicating the
real analogies and distinctions between the
old conflict and the new, would greatly have
enhanced the value of the book.
In point of style, Mr. Kingsley differs wide-
ly from Mr. Maurice and Mr. Trench, with
whom, in matters of opinion, he appears to
possess much in common. Mr. Maurice is
easy and natural ; his flowing language car-
ries the reader with him right pleasantly, and
there is a pellucid simplicity about the sen-
tences severally which is not a little charming.
But the effect of the whole is marred by a
want of definiteness. Much is suggested,
little is established. An ingenious succession
of side-lights are thrown upon the subject,
but in some way they perplex each other.
We miss that vigorous and telling summary
of results, without which we may be dazzled or
amused, but are left uninstructed after all as
to the contemplated conclusion of the whole.
. Mr. Trench, again, is less defective in this
respect, though acccustomed sometimes to in-
vest his theme with an unnecessary abstrac-
tion, and apt to handle it in a large aerial
manner, imposing enough, but unsatisfactory
to such as desire to see eloquent, philosophical
generalizations always well supported by the
evidence and detail of facts. The style of
1863.]
]inS0-FLATONISM--HTPATIA.
819
Mr. Trench, where his subject allows him full
scope, is stately, rich, and full — a kind of ec-
clesiastical antique, — now breathing out some
pensive imagination —
" To the Dorian mood
Of flutes, aud soft recorder,"
and now again rising into grandeur, colored
by the many slanting hues of his cathedral
window — Fancy. It is characterized more
by beauty than by power, yet it posesses so
much of the former as never to be wholly des-
titute of the latter. Its appeal is that of
taste and learning to a circle comparitively
limited.
Mr. Kittgsley, on the other hand, addresses
a larger auditory in another tone. His vehe-
ment and daring nature has marked out a
course for itself. He is thought to have been
even too oblivious, at times, of the smooth-
shaven proprietie8-H>f the starched and
white-neckclothed nicety of ecclesiastical con-
ventionalism. In fact, he would seem, at one
time, to have taken the Carlyle fever, and to
have had it very badly indeed. But the sick-
ness did not with him as with poor Sterling, de-
velop into a life-long disorder. Mr. Eingsley
got over his Carlyle-period as other strong
minds have survived their Werter and Byron
periods — their era of affectation and sentiment-
ality— that time of life wherein, as of old, —
** Young gentlemen would be as sad as night,
Only tor wantoness." —
So Mr. Kingsley recovered, and now exhibits
a mental constitution whose vitals the disease
has left untouched. In all he has written, the
freshness and vigor of an independent and pow-
erful mind are apparent. Even where we think
him wrong we cannot but respect his motive,
and honor his conscientiousness and courage.
The excellences of his style are his own, its
faults those of the school in which he appears
first to have studied. There is observable in
many parts of his writings a strain and vio-
lence hardly compatible with the highest order
of power — a certain self-conscious and spas-
modic effort which cannot dare to be calm
and natural, which fears repose as though it
were dullness and death inevitable. He loves
abrupt transitions, dashes, intervening chains
of dots, and has used, but too freely, stage
property of this sort, for the purpose of effect.
But bis sins in this respect are venial compar-
ed with those of Mr. Carlyle. Already he is
outgrowing such faults ; and Hypatia, while
thoroughly characterestic of the author of
Teast, and Alton Locke, manifests a patient,
thoughtful comprehensiveness, to which
neither of those very clever books can lay
claim. The vices to which, undt^r such influ-
ence, Mr. Kingsley was most exposed — those
of exaggeration and one-sidedness, he appears
now to have almost completely escaped. It
may not be flattering to Mr Carlyle, but we
believe it to be true, that by far the larger
proportion of the best minds, whose early
youth his writings have powerfully influenced,
will look back on the period of such subjec-
tion as the most miserably morbid season of
their life. On awaking from such delir-
ium to the sane and Kealthful realities of
manful toil, they will discover the hollowness
of that sneering, scowling, wailing, declama-
tory, egotistical, and bombastic misanthrophy,
which, in the eye of their unripe judgment,
wore the air of a philosophy so profound.
It is but justice to Mr. Kingsley to bear in
mind what, so circumstanced, he refrains from
doing, as well as what he does. He does not
imagine that, to speak to the universal heart,
he has only to '* thou" the reader, to apostro-
phize him as *• brother," or loudly to cry, " O,
man!" He does not believe that a short-
winded Emersonian sentence is great of neces-
sity with oracular majesty. He does not
regard it as indicative of vast superiority, to
call his fellow-laborers in the historic field or
his fellow-men, anywhere, dry-as-dust, pud-
ding-heads, imbecile, choughs, beetles, apes,
and ostriches. He does not reckon a certiun
vituperative volubility among the supernatural
priviliges of the inspired priesthood of letters^
He does not believe that either originality or
depth can be secured by the virtue inherent
in capital letters. He does not serve up pages
liberally besprinkled with Silencies, Eterni-
ties, and Apysses, as a condiment attractive
to the jaded appetite, which loathes every-
thing natural. He does not fill with the com-
monest verity some monstrous and unwieldy
sentence, till it seems a discovery of appalling
import, while the whole may be compared
to a ffiant in a midsummer pageant, *< march-
ing,' as saith an old writer, ** as though it were
alive, and ' armed at all points,' but within
stuffed full of browne paper and ' tow,' which
the shrewd boyes, under peeping, do guileful-
ly, discover, and tume to a greate deribion."
The strength so conspicuous in Mr. Rings-
ley's writings is power of that kind which re-
sults from the consecration of great gifts to a
great purpose. His convictions pre strong,
his aim is worthy. He is not one of the
many clever men of our time whose aeuteness
and whose talents are rendered almost futile
1' by a lack of earnest conviction. Now Mr.
Kingsley doee believe strongly; as Austin
S20
NBO-PLATONISM— HYPATIA,
[Nov.
Caxton would say — he nerer forgets "the
safifroQ-bas.'* What he believes' he most
apeak, and what he says he must make men
hear. He is not to be precluded by his pro-
fession from the use of any legitimate means
which shall secure attention to his message.
If men will not hear his truth in essays, ser-
mons, big books, they shall receive it in the
drama, the tale, the historical romance. In
addition to ^his intensity and concentrative-
ness, this faculty of gathering up in a present
purpose all the energy he possesses, Mr.
Kingsley is endowed, in no small measure,
with that gift of language which communi-
cates to other minds the creations and the
feelings that people his own. There are only
certain words which will do this. The facul-
ty which detects and righily places them
makes a man a painter with the pen. Such
terms and epithets are the vincula between
the unseen world of an author's mind and
the actual world constituted by his public.
They are the magic formulae, the ruins and
spelU words by which marvels are wrought in
the poet's *' heaven of invention." In his
slightest touches Mr. Kingsley dbplays the
arSst. He discerns at a glance those features
of an object which must be brought out to
realize the whole to the eye.
This power of selection as to what shall be
described, and this choice of what is perhaps
the one only epithet in the language which
could vividly and accurately indicate it, is the
secret of that life and force which disUnguish
hb delineations. Thus there is so much chilly
verisimilitude about his description of the
burning- field on a foggy morning, with which
" Y^ast'* opens, as to make a susceptible read-
er quite damp and uncomfortable. It is
like Constable s picture of rain, which made
Fuseli open his umbrella. In like manner, to
read of those Goths in sunny, dusty, broiling
Alex/indria, singing of northern snows, is verily
like the refreshment of an.ice in the dog-days.
And so throughout, those who will give
themselves up fairly to the enjoyment of Mr.
Kingsley's pages may be carried within an
hour to the remotest extremes of climate,
physical or moral ; they may travel from
Hyperborean frosts to burning Abyssinia —
from mental territories of ice-bound skeptic to
the dangerous heats of brain-sick fanatacism.
Bui, apart from this descriptive faculty,
there is another attribute to which Mr. Kings-
ley owes no small proportion of his deserved
8ucce^s; this quality is sympathy. Without
this insight of the heart an acute and com-
prehensive mind may accomplish nos a little
as a philosopher, but, as an artist, must be
powerless. It is much to be able to enter-
tain two ideas at the same time — at least,
such capacity would seem to be more rare
among us than could be wished, judging
from the desperate haste with which we aee
men daily rushing from extreme to extreme,
and stultifying themselves by arguing from
abuse against use. But higher yet is his ert-
dowment who possesses a heart m some mea-
sure open to all mankind — who can enter into
the hopes and fears, the sorrows and the
temptation of minds the most opposite. We
admire the calmness which can so deliberately
estimate the strength and the weakness of
either side in the battle between truth and
error. We pay our tribute of praise to the
graphic skill which realizes, with equal truth,
the religious stillness of the desert, and the
tumultous horror of the amphitheatre — which
exhibits, with such ease and clearness, almost
as it were in passing, that strange compound,
yclept Alexandrian philosophy, and can com-
press into a sentence the system of Lucretius,
till we seem to see the forlorn world as he
saw it— an aimless 'and everlasting gravita-
tion of ifinumerable atoms. But most of all
do we Bve that true hearted kindliness, the
tenderness of the strong, which gently and re-
verently lifts the veil from the dark and mourn-
ful sanctuary of hearts that have found no
God — that tremble bewildered between their
devotion and their doubt — that seek, but seek
amiss, or that are seen in one place defying
the use of search, and in another discovering
a deity only to be crushed with terror. It is
from the heart alone that any writer could
have limned those changing features of the
soul that we behold working, now in aspira-
tion, and now in despair, in the history of
Hypatia, of Ab^ Ezra, and Pelagia. The
same sympathizing spirit can detect traits of
nature not wholly alien ; yet from the fellow-
feeling of fellow -sinners, in Cyril, in Eudso-
mon, m Miriam, — in the scheming prelate, in
the frivilous, and selfish sciolist, in the fierce
and abandoned procuress. Even in the case
of Peter the Reader, cowardly, mean, and
blood-thirsty as the man is, a retrospetive
word or two shows us that he too had his
affections once, was not thus evil always, and
had been open to the touch of pity. Thus the
geologist may point to the watermarks on
the fragment of hardened rock revealing a
primieval history, and recMlling the time when
it was a bright and yielding sand, traversed
by the silver ripples of some pool, or frith,
that shone and murmured amid the soltudes
of the unpeopled world. i
Hypatia exhibits, as a work of art, a mani-
1853.]
NEO-PLATONISM— HYPATIA,
321
fest advance on the former production? of Mr.
Kingsley. The same power in the delinea-
tion of character, the same passion and pathos,
intermingled now with humor and now with
sarcasm, which characterized his earlier writ-
ings, are equally manifest in the present story ,
with a result more satisfactory, a truer unity
of design, more judgment, and apparently
more careful thought in the management of
incident and dialogue. As a whole, the work
is more successful in a province confessedly
more difficult.
Mr. Kingsley never gives such scope to his
isdignation as when speaking of 'that worst
thing — the corruption of the best. His se-
verest lash is reserved for the smiling malig*
nity and the sleek villaniea of Pharisees and
zealots. He is at home in detecting and
holding up to abhorrence the secret Atheism
that lurks in the heart of all intolerance, the
iniquity of that unbelief which sins in the
name of holiness and attempts the work of
Ood with the tools of the devil. He is the
Bworn enemy of all those pretences under
which men would part off the religious from
the civil world, and override the sanctions of
morality for the promotion of an ecclesias-
tical interest. But, unlike many loud-voiced
denouncers of " wind-bags," '* red-tape-isms,"
and shams," he tells us what he loves, quite
as plainly as what he hates, what he believes
88 clearly as what he disbelieves. He does
not with incessant bark assail every effort phi-
lanthropy actually makes, and after snapping
at the legs of every messenger of mercy,
wttbdray mto his tub — ^the cynic prophet of
negations He has something positive to an-
nounce and to commend. . He does not see in
the mass of mankind a flat and dreary deluge
of common-place — an aggregate of transitory
waves lifted np into a momentary being,
raised for a transitory glance at sun and moon,
and then subsiding into unfathonable night
He believes in a gospel which the poor hear
gladly. Through all the gathered clouds of
error, amidst the countless misbegotten phan-
toms of darkness that blot her glory, he be-
holds in history the Church of Christ — the
Jerusalem which is from above, and is happy
in the sight of the gleaming g^ld and sapphire,
darting ever and anon a ray through the va-
pors from the mouth of the pit While
bringing out in unsparing relief the ill-omened
features of that corruption which, in the fifth
century, had already maimed and defiled the
church, he does not fail to indicate aright the
secret of her real power. One great lesson
is plainly tan|fht- by his book. Christianity
— in spite of its doctrinal disputes, so subtile
YOI^XXX. Kcm.
and so envenomed, on questions utterly in-
soluble,— in ^pite of those wrangling, perse-
cuting factions, whose inveterate hatred em-
broiled East ^nd West, Roman and Barbarian,
Greek and Goth, throughout the lengtli and
breadth of the tottering empire, — in spite of
the trumpery of miracle- mongering, ecstasies,
and exorcisms, — of the fanaticism and the
stupor, the fury and the filth, of oriental
monasticism — Christianity had, in his view,
nevertheless, an answer for the deepest crav-
ings of man's heart, which philosophic cul-
ture, could not in its dreams surmise, and was
busy with a benevolence, and glorious with a
self-devotion, that attested daily a celestial
origin — a divine commission.
Hypatia is no one-sided apology for Chris--
tianity ; it is a faithful representation of the
thinkings and doings of men called Christtans
at Alexandria, in their conflict with the van-
ishing theories and the too substantial evils
of the dying giant heathendom. The intel-
lectual opposition they encountered was com-
paratively feeble ; the moral, gigantic. PAf<ui
philosophy had made, now and then, an em>rt
to stay, with the arms of rhetoric and dialec- •
tics, the vices of the time. But the weapons
belonged to one element, and the adversaries
aimed at t6 another. The immorality which
peopled the atmosphere of old Hellas mocked
the efforts of the sages, add seemed to say
from the high place of the powers of the air —
*' the elements
Of whom yonr swords are tempered, may as well
Wound the loud wind8,or with bemock'd at stabs
Kill the still-closing waters, as diminish
One dowle that's in my plume."
Then came Christianity,— winning her first
purifying successes in a world noisome with
the accumulated and legitimized impurity of
many ages, — appealing to the heart, to sanc-
tions, to motives, to hopes, drawh from the
highest, and tending thitner. But the strug-
gle soiled ere long her garments ; the spirit
of the world she had overcome entered into
her, and the arts of the conquered became
the lesson of the conqueror.
Accordingly we find the Alexandrian
church, in the fifth century, already accom-
plished in. the questionable practices of that
secularity she professed to sway and aspired
to reform. The sectarianism, the ignorance,
the pride, the clerical place-hunting, the
bigotry, the sanctimonious pretence of fash-
ion or of coarseness, the unholy passions
baptised by Christian names, — all, in short,
that which makes up in our own day the
common stock objection of the irreligious to
tl
dS2
NEO.PLATONISM—flTPATU.
[Nor.,
ChristiaDity, was as odi;'>u8ljr apparent then
as now. Not small will be the service of
Mr. Kingsley's story if it awakens in some
wavering minds the inquiry — ** Has not
Christianity now believers like Augustine,
Marjorious, and Victoria, as well as its Cyrils
and its Peters; and its message to the weary
skeptical Raphaels of the nineteenth centur}
even as to him of the fifth ?"
The opening chapter of the tale introduces
us to the dwelling-place of a colony of monks
among the ancient ruins and the burning
sand hills near the banks of the Nile, about
three hundred miles above Alexandria. A
young monk, named Philammon, seized with
the desire of viewing for himself the great
world without, abtains from his anxious su-
periors permission to depart, and on a sum-
mer's night glides down the river in bis little
skifif towards the famous metropolis. Once
arrived there, each day amazes with a new
wonder the innocence of the youthful an-
chorite. He views with admiration the state,
the discipline, the numbers, of the Christian
world at Alexandria. With all the zeal of
novelty, he gives himself to his share in the
benevolent labors of his monastic brethren.
But he learns, to his astonishment, that
Christianity is not the only power at work.
The state is not Christian, though at Con-
stantinople the emperor professes the Chris-
tian faith. Strange speculations, lofty and
fascinating, maintain their place, denounced
as hellish by his brother monks, but having,
in the very mystery and prohibition, a potent
charm for a mind longing after knowledge,
and strong in an untried faith. Hypatia, a
woman, young, beautiful, and wise, fills her
lecture-ball day after day with the fashion,
the talent, and the wealth of the city, as she
expounds this lofiy and time- honored phi-
losophy. He thirsts for the opportunity of
some great achievement : might not he, Phi-
lammon, hear and judge, rise up and refute,
and bring the wanderer home into the fold of
Christ ? The attempt is made. Philammon
is treated by Hypatia with forbearance ; by
the ooarse jealousy of his brethren he is
heaped with wrong and insult. He takes
refuge, from a church so much worse than
he had thought it, with a philosophy.so much
better, and becomes the pupil of Hypatia.
But, in the sequel, he discovers that what is
refined in heathendom, cannot be practically
separated from what is brutal and licen-
tious,— that philosophy, even in the person
of its best and holiest representative, is pow-
erless to purify and slow to pity, and the
prodigal returns repentant to his forsaken
home.
Such is the mere threadwork of a story,
in the course of which the author contrives
to bring his readers in contact with most of
the motley phases t>f life that made up the
sum of Alexandrian existence, and to afford
them the advantage Philammon enjoyed, of
hearing for themselves both sides. llie ad-
vancing action presents to view Orestes, the
prefect — an indolent debauchee, a fair type
of many a provincial ruler in tho6e days of
feebleness and expediency ; Hypatia, the
priestess of philosophy, mourning over the
extinct '* Promethean beat," for ever depart-
ed from the shrines at which she worships ;
the giant (^oths, stalking terribly among the
donkey-riding Alexandrians, drinking, loung-
ing, singing of Asgard and the northern he-
roes, and ready to sell their doughty sword-
strokes to any cause not compromising their
rude ideas of honor — finely contrasting, in
their savage dignity, with the mass of that
pauper populace, so cowardly and cunning,
and, at times, so turbulent and fierce, hun-
gering after shows and largesses, after bread
without work, and blood without danger;
the monks, swarming everywhere, blindly
rancorous, and blindly beneficent, disciplined
like an army by the stern and methodical
Cyril, every now and then raising a riot,
hunting down a heretic, and persecuting the
Jews, yet constantly employed in nursing
the sick, succoring the distressed, and toiling
in benign attendance on those social mala-
dies which imperial misgovemment produced,
perpetuated, and left the church to cure as
best she might.
Synesius is a specimen of a remarkable
class of men not unfrequently met with dur-
ing the transition period of the fifth century.
The opinions he represents are familiar in
their outlines to every student of the times,
but it is peculiarly gratifying to have pre-
sented to us so fresh and graphic a por-
traiture of the daily habits and mode of life
of one of the most interesting individuals of
the species. Synesius is a kind of Christian
Orpheus — a writer of mystical hymns that
read like a rhapsodical strain from Apuleius
intermingled with echoes from the psalter.
He accepts a Christian episcopate, but he
cannot repudiate the lessons of Pappus, and
of Hleron. The doctrine of the resurrection,,
in its literal acceptation, is too cacnal for his
ethereal Platonism. He cannot . surrender
the pre-existence of the soul,' or admit the
destruction of the world. He holds fast the
1863.]
NB0-PALT0NI8M— HTPATIA.
828
dogma of emanation, invokes the Father as
Plato's primordial Unity, and the Son as the
Platonic Demiurge. He aspires to heaven
as the region of the ideal — the native realm
of Intelligible Archetypes. He must be al-
lowed to philosophize at home, while he Hn-
nounces the popular religion out of doors.
The inconsistency he reconciles to his con-
science by reflecting that the eye of the
vulgar is weakly, that too much light might
produce the effect of falsehood, that an
element of fable is indispensable in the in-
struction pf the multitude. The old aristo-
cratic intellect ualism of the heathen world
reigns in him to the last ; but a kind heart
often gets the better of philosophic pride,
and he has much more of the Christian in
him than the name.
Such was the position of the historical
Synesius in the controversy between philoso-
phy and faith, and the Synesius of Mr.
Kingsley's fiction is a truthful and vigorous
conception of the character as exhibited in
those remains which time has preserved to
us.
The best surviving remnants of Roman
civilization were the class of educated coun-
try gentlemen. They are found in the fifth
century throughout the western empire re-
siding on their estates, the petty lords of the
neighborhood, men of large property and
cultivated taste. They have fine libraries,
houses beautifully furnished, often a private
theatre where some rhetorician performs his
comedy before the patron, himself a writer
of odes and epigrams, and perhaps no in-
different composer of music. Their time is
given to the chase, to elegant banquets, to
Hterary conversaziones. Looking with dis»
dain as philosophers on the degeneracy
around them, and with indifference as men of
wealth on the ordinary objects of ambition,
they take little part id public affairs. Indif-
ferent on religious matters, they make no
effort to revive the old faith, or to oppose the
new. Give them their books, and their
hounds, their generous wines, and their little
circle of dilettanti, a pleasant friend to rattle
the dice with them, or a lively party at ten-
nis, and they are happy. They will chat the
morning through under the vines without
touching once on a theme of moment to
church or state, to gods or men. The news
of battle and revolt, of lost provinces, and
changing empu'e, they will vote a bore, and
forget it presently, as, with a jest, or a yawn
they return to a new drama, or the last im-
promptu, to a critical conjecture, or a dis-
puted etymology.
Meanwhile the earnest business of life
goes on without these trifling egotists, and
power is daily passing into other hands.
Men find the Christian bishop everything
which such luxurious idlers are not. They
detest business ; he toils in a whirl of it,
from morning to night. They stand aloof
from the people ; he lives among them, visits,
preaches, catecMzes, Kettles disputes, has an
ear for every applicant, finds time for every
duty. While they are given up to ^elf-
enjoyment, he is the^ ad miration of the coun-
try round for his austerity and active self-
denial. While they are occupied by fits and
starts with the curious indolence of a rhetori-
cal philosophy, he is proclaiming a living
truth to the multitude. He teaches the
wakeful earnest husbandry of life, while they
are dreaming it away with questions which,
to the working many, are not worth a straw.
It was to be expected that, in process of
time, these two characters would frequently
unite in the same person. The more thought-
ful, active, or benevolent among the members
of this imperial squirearchy would discern,
ere long, that through the church alone
could they take any effective part in the real
work of their day. Some embracing more,
and others less of the popular Christian doc-
trine, they entered the episcopal or priestly
office, and exercised an influence they could
n^ver otherwise have acquired. While thus
far identifying themselves with the new order
of things, they did not, however, relinquish
all their old tastes and pleasures. The man
of the world and Che man of wit, the devotee
of pagan philosophy and the Wooer of the
classic muse, were still apparent bepeath the
robes of the bishop. Such was Synesius in
Cyrene, Sidonius Apollinaris in Oaul, and
many more.
But leaving these occupants of the frontier
line, let us visit the camp of the enemy, and
endeavor to realize the character and purpose
of the last antagonist arrayed by antiquity
against the youthful faith of the Cross.
First of all, as to what Neo-Platonism
really was, and then as to the cause of its
feebleness and utter failure when tested in
conflict, even with the Christianity of the
fifth century. Let us hear a part of the
lecture Mr. Kingsley puts into the mouth of
Hypatia. She has read aloud, from the
Iliad, the well known parting of Hector and
Andromache, and then gives the following
spiritualized exposition of the passage, treat-
ing it, in the style of her school, not as a tale
of human passion, but as a philosophical
allegory. " Such/' she says, " is the myth."
324
NEO-PLATONISM— HTPATIA.
[Nov.,
" Do you fancy that in it Homer meant to hand
down to the admiration of ages Huch earlhly
commonplaces an a mother's brute affection, and
the terrors of an infant ? Surely the deeper in-
sight of the philosopher may be allowed, without
the reproach of-fancifulness,to see in it the adum-
bration of some deeper mystery.
" The elect soul, for instance — is not its name
Astyanax, king of the city; by the fact of its
ethereal parentage, the leader and lord of all
around it, though it knows it not ? A child as
yet, it lies upon the fragrant bosom of its mother,
Nature, the nurse and yet the enemy of man.
Andromache, as the poet well names tier, because
she fights with that bein^r, when grown to man's
estate, whom as a child she nourished. Fair is
she, yet unwise ; pampering us, after the fashion
of mothers, with weak indulgences; fearing to
send us forth into iHe^great realitiea of specula-
tion, there to forget her in the pursuit of glory ;
she would have us while away our prime within
the harem, and play for ever rouna her kneee.
And has not the elect soul k father, too, whom it
knows not? Hector, he who is without — uncon-
fined, unconditioned by Nature, yet its husband ? —
the all-pervading plastic soul, informing, organiz-
ing, whom men call Zeus the lawgiver, i£ther,
the fire, Osiris the lifegiver ; whom here the poet
had set forth as the defender of the mystic city,
the defender of harmony, and order,-and beauty,
throughout the universe ? Apart sits his great
father — Priam, the first of existences, father of
many sons, the Absolute Reason ; unseen, tre-
mendous, immovable, in distant glory ; yet him-
self amenable to that abysmal unity which Homer
calls Fate, the source of all which Is, yet iri Itself
Nothing, without predicate, unnameable. #
'^ From It and for It, the universal Soul thrills
through the whole creation, doing the behests of
that Reason from which it overflowed, unwilling-
ly, into the storm and crowd of material appear^
ances; warring with the brute forces of gross
matter, crushing all which is foul and dissonant
to itself, and clasping to its bosom the beautiful,
and all wherein it discovers its own reflex ; im-
pressing on it Its signature, reproducing from it
Its own likeness, whether star, or demon, or soul
of the elect : — and yet, as the poet hints in an-
thropomorphic language, haunted all the while by
a sadness — weighed down amid all its labors by
the sense t)f a fate — by the thought of that First
One from whom the Soul is origmally descended ;
from whom it, and its Father, the Reason before
it, parted themselves when they dared to think
and act, and assert their own free will.
"And in the meanwhile, alas! Hector, the
father, fights around, while his children sleep and
feed ; and he is away in the wars, and they know
him not — know not that they, the individuals, are
but parts of him, the universal. And yet at mo-
ment?—oh ! thrice blessed they whose 'celestial
parentage has made such moments part of their
appoint^ destiny — at moments flashes on the hu-
man child the intuition of the anutterable secret.
In the spangled glonr of the summer njght^in
the roar of the Nile-flood, sweeping down fertility
in every wave—in the awful depths of the temple
shrine — ^in the wild melodies of old Orphic singers,
or before the images of those gods, of whose per-
fect beauty the divine theosophists of Greece
caujrht a fleeting shadow, and with the sudden
might of artistic ecstacy smote if, as by an en-
chanter's wand, Into an eternal sleep of snowy
stone — ^in these there flashes on the inner eye, a
vision beautiful snd terrible, of a force, an energy,
a soul, an idea, one and yet milliomfold, rushing
through hU created things, like the wind across a
lyre, thrilling the strings into celestial harmony —
one life-blow! through the million veins of the
universe, from one great unseen heart, whose
thunderous pulses the mind hears far away, beat-
ing for ever in the abysmal solitude, beyond the
heavens and the galaxies, beyond the spaces and
the times, themselves but veins and runnels from
its all-teeming sea.
" Happy, thrice happy they who once have
dared, even though breathless, blinded with tears
of awful joy, struck down upon their knees in
utter helplessness, as they feel themselves but
dead leaves in the wind which sweeps the uni-
verse— happy they who have dared to eaze, if
but for an instant, on the terror of that glorious
pageant ; who have not, like the young Astyanax,
clung shrieking to the breast of mother nature,
scared by the heaven-wide flash of Hector's arms
and the glitter of his rainbow-crest ! Happy,
thrice happy ! even though their eyeballs, blasted
by excess of light, wither to ashes in their sockets !
Were it not a noble end to have seen Zeus, and
die like Semele, burnt up by his glory ? Happy,
thrice happy ! though their mind reel from the
divine intoxication, and the hogs of Circe call
them henceforth madmen and enthusiasts. En-
thusiasts they are; for Deity is in them, and tliey
in It. For the time, this burden of individuality
vanilshes, and recognizing themselves as portions
of the Universal Soul, they rise upward, through
and beyond that Reason from whence the soul
proceeds, to the fount of all — the ineffable and
Supreme One — and seeing It, they become by
that act, portions of Its essence. They speak no
more, but ft speaks in them, and their whole be-
ing, transmuted by that glorious sunlight into
whose rays they have dared, like the ea^le, to
gaze without shrinking, becomes an harmonious
vehicle for the words of Deity, and passive itself,
utters the secrets of the iinmortal gods. What
wonder if to the brute mass they seem like
dreams? Be it so Smile if you will.
But ask me not to teach you things unspeakable,
above all sciences, which the wora-battle of dia-
lectic, the discursive struggles of reason can never
reach, but which must be seen only, and when
seen, confessed to be unspeakable. Hence, thou
disputer of the Academy ! — hence, thou sneering
Cynic ! — hence, thou sense- worshiping Stoic,
who fanciest that the soul is to derive her know-
ledge from those material appearances which she
herself creates! .... hence — ; and yet, no;
stay and sneer, if you will. It is bat a little time
— ^a few days longer in this prison-house of oar
degradation, and each thing shall return to its
own fountain; the blood-drop to the abysmal
heart, and the water to the river, and the river to
1^59.]
NBO-FLATOinBll*.HTPATIA.
325
the sbining sea; and thd dew drop which fell
from heaven shall rise to heaven again, shakincr
off the dust-grains wfiich weighed it down,thawe3
from the earth-frost which chained it here to herb
and sward, apward and upward ever through stars
and sans, through gods, and through the parents
of the gods, purer and purer through successive
lives, till it enters The Nothing, which is The
AH, and find its home at last." — Vol. i. pp. 185 —
189.
The foregoing extract is a fair exposition
of the prominent characteristics in the teach-
ing of the more spiritual section of the New-
Platoniat school. The reader will have
marked its subtile pantheism, its soaring
mysticism, its strained' and fancifal interpre-
tation of the worshiped creations of the
past. Like Swedenborgianism, such a sys-
tem furnished a certain kmd of intellectual
ingenuity with constant employment. This
chase after hidden meanings is as illimitable
as it is worthless.
The idea which presided at the foundation
of Alexandria was the establishment of a great
Hellenic empire which should uiiite opposing
races. Greece and Egypt were to be renewed
together at the mouth of the Nile. The wis-
dom of Ptolemy Soter and of Philadelphus
labored to teach the pride of the Greek and
the fanaticism of the Egyptian their first les-
son in toleration. But it is not to the Museum
of Alexandria, with all its munificent endow-
ments, that philosophy owed those last
glories which illumined, but could not avert
her fall. Plotinus taught at Rome, Proclas
at Athens. The apartments of the' Royal
Institute were tenanted, for the most part,
by men like Theon, — mathematicians, critics,
and literati, who spent their days in laborious
trifling, — who could collect and methodize,
minutely commentate, or feebly copy, but
who could originate little or nothing, — who
were alike indifferent and unequal to the
mighty questions on which hung the issue of
the conflict botween Greek conservatism and
and the new religion. Such men chained
philosophy to the past and starved it — they
offered up t\ie present as a funeral victim at
the obsequies of antiquity, and science, in
their hands, perished, like the camel which
the ancient Arabs lied to the tomb of a dead
hero and left to lingei; and expire on the
desert sand.
For full five centuries, from the days of
Philo to the days of Proclus, Alexandrian
philosophy, half rationalist, half mystical,
endeavored to reconcile the East and the
West by one never-failing expedient— allegor-
ical interpretation. The book of Genesis
was to Philo what the Iliad was to Hypatia.
In his treatise, De Confusione Linpuarum,
Philo declares that the sky the Babel- builders
sought to reach with the top of their tower,
is the mind, in which' dwell the " divine
Powers." Their futile attempts, he says,
represents the presumption of those who
place sense above intelligence, and think to
storm the Intelligible World by the engine
of the sensuous. Waller said that the troopers
of the parliament ought to be both faithful
men and good riders, — the firdt, lest they
should run away with their horses, — the sec-
ond, lest their horses should run nway with
them. Philo fulfilled the former condition
in his advocacy of what he deemed the truth.
No disputatious Greek could cavil at the
books of Moses without finding himself foiled
at his own dialectic weapons by the learned
Jew. In the latter, he fails, and the wmgs
of his hippogryph. Allegory, bear him far
away into the dimmest realms of Phadtasy.
PJato pronounces Love the child of Poverty
and Plenty — the Alexandrian philosophy was
the offspring of Reverence And Ambition. It
combined an adoring homage to the departed
genius of the age of Pericles, with a passion-
ate credulous craving after a supernatural
elevation. Its literary tastes and religious
wants were alike imperative and irreconcila-
ble. In obedience to the former it disdained
Christianity ; impelled by the latter, it tra-
vestied Plato. But for that proud servility
which fettered it to a glorious past, it might
have recognized in Christianity the only sat-
isfaction of its higher longings. Rejecting
that, it could only establish a philosophic
church on the foundation of Plato's school,
and forsaking while it professed to expound
him, embrace the hallucinations of intuition
and of ecstasy, till it finally vanishes at Athens
amid the incense and the hocus-pocus of
theurgic incantation. Neo-Platonism begins
with theobophy ; that is, a philosophy, the
imagined gift of special revelation, the prod-
uct of the inner light. But soon, finding
this too abstract and unsatisfactory, impatient
of its limitations, it seeks after a sign and be-
comes theurgic. As it degenerates, it presses
more audaciously forward through the veil
of the unseen. It must see visions, dream
dreams, work spells, and call down deities
demi-gods, and demons, from their dwellings
in the upper air. The Alexandrians were ec-
lectics, because such reverence taught them
to look back ; mystics, because such ambition
urged them to look up. They restore phi-
losophy, after all its weary wanderings, to the
place of its birth ; and, in its second child-
hood, it is cradled in the arms of those old
320
KEO-PLAVONISM— HTPAHA.
IKov.,
poetic faiths of the past, from which, in the
pride of its youth, it broke away,
The mental history of the founder best il*
lustrates the origin of the school. Plotinus,
in A. D. 233, commences the study of philos-
ophy in Alexandria, at the age of twenty-
eight. His mental powers are of the concen-
trative rather than the comprehensive order.
Impatient of negation he has commenced an
earnest search after some truth which, how-
eyer abstract, shall yet be positive. He
gores over the Dialogues of Plato .and the
[etaphysics of Aristotle, day and night. To
promote the growth of his " soul -wings," as
Plato counsels, he practices austerities his
mHster never would have sanctioned. He
attempts to live, what he learns to call, the
*' angelic life," the '' life of the disembodied
in the body." He reads with admiration the
life of ApoUonius of Tyana, by Philostratus,
which has -recently appeared. He can pro-
bably credit most of the marvels record.ed of
that strange thaumaturgist who, two hundred
years ago, had appeared — a revived Pythag-
oras, to dazzle nation after nation through
which he passed, with prophecy and miracle
— who had travelled to the Indus and the
Ganges, and brought back the supernatural
powers of Magi and Gymnosophists, and who
was said to have displayed to the world once
more the various knowledge, the majestic
sanctity, and the superhuman attributef^, of
the sage of Crotona. This portraiture of a
philosophical hierophont — a union of the
philosopher and the priest in an inspired hero,
tires the imagination of Plotinus. In the
New-Pythagoreanism of which ApoUonius
was a representative, Orientalism and Platon-
ism were alike embraced. Perhaps the
thought occurs thus early to Plotinus— could
I travel eastward I might drink myself at
those fountain-heads of tradition, whence
Pythagoras and Plato drew so much of their
wisdom. Certain it is, that with this purpose
he accompanied, several years. subsequently,
the disastrous expedition of Gordian against
the Parthians, and narrowly escaped with
life.
At Alexandria, Plotinus doubtless hears
from Orientals there some fragments of the
ancient eastern theosophy — doctrines con-
cerning the principle of evil, the gradual de-
velopment of the divine essence, and creation
by intermediate agencies, none of which he
finds in his Plato. He cannot be altogether
a stranger to the lofty theism which Philo
marred, while he attempted to refine, by the
help of his " Attic Moses." He observes a
tendency on the part of philosophy to fall
back upon the sanctions of religion, and on
the part of the religions of the day to mingle
in a Deism or a Pantheism, which might
claim the sanctions of philosophy. The signs
of a growing toleration or indifferentism meet
him on every side. Rome has long been a
Pantheon for all nations, and gods «nd pro-
vinces together have found in the capitol at
once tlier Olympus and their metropolis. He
cannot walk the streets of Alexandria without
perceiving that the very architecture tells of
an alliance between the religious art of Egypt
and of Greece. All, except Jews and Chris-
tians, join in the worship of Serapis. Was
not the very substance of which the statue
of that God was made, an amalgam ? — fit
symbol of the syncretism which paid him
homage. Once Serapis had guarded the
shores of the Euxine, now he is the patron
of Alexandria, and in him the attributes of
Zeus aud of Osiris, of Apis and of Plato, are
adored alike by East and West. Men are
learning to overlook the external dififerences
of name and ritual, and to reduce all religions
to one general sentiment of worship. For
now more than fifty years, every educated
roan has laughed, with Lucian*s satire in his
hand, at the gods of the popular superstition.
A century before Lucian,Plutarch had shown
that some of the doctrines of the barbarians
were not irreconcilable with the philosophy
in which he gloried as a Greek. Plutarch
had been followed by Apuleius, a practical
eclectic, a learner in every school, an initiate
in every temple, at once skeptical and credu-
lous, a sophist and a devotee.
Plotinus looks around him, and inquires
what philosophy is doing in the midst of influ-
ences such as these. Peripateticism exists
but in slumber, under the dry scholarship of
Adrastus and Alexander of Aphrodisium,
the commentators of the last century. The
New Academy and the Stoics attract youth
still, but they are neither of them a philoso-
phy so much as a system of ethics. Specu-
lation has given place to morals. Philosophy
is taken up as a branch of literature, as an
elegant recreation, as a theme for oratorical
display. Plotinus is persuaded that philoso-
phy should be worship — speculation, a
search after God — no amusement, but a
prayer. Skepticism is strong in proportion
to the defect or weakness of everything
positive around it. The influence of JSnesi-
demus who, two centuries ago, proclaimed
universal doubt, is still felt in Alexandria.
But his skepticism would break up the foun-
dations of morality. What is to be done?
Plotinus sees those who are true to specula-
1858.]
NBO-PLATOKIBM— HTPATIA.
327
tion surrendering ethics, and those who hold
to morality abandoning speculation.
In his perplexity, a mend takes him to hear
Ammonias Saccas. He finds him a powerful,
broad-shouldered man, as he might naturally
be, who not long before was to be seen any
day in the sultry streets of Alexandria, a
porter, wiping his brow under his burden.
Ammonitts is speaking of the reconciliation
that might be effected between Plato and
Aristotle. This electicism it is which has
given him fame. At another time it might
have brought on him only derision, now
there is an age ready to give the attempt an
enthusiastic welcome.
Let us venture, as Mr. Kingsley has done
with Hypatia, to make him speak (or him-
self, and imagine, as nearly as may be, the
probable tenor of his lecture.
"What," he cries, kindling with his
theme,/' did Plato leave behind him, what
Aristotle, when Greece and philosophy had
waned together? The first, a chattering
crew of sophists: the second, the lifeless
dogmatism of the sensationalist. The self-
styled followers of Plato were not brave
enough either to believe or to deny. The
successors of the Stagyrite did little more
than reiterate their denial of the Platonic
doctrine of ideas. Between them morality
was sinking fast. Then an effort was made
for its revival. The attempt at least was
good. It sprang out of a just sense of a
deep defect. Without morality what is phi-
losophy worth ? But these ethics must rest
on speculation for their basis. The Epicu-
reans and the Stoics, I say, came forward to
supply that moral want. Each said, we will
be practical, intelligible, utilitarian. One
school, with its hard lesson of fate and self-
denial ; the other, with its easier doctrine of
pleasure, more or less refined, were rivals in
their profession of ability to teach men how
to live. In each there was a certain truth,
but I will honor neither with the name of
a philosophy. They have' confined them-
selves to mere ethical application — they are
willing, both of them, to let fir^t principles
lie unstirred. Can skepticism fail to take
advantage of this ? While they wrangle,
both are disbelieved. But, sirs, can we abide
in skepticism ? — it is death. You ask me,
what I recommend ? I say, travel back
across the past. Out of the whole of that
by-gone and yet undying world of thought
construct a system greater than any of the
sundered parts. Repudiate these partial
scholars in the name of their masters.
Leave them to their disputes, pass over their
systems, already tottering for lack of a foun-
dation, and be it yours to show how their
teachers join hands far above them. In such
a spirit of reverent enthusiasm you may
attain a higher unity, you mount in specula-
tion, and from that height ordain all noble
actions for your lower life. So you become
untrue neither to experience nor to reason,
and the genius of eclecticism will combine,
yea, shall I say it, will surpass while it em-
braces, all the ancient triumphs of philoso-
phy !"
Such was the teaching which attracted
Longinus, Herennius, and Origen (not the
father). It makes an epoch in the life of
Plotinus. He desires now no other instruc-
tor, and is preparing to become himself a
leader in the pathway Ammonius has pointed
out. He is convinced that Platonism, exalt-
ed into ^n enthusiastic illuminism, and
gathering about itself all the scattered truth
upon the field of history ; Platonism, mys-
tical and catholic, can alone preserve men
from the abyss of skepticism. 6ne of the
old traditions of Finland relates how a
mother once found her son torn into a thou-
sand fragments af the bottom of the River
of Death. She gathered the scattered mem-
bers to her bosom, and rockin? to and fro,
sang a magic song, which made him whole
again, and restored the departed life. Such
a spell the Alexandrian philosophy sought
to work — thus to recover and re-unite the
relics of antique truth dispersed and drowned
by time.
Plotinus occupied himself only with the
most abstract questions concerntbg knowledge
and being. Detail and method — all the
stitching and clipping of eclecticism, he be-
queathed as the handicraft of his successors.
His fundamental principle is the old petitio
principii of idealism. Truth, according to
him, is not the agreement of our apprehen-
sion of an external object with the object
itself — it is rather the agreement of the
mind with itself. The objects we contem-
plate and that which contemplates, are iden-
tical for the philosopher. Both are thought ;
only like can know like ; all truth is within
us. By reducing the soul to its most ab-
stract simplicity, we subtilize it so that it
expands into the infinite.^ In such a state
we transcend our finite selves, and are one
with the infinite ; this is the privileged con-
dition of ecstasy. These blissful intervals,
but too evanescent and too rare, were re-
garded as the reward of philosophic asceti-
cism— the seasons of refreshing, which were
to make amends for all the stoical austerities
328
NB(VPLATOHIBM--HYPATIA.
[Not.,
of the steep ascent towards the abstraction
of the primal unity.
Thus the NeoPlatonists became ascetics
and enthusiasts; Plato was neither. Where
Plato acknowledges the services of the ear-
liest philosophers — the imperfect utterances
of the world's first thoughts, — Neo-PIaton-
ism (in its later period^ at least) undertakes
to detect, nbt the similarity merely, but the
identity between Pythagoras and Plato, and
even to exhibit the Plalonism of Orpheus,
and of Hermes. Where Plato is hesitant or
obscure, Neo-Platonism insert^ a meaning of
its own, and is confident that such, and no
other, was the master's mind. Where Plato
indulges in a fancy, or hazards a bold asser-
tion, Neo-Placonism, ignoring the doubts
Plato may himself express elsewhere, spins
it out into a theory, or bows to it as an infal-
lible revelation. Where Plato has the doc-
trine of Reminiscence, Neo-Platonism has
the doctrine of Ecstasy. In the Reminis-
cence of Plato, the ideas the mind perceives
are without it. Here there is no mysticism,
only the misiake incidental to metaphysicians
generally of giving an actual existence to
mere mental abstraction^. In Ecstasy, the
ideas perceived, are within the mind. The
mystic, according to Plotinus, contemplates
the divine perfections in himself; and, in the
ecstatic state, individuality (which is so much
imperfection), memory, time, space, phenom-
enal contradictions and logical distinctions all
vanish. It is not until the rapture is past,
and the ndind, held in this strange solution,
is, as it were, precipitated on reality, that
memory is again employed. Plotinus would
say that Reminiscence could impart only infe-
rior knowledge, because it implies separation
between the subject and the object. Ec-
stasy is superior — is absolute, being the
realization of their identity. True to this
doctrine of absorption, the pantheism of
Plotinus teaches him to maintain alike, with
the Oriental mystic at one extreme of time,
and with the Hegelian at the other, that our
individual existence is but phenomenal and
transitory. Plotinus, accordingly, does not
banish reason, he only subordinates it /to
ecstasy where the Absolute is in question.
It is not till the last that he calls in super-
natural aid. The wizard king builds his
tower of speculation by the hands of human
worknien till he reaches the top story, and
then summons his genii to fashion the battle-
ments of adamant, and crown them with
starry fire.
Plotinus, wrapt in his proud abstraction,
cared nothing for fame. An elect company
of disciples made for a time his world ; ere
long, his dungeon-body would be laid in the
dust, and the divine spark within him set
free, and lost in the Universal Soul. Por-
phyry entered his school fresh from the
study of Aristotle. At first the audacions
opponent of his master^ he soon became the
most devoled of his scholars. With a tem-
perament more active and practical than that
of Plotinus, with more various ability and
far more facility in method and adaptation,
with an erudition equal to his fidelity, blame-
less in his life, pre-eminent in the loftiness
and purity of his ethics, he was well fitted to
do all that could be done towards securing
for the doctrines he had espoused that repu-
tation and that wider influence to which
Plotinus was so indifferent. His aim was
twofold. He engaged ia a conflict hand to
hand with two antagonists at once, by both
of whom he was eventually vanquished. He
commenced an assault on CbrLstianity with-
out, and he endeavored to check the prog-
ress of superstitious practice within the
pale of paganism. His doctrine concerning
ecstasy is less extravagant than that of Plo-
tinus. The ecstatic state does not involve
with him the loss of conscious personality.
He calls it a dream, in which the soul, dead
to the world, rises to an activity that par-
takes of the divine. It is an elevation above
human reason, human action, human liberiy,
yet no temporary annihilation, but rather an
ennobling restoration or transformation of
the individual nature. In his well-known
letter to Anebon, he proposes a series of
questions which indicate that thorough skep-
ticism concerning the pretensions of theurgy
which so much scandalized lamblichus. The
treatise of the . latter, De Mysteriis, is an
elaborate reply, under the name of Abam-
mon, to that epistle.
Thus much concerning the doctrine of the
theosophic or spiritualist section of the Neo*
Platonists. lamblichus is the leader and
representative of the wonder-working and
theurgic branch of the school. With this
party a strange mixture of charlatanry and
asceticism takes the place of those lofty but
unsatisfying abstractions which absorbed
Plotinus. They are, in some sort, the lineal
descendants of those d^uprai of whom Plato
speaks — itinerant venders of expiations and
of charms — the Grecian prototypes of Chau-
cer's Pardonere. Yet nothing can exceed
the power to which they lay claim. If you
believe lamblichus, the^ theurgist is the vehi-
cle and instrument of Deity, ail the subor
dinate potencies and dominions of the uppe
1868.]
KBO-PLATOKIBM-HTPATIA<
829
world are at his beck, for it is not a man but
a God who mutters the words of might, and
chants the prayer which shakes celestial
thrones and makes the heavens bow. When
the afflatus is upon him» fiery appearances
are seen, sweetest melodies tremble through
the air, heavy with incense, or deep discor-
dant sounds betray some terrible presence
tamed by the master's art. There are four
great orders of spiritual existence peopling
the unseen world — ^gods, demons or heroes,
demi-gods, and souls. The adept knows at
once to which class the glorious shape which
confronts him may belong — for they appear
always with the insignia of their office, or in
a form consonant with the rank they hold in
the hierarchy of spiritual natures. The ap-
pearances of gods are uniform (iJbovofiid)},)^
those of demons various in their hue
(roixiXa). Often when a god reveals him-
self, he hides sun and moon, and appears, as
he descends, too vast for earth. Each order
has gifts of its own to bestow on those who
summon them. The gods confer health of
body, power anc} purity of mind : the prin-
cipalities which govern the sublunary ele-
ments impart temporal advantages. At the
same time there eiist evil demons — anti-
gods, who are hostile to the aspirant, who
afflict, if they can, both body and mind, and
hinder our escape from the world of appear-
ance and of sense.
It is not a little curious to observe the pro-
cess by which a more refined and intellectual
mysticism gives way to a more gross, and
theosophy is superseded by theurgy, in Neo-
Platonism, Gnosticism, and Romanism alike.
At first, ecstasy is an indescribable state —
any form or voice would mar and materialize
it — the vague boundlessness of this exalta-
tion, of that expanse of bliss and glory in
which the soul seems to swim and lose itself,
is not to be even hinted at by \he highest
utterance of mortal speech. But a degener-
ate age, or a lower order of mind, demands
the detail and imagery of a more tangible
marvel. The demand creates supply, and
the mystic, deceiver or deceived^ or both,
most commonly begins to furnish out for him-
self and others a full itinerary of those regions
of the unseen world which he has scanned
or traversed in his moments of elevation. He
describes the starred baldrics and meteor-
swords of the serial panoply — tells what for-
lorn shapes have been seen standing dark
a^inst a far depth of brightness, like stricken
pmes on a sunset horizon — what angelic
forms, in gracious companies, alight about
the haunts of men, thwarting the evil, and
opening pathways for the good — what genii
tend what mortals, and under what astral in-
fluences they work weal or woe — what dwell-
ers in the middle air cover with embattled
rows the mountain side, or fill some vast am-
phitheatre of silent inaccessible snow-^how
some encamp in the valley,^ under the pen-
nons of the summer lightning, and others find
a tented field where the slow wind unmlls
the exhalations along the marsh, or builds a
canopy of vapours — all is largely told — what
ethereal heraldry marshals with its blazon
the thrones and dominions of the un^en
realm — what giant powers and principalities
among them darken with long shadow, or
illumine with a winged wake of glory the
forms of following myriads, their ranks and
races, wars and destiny, as minutely register-
ed as the annals of some neighbor province,
as confidently recounted as though the seer
had nightly slipped his bonds of flesh, and
made one in their council or their battle.
Thus the metaphysical basis and the mag-
ical pretensions of Alexandrian mysticism
are seen to stand in an inverse ratio to each
other! Porphyry qualifies the intuitional
principle of his master, and holds more so-
berly the theory of illumination. lamblichus,
the most superstitious of all in practice, di-
minishes still further the province of theoso-
phy. He denies what both Plotinus and Por-
phyry maintained, that man has a faculty inac-
cessible to passion, and eternally active. Just
in proportion as these men surrendered their
lofty ideas of the innate power of the mind
did they seek to indemnify themselves by
recourse to supernatural assistance from with-
out. The talisman takes the place of the
contemplative reverie. Philosophic abstrac-
tion is abandoned for the incantations of the
cabalist; and as speculation droops super-
stition gathers strength.
Such are the leadmg features of that phi-
losophical religionism which attempted to
rival Christianity at Alexandria, and which
strove to cope, in the name of the past, with
the spiritual aims and the miraculous cre-
dentials of the new faith. What were the
immediate causes of its failure ? The attempt
to piece with new cloth the old garment was
necessarily vain. Porphyry endeavored to
refute the Christian, and to reform the pagan
by a single stroke. But Christianity could
not be repulsed, and heathendom would not
be renovated. In vain did he attempt to
substitute a single philosophical religion,
which should be universal, for the manifold
and popular polytheism of his day. Christian
truth repelled his attack on the one side, and
880
NEO-PLATONIHM— HYPATIA.
[Nov.,
idolatrous superstition carried bis defences on
the other. The Neo-Platonists, moreover,
volunteered their services as the champions
of a paganism which did but partially ac-
knowledge their advocacy. The philosophers
were often objects of suspicion to the em-
peror, always of dislike to the jealousy of the
heathen priest. In those days of emperor-
worship the emperor was sometimes a devour-
ing deity, and, like the sacred crocodile of
Egypt, more dangerous to his worshipers
than to his foes, would now and then break-
fast on a devotee. The Neo-Platonists de-
fended paganism not as zealots, but as men
of letters. They defended it .because the
old faith could boast of great names and great
achievements in speculation, literature, and
art, and because the new appeared barbarian
in its origin, and humiliating in its claims.
They wrote, they lectured, they disputed in
favour of the temple, and against the church,
not because they worshipped idols, but be-
cause they worshipped Plato. They ex-
claimed against vice, while they sought to
conserve its incentives, so abundant in every
heathen mythology, fondly dreaming that
they could bring a clean thing out of an un-
clean. Their great doctrine was the unity
alid immutability of the abstraction they
called God ; yet they took their place as the
conservators of polytheism. They saw Chris-
tianity denouncing every worship except its
own ; and they resolved to assert the oppo-
site, accrediting every worship except that
Christianity enjoined. They failed to observe
in that benign intolerance of falsehood, which
stood out as so novel a characteristic in the
• Christian faith, one of the credentials of its
divine origin. They forgot that lip-homage
paid to all religions is the virtual denial of
each. They strove to combine religion and
philosophy, and robbed the last of its only
principle, the first of its only power. In
their hands speculation lost its scientific pre-
cision, and deserted its sole consistent basis
in the reason ; for they compelled philosophy
to receive a fantastic medley of sacerdotal
inventions, and to labor, blinded and dis-
honored, an enfeebled Samson in the prison-
house of their eclecticism, that these might
be woven together into a flimsy tissue of pan-
theistic spiritualism. On the other hand, the
religions lost in the process whatever sanctity
or authoritativeness may once have been
theirs. This endeavor to philosophii^ super-
stition could only issue in the paradoxical prod-
uct of a philosophy without reason, and a
superstition without faith. Lastly, the old
aristocratic exclusiveness of Hellenist culture
could hold its own np longer ^affainst the en-
croaching confusions of the time — least of
all against a system which preached a gospel
to the poor. In vain did heathen philosophy
borrow from Christian spirituality a new re-
finement, and receive some rays of light from
the very foe she sought to foil. In every
path of her ambition, she was distanced by
the excellence, yea, by the very faults of her
antagonist. Did Neo-Platonism take the
higher ground, and seek in ecstasy union with
the divme, many a Christian ascetic in the
Thebaid laid claim to a union and an ecstasy
more often enjoyed, more confidently assert-
ed, m6re readily believed. Did she descend
a step lower, to find assurance for herself or
win repute with others, to the magical devo-
tion and materialized mysticism of theurgic
art, here, too, she was outdone, for the
Christian Church could not only point to
miracles in the past, which no one ventured
to impugn, but was growing richer every day
in relics and exorcisms, and in every species
of saintly marvel. Every Christian martyr
bequeathed a progeny of nyracles to the care
of succeeding generations. His bones were
the dragons' teeth, which, sown in the grave,
sprang up the armed men of the church mili-
tant— the supernatural auxiliaries of the faith
for which he died ; and bis sepulchre became
the corner-stone of a new church. Pagan
theurgy found its wand broken, and its spells
baffled, by the more potent incantations of
Christian faith or Christian superstition. A
barbaric art, compounded of every ancient
jugglery of priestcraft,\contended as vainly
against the roused elements of that human
nature which Christianity had stirred to its
depths, as do the savage islanders of the
Southern Sea against the hurricane, when,
sitting in a dusky circle on the beach, they
try, with wild noises, to sing down the .leap-
ing surf, ftnd to lull the shrieking winds,
that cover them with flying spray. Philoso-
phy, which had always repelled the people,
possessed no power to seclude thepi from
the Christianity which sought them out. It
is, perhaps, too much to say that it never
attracted minds from the lower walks of life,
but when it did so, the influence it exercised
was not really ameliorating or even diffusive.
Mr. Kingsley has correctly exemplified, ia
the character of Eudssmon, the operation of
philosophy on the vulgar mind. This little
man, who keeps the parasolff in the porch of
Hypatia's lecture- room, has picked up sundry
scraps of philosophy. He is, accordingly,
just as disdainful of the herd about him, as
the real philosophers, whom he apes, would
1858.]
KEOPLATONISM— HTPATIA.
881
necessarily be of himself. His frivolous and
selfish pedantry is a perpetual satire on phil-
oeophic pre^nsion. His philosophy, .leaving
his heart even as it was, imparts only a ri-
diculous inflation to his speech, and enables
him to beat his wife with a high-sounding
maxim on his lips. He resembles Andrew,
the serving-man of the great scholar in Beau-
mont and Fletcher's play of the^/</«r^ro^Aer,
who so delights to astound and mystify the
cook with his learned phrases and marvelous
relations of the scientific achievements of his
master : —
*' These are but scrapings of bis understanding,
Gilbert,
With' gods andfoddesaes, and such stranfje people.
He treats and deals with in so plain a fashion,
As thoti dost with thy boy that draws thy drink,
Or Ralph, there, with his kitchen-boys and
scalders/'
Such is the style in which Budsemon dis-.
courses to the wondering Philammon, fresh
from the desert, on the wisdom and the vir-
tues of Hypatia. This windy fare of conceit
and vanity, with a certain dog- like devotion
to his mistress, is all that the transcendental
diet of philosophy has vouchsafed him. —
Neither, in reality, were the young wits and
dandies of Alexandria much more effectually
nourished in virtue than this humble door-
keeper at the gates of wisdom. Bitterly did
Hypatia complain that her pupils remained
dead to those pure aspirations which exalted
her own nature. They listened, admired, and
were amused ; idleness had found a morning's
entertainment; they talked of virtue, but
they practised vice. While Hypatia, like
Queen Whims, in Rabelais' Kingdom of Quin-
iesaence, fed only on categories, abstractions,
second intentions, antitheses, metempsycho-
ses, transoendant prolepsies, " and such other
light food," her admirers, like Pantagruel and
his friends, did more than justice to all the
substantial materials of gluttony and drunk-
enness. In short, the very struggles made
by heathendom in the effort to escape its
doom, served only to disclose more fatally its
weakness, and to show to all that the doom
was merited. In one of the stories of the
Oesta Bofjutnorum, we are told of a 'warden
at a city gate who was empowered to receive
a penny from every passenger who was one-
eyed, hunchbacked, or afflicted with certain
diseases. A humpbacked man appeared one
day, who refused to pay the toll ; the warden
laid hands on him ; in the scuffle his cap
fell off, his clothes were torn, it was dicover-
ed that he had but one eye, and, finally, that
he was a sufferer under each of the diseases
amenable to the fine, so that he was mulcted,
at last, in five pennies instead of one. Such
has been the history of systems, political or
religious; which have attempted, when their
time was come, to resist the execution of the
sentence. They have persisted in pretending
to teach when they had nothing to impart,
in arrogating an authority already disowned,
or in obtruding a service which the world
required no longer ; and the more protracted
and obstinate such endeavors, the more
signal has been their overthrow, the more
conspicuous the sickly feebleness of their
corruption, the heavier the penalties they
have been compelled at last to pay.
The career of Neo-Platonism, as we have
now attempted to describe it, is faithfully
traced by Mr. Kingsley in the character of
Hypatia, in her aspirations, her mental strug-
gles, her bitter disappointment. He might
have exhibited the philosophical aspects of
the time, as it were, side by side with the
story, in the way of long speeches and occa-
sional disquisitions. He might, on the other
hand, have made Hypatia an abstraction —
an impersonation of the school she represents.
Either course would have been easier than
the one he has chosen — would have been, in
fact, the danger of an inferior workman. In
the first case, the book would have lacked
interest; in the second, nature. But Mr.
Kingrgley has contrived, with no little art, to
render the incidents of the story themselves
indicative of the character and fortunes of
the philosophy he has to depict, — to make
Hypatia human and real, and, at the same
time, to eihibit in her individual history the
strength, the weakness, and the inevitable
issue of that philosophic and pagan element
which, in fhe fifth century, leavened so large
a section of the social system. In this re-
spect, his tale may be read as history, and
those best acquainted with the period he
handles, will be the last to accuse his por-
traiture of untruthfulness. High, indeed, is
the office of the novelist, who endeavors not
merely to recall the dress and manners of a
by -gone age, but to pierce into the heart of
society, and show us how the various classes
of mankind were looking at those great ques-
tions concerning good and evil, right and
wrong, which are the same in their moment
for all time. Such an instructor widens the
door of knowledge, and introduces to the les-
sons of the past that large number who, in
our hurrying, headlong days, have neither
the time, the culture, nor the curiosity to
seek them in the original records. Our liter-
382
KEOFLAT0N1BM--.HTPATU.
[Nov.,
ature is less rich in each prodactions than it
should be, and we trust it will receive farther
contributions from the same hand to which
we owe Hjpatia.
To turn now from heathenism — divided be-
tween a fanciful spiritualism and a grovelling
superstition — between a thoughtful skepti-
cism and A thoughtless indiflference^-doomed
alike in its belief and in its disbelief, — to its
successful rival, the Church. Christianity, in
the fifth century, was disfigured by a wide-
spread corruption, but Paganism was in no
condition either to rival its excellencies or to
take advantage of its faults. Only too many
of the follies associated with heathen worship
were conserved by incorporation in that
church which made a ruin of every heathen
shrine. There is an Indian valley in which
it is said that gigantic trees have* pierced and
rent the walls of a long-deserted idol temple.
That resistless vegetation, with its swelling
girth and gnarled arms, has anticipated the
work of time ; but it haa been itself distorted
while it has destroyed. Large slabs and
fragments of stone are encased in the wodd,
and the twisted bark discovers here and there,
among the shadows of the leaves, groups of
petty gods which its growth has partially in-
closed. Thus did it happen with the mighty
tree that sprang from the grain of mustard-
seed, when by degrees it had received into
its substance, or embraced in its development,
many an adornment from those chambers of
imagery which its youthful vigor had riven
and overthrown. The heathen philosopher
might, with some show of justice, retort on
the Christians the charge of idolj^try, when
he saw them prostrate before an image, and
confident in the miraculous virtues of a relic
or a tomb. But the reproach availed him
nothing, for the power of conviction lay with
the adversary after all. He might accuse
the Christian, as Mr. Martineau accuses Pa-
ley, of representing the Deity as a retired
mechanist, — a creator withdrawn from the
work of his own hands to a far-off heaven ;
but the evil was not amended by depriving
the Divine Nature of personality, and diffusing
it pantheistically throughout the universe.
The dispute between the heathen and the
Christian, on that question, amounted to this
— Did God create the universe by willing or
by being it? (r^ /SouXsifdai, or r^jsfvai.) If
the latter, man has a criminal for a Deity ; if
the former, (as the Church said), the mystery
might be fathomless, but religion was at least
pos^ble. The Neo-Platonist might point to
parallels, answering plausibly at least, to
many features of the Christian doctrine, in the
old religions of mankind. But the labor was
as idle then as now, for this, at any rate, the
adversary of our faith could not and cannot
deny, that Christianity was the first to seek
out and to elevate the forgotten and degraded
masses of mankind.
A survey of such parallels is of service only
as indicative of the adaption of Christianity to
those obscure longings of the ancient world,
which are better understood by us than by
themselves. The likeness observable between
some of their ideas and those contained in the
Christian revelation, is that of the dim and
distorted morning shadow to the substance
from which it is thrown. We see that their
religious notions were not the nutrimeat their
souls really needed, but substitutes for, or an-
ticipations of, such veritable food. The pel-
lets of earth, eaten by the Otomacs and the
negroes, are no proof that clay caa afford
nourishment to man's system. They are the
. miserable resources of necessity ; they deaden
the irritability of the stomach, and allay the
gnawings of hunger, but they can impart no
sustenance. The religious philosophies of
the old world could, in like manner, asaua^e
a painful craving for a time, but they cocQd
not reinforce the life-blood, and resusciate, as
healthful food, the faint and emaciated frame.
Over against all points of similarity is to be
set this^ strikro^ contrast — for that forlorn
deep, the popular mind, Christianity had a
message of love and power, while heathen
wisdom had none. The masses of antiquity
resemble the cairn- people of northern super-
stition— a race of beings, said to dwell among
the tombs, playing sadly on their harps, la-
menting their captivity, and awaiting wistfully
the great day of restitution. They call on
those who pass their haunts, and ask if there
is salvation for them. If man answers yes,
they play blithely all the night throuffb ; if
he says, ** You have no Redeemer, they
dash their harps upon the^ stones, and crouch,
silent and weeping, in the gloomy reoesses of
their cavern. Such a dark and ignorant »gh-
ing to be renewed, was heard from time to
time, from those tarrying spirits in pri>on,
among the untaught multitudes of ancient
time. They questioned philosophy, and at
her cold denial shrank away, and hid them-
selves again in their place of darkness. They
questioned Christianity, and at her hopeful
answer they began 'to sing.
Once more, the enemy of the Cross was
reduced in that time^ as in our own, to the
inconsistency of extending the largest charity
possible to every licentious and cruel faidi
that had led man's wandering ferther yet
1863.]
imO-PLATOiriBM— HYFAHA.
383
astray, while he refuses even common candor
to the belief of the Christian in his Saviour.
Similarly, Mr. Parker must speak with ten-
derness of those multifarious types of the
religious sentiment which have identified hom-
icide with worship and deity with lust ; but
when he comes across an evangelical — fare-
well calm philosophy, and welcome bitterness
and bile 1 Mr. ^Parker might reply, in the
nineteenth century, as Theon would have re-
plied in the fifth — " But those Chtistians are
so intolerant, and will have it that every thing
unchristian is ungodly; they will not suffer
us to place their religion among the other
creations of man's devotional aspiration, and
to install it in the Pantheon of our philoso-
phic empire with the rest." Of course not,
Christianity could exist on no other terms. It
refused, in the days of the Cassars, to be
stabled in the Capitol among the hybrid and
the bestial forms which made that centre of
the world the gallery of its religious mon^^
trosities. It declared that, as the true re-
ligion, it was the only one ; that its claim
was fatal to all other? ; and it disdained to
receive, in company with a thousand false-
hoods, the divided patronage of imperial
policy. Just as that emperor- worship of
declining Kome would fain have set the
adoration of man in the place of that of
God — would readily, in its catholic state-
craft, have accepted the homage of Chris-
tianity as of all other creeds — substitutiDg
human sanctions for divine ; so our modern
sentimental Deism would herd Christianity
with all other faiths in a common philosophic
pasture, and make religion the worship of
man rather than of God. The difference in
our time is, that the human authority is not
now to be centered in any Divus Cassar, or
perpetuated by the gaudy celebration of an
apotheosis ; it is to be divided among an
elect priesthood of letters. It is asserted,
not by the sword but by the pen ; not by the
municipal organization of an empire, but by
the body corporate of publishers; and the
Infinite is to speak, not through the carrier
of a sceptre and wearer of the purple, but
through an author in his study or a professor
in his chair.
Mr. Kingsley has drawn no veil over the
gross abuses which rendered the church of
the fifth century so mournful a departure
from the simplicity of more stormy times.
He brings out to view the spiritual pride, the
wasteful asceticism, the coarse fanaticism, of
the church in the desert ; — the intrigue and
the faction, the ambition and the covetous-
ness, of the church in the city. Tet, amidst
it all, both in the wilderness and in the capital,
we are permitted to catch glimpses of a
piety strong in its 'simple-mindedness, how-
ever narrow ; — of a principle, working in the
lives of numbers, so holy, so benign, as still
to vindicate the promised presence of the
Highest with his people. Great as the actu-
al corruption may have been, the evils it dis-
placed were greater yet. Many of the faults'
with which Christianity was chargeable wece
accounted such only by her own standard.
They were short-comings in a virtue, hitherto,
not simply unattained, out undesired. They
were stains upon her garment, only visible
by the light she herself had brought into
the world.
It now remains for us briefly to trace the
influence of the Neo-Platonism of Alexandria
on the Christianity by which it was vanquish-
ed—to mark the workings of its principle
within the church, and afterwards the revival
of its spirit in opposition to it.
The Platonism of the Middle Ages, be it
remembered, was not so much the doctrind
of Plato as of Plotinus, The old Greeks
were lost to the monlistic world, aid were
^ known only through the Alexandrians, who
corrupted the philosophy they professed to
interpret. Neo-Platonism was studied
through the medium of Augustine on the
one side, and the Pseudo-Dionysius on the
other ; was transmitted principally by writerQi
like Apuleins and Boethius. To th^ monk-
ish scribes of the scriptorium, the sesthetio
culture, so precious in the eyes of Plato, the
natural science so elaborately investigated
by the Stagyrite, were matters of indiffer-
ence. The Christian writers only assimilated
from antiquity what seemed to fall within
the province of the church. The ecclesiasti-
cal world took Augustine's word for it, that
Plotinus had enunciated the real esoteric
doctrine of Plato. They believed, on the
authority of the Neo-Platonists, that Aristotle
and Plato were not the enemies which had
been supposed. They viewed the school of
Aristotle as the forecourt, leading to the
mystic shadows of that grove of Hecademus,
wherein Plato was supposed to discourse of
heaven and obscurely to adore the ChrisUan's
God.
Realism and Asceticism were the common
ground of the Christian and the Neo-Platon-
ist. The same enthusiasm for abstractions,
the same contempt for the body and the
world of sense, animated the philosophy of
the old world and the theology of the new.
A spiritual aristoeracy was substituted in
Europe for the intelleotital aristOGraey of
384
NBO-PLATONISM— HYPATIA.
[Nov.,
Greece. The exclusive spirit of the sage,
with his chosen group of esoteric followers, —
of the hierophftDt, with his imposing ritual
and his folding gates of brass, excluding the
profane, passed from paganism into the
Christian priesthood. The church, too, learnt
to glory in a treasured potency and secret
doctrine, which must be veiled from the vul-
gar eye, — professed to speak but in the sym-
bolism of painting, of sculpture, of cere-
mony, to the grosser apprehensions of the
crowd, and transformed the £ucharist into an
Eleusinian mystery.
In the eastern church the Neo-Platonists
had their revenge. With a fatal sway they
ruled from their urns, when dead, that Chris-
tianity which had banished them while living.
It was not long after the death of Proclus,
about the time when the factions of Con-
stantinople were raging most furiously—
when rival ecclesiastics headed city riots
with a rabble o£ monks, artisans, and bandit
soldierly at their heels — when the religious
world was rocking still with the ground-swell
which followed those stormy synods in which
Palestine and Alexandria, Asia and Byzan-
tium, tried their strength against each other,
that a certain nameless monk was busy in his
cell fabricating sundry treatises and letters
which were to find their way into the church
under the all- but apostolic auspices of Dio-
nysius the Areopagite. These writings are
an admixture of the theosophy of Proclus
with the doctrines of the church : writings
in which the heathen bears to the Christian
element the same proportion as the sack to
the bread in Falstaff 's account. The panthe-
istic emanation- doctrine of the New Plato-
nists ; the evolution of the universe, through
successive orders of existence, from the
primal Nothing called God ; and the return-
ing tendency of all being towards that point
of origin (the r^oo^o; and sieKfTpo^ri), are dog-
mas reproduced without any substantial
alteration. The ideal hierarchy of Proclus
does service, with a nominal change, as the
celestial hierarchy of Dionysius. The Divine
Word is removed from man by a long inter-
vening chain of heavenly principalities and
ecclesiastical functionaries, — becomes little
more than an unintelligible museum of arche-
types, and is rather the remote Illuminator
than the present Saviour of mankind. The
tendency of the whole system was to repre-
sent the clerical order as an exact antitype
of the ideal or celestial kingdom of God in
heaven. Its aim was obviously to centre all
truth and all power in the symbolism and
the offices of the Greek church. Hence the
success of the imposture. It was the tri-
umph of sacerdotalism. Under the name of
Dionysius, Proclus was studied and commen-
tated by many generations of dreaming
monks. Under that name he conferred om-
nipotence on those Christian priests whom
he had cursed in his heart, while reading
lectures and performing incantations at
Athens. Under that name he contributed
most largely to those influences which held
the religious world of the east in a state of
stagnant servitude for nine hundred years.
In the West these doctrines have a very
different history. It is a remarkable fact,
that the ideas of the Alexandrian thinkers
have operated powerfully, under various
forms, both to aggravate and to oppose the
corruptions of Christianity. In the ninth
century John Scotus Erigt*na found time to
translate Dionysius into Latin, while the
Northmen were pillaging and burning up the
S^ine, gibbeting prisoners by scores under
the eyes of the degenerate descendants of
Charlemagne, and while monks and priests
were everywhere running away with relics,
or jumping for safety into sewers. But the
spirits of Plotinus and of Proclus were now
to become the ghostly tutors of a vigorous
race of minds. The pantheistic system con-
structed by Erigena on the old Alexandrian
basis was original and daring. The seeds be
sowed gave birth to a succession of heretics
who were long a thorn in the side of the
corrupt hierarchy of France. Even where
this was not the case, Platonism and mysti-
cism together formed a party in the church,
the sworn foes of mere scholastic quibbling,
of an arid and lifeless orthodoxy, and, at last,
of the more glaring abuses which had grown
up with ecclesiastical pretension. The Alex-
andrian doctrine of emanation was abandon-
ed, its pantheism was softened or removed,
but its allegorical interpretation, its exalta-
tion, true or false, of the spirit above the
letter — all this was retailed, and became the
stronghold from which the ardent mystic as-
sailed the formal schoolman, and the more
enlightened advocate of the religious life
exposed the hollo wness of mere orthodoxy
and ritualism. Thus many a thought which
had its birth at Alexandria, passing through
the last writers of the empire or the fathers
of the church, was received, after a refining
process, into hearts glowing with a love that
heathendom could never know, put to higher
and more beneficient uses, and made to play
its part again upon the stage of time in a
ffuise of which its author could not even
dream.
••
1868.]
NEO-PLATONIBM— HYPATIA.
885
In the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries,
Neo-PIatonism was revived in Italy by a
class of men possessing much more in com-
mon with its original founders. At that
period not a trace of the old conflict be-
tween Paganism and Christianity was found
surviving in the south of Europe. The
church had become heathen, and the super-
stition of polytheism was everywhere visible
in her religious practice. The temples were
now churches; Christian legends took the
place of the old mythology ; saints and
angels became to the mass what the ancient
gods had been, and were honored by similar
offeringrs ; the carnival represented the satur-
nalia, and, in short, so far had the old faith
and the new become united, that no ancient
Roman returning from his grave, and behold-
ing the shrines, the processions, the images,
the votive tablets, the lamps, the flowers,
could have failed for a moment to recognize
the identity of the Eternal City. Now this
world of Christianized heathendoni was
represented, in philosophy and letters, by
men who had inherited both the doctrines
an(i the spirit of Neo-Platonism ; by men to
whom the earnest religious movement of the
north presented itself as the same mysterious,
barbaric, formidable foe which primitive
Christianity had been to the Alexandrians.
Thus the old conflict between pagan and
Christian — the man of taste and the man of
faith — ^the man who lived for the past, and
the man who lived for the future — was re-
newed, in the sixteenth century, between the
Italian and the German.
The Neo-Platonist Academy of Florence
was not a whit behind the Alexandrians in
the worship they paid to Plato. He was
extolled from the pulpit, as well as from the
chair, as the stronghold of Christian evi-
dence. He was declared replete with Mes-
sianic prophecy. Ficinus maintained that
lessons from Plato should make a part of the
church service, and that texis should be
taken from the Parmenides and the Pbilebus.
The last hours of Socrates, the cock ofiered
to ^sculapius, the cup of poison, and the
parting words of blessing, were made typical
of the circumstances attending the Saviour's
passion. Before the bust of Plato, as be-
fore the image of a saint, a lamp burned
night and day in the study of Ficinus. The
hymns of Orpheus were sung to the lyre
once more, to lull those passions which
apostolic exhortation had done so little to
subdue. Gemisthas Pletho blended with
the philosophy of Plato the wisdom of the
East and the mythology of Greece, in the
spirit of the Alexandrian eclectics. Like
them, he dreamed of a universal religion,
which should harmonize, in a philosophic
worship, all human' creeds. Cusanus reno-
vated the mystic numbers of Pythagoras,
discovered new mysteries in the Tetractys,
and illustrated spiritual truth by the acute
and the obtuse angle. But Ficinus did not
restore the Athenian Plato, nor Nicholas of
Cusa, «the Samian Pythagoras. The Plato
of the first was the Plato of Plotinus ; the
Pythagoras of the second was the Pythago-
ras of Hierocles. Pico of Mirandola, the
Admirable Crichton of his time, endeavored
to combine scholasticism with the CabaU,
to reconcile the dialectics of Aristotle and
the oracles of Chaldsea; and produced, in
his Heptaplus, an allegorical interpretation
of the Mosaic account of the Creation,
which would have seemed too fanciful in the
eyes of Hypatia herself. Patritius sought
the sources of Greek philosophy in Zoroas-
ter and Hermes, translated and edited the
works which Neo Platonists had fabricated
under their names, and wrote to Gregory
XIV., praying that Aristotle might be ban-
ished the schools, and Hermes, Asclepius,
and Zoroaster appointed in his place, as the
best means of advancing the cause of reli-
gion, and reclaiming the heretical Germans.
Protestantism was too slrong for these
scholars, just as Christianity had been too
strong for the Alexandrians. Their feeble-
ness sprang from the very same cause ; their
whole position was sirikingly similar. They
were the philosophic advocates of a religion
in which they had themselves lost faith.
They attempted to reconcile a corrupt phi-
losophy and a corrupt religion, and made
both worse. Their love of literature and
art was confined to a narrow circle of court-
iers and literati ; and while the Lutheran
pamphlets, in the vernacular, set all the
north in a flame, the philosophic refinements
of the Florentine dilettanti were aristocratic,
exclusive, and powerless. Their intellectual
position was fatal to sincerity, their social
condition equally so to freedom. The des-
potism of the Roman emperors was more
easily evaded by a philosopher of ancient
tiroes than the tyranny of a Visconti or a
D'Este, by a scholar at Milan or Ferrara. It
was the fashion to patronise men of letters,
but the natural return of subservience and
flattery was rigorously exacted. The Ita-
lians of the fifteenth century had long ceased
to be familiar with the worst horrors of war ;
and Charies VIIL, with his ferbcions French-
men, appeared to them another Attila.
886
NBO-PLATONlSM— HYTATLA.
[Nov.
Each Italian dtate underwent, on its petty
scale, the fate of imperial Rome, and the
Florentine Academy could not survive for a
twelvemonth its princely master, Lorenzo de
Medici. The philosophic and religious con-
servatism of Florence was thus as destitute
of real vitality, of all self-sustaining power,
as its prototype at Alexandria. The Floren-
tine Platonists, moreover, did not exhibit
that austerity of manners which gave Plo-
tinus and Porphyry no little authority even
among those to whom their speculations were
utterly unintelligible. Had Romanism been
unable to find defenders more thoroughly in
earnest, the shock she then received must
have been her death-blow ; she must have
perished, as Paganism perished. But, wise
m her generation, she took her cause out of
the hands of a religious philosophy, commit-
ted it to the ascetic and the enthusiast, and,
strong in resources heathendom could never
know, passed her hour of peril, and proved
that her hold on the passions and terrors of
mankind was still invincible. The Platonists
of Alexandria and of Florence both were
twilight men ; but the former were men of
the evening, the latter men of the morning
twilight. The passion for erudition, which
followed the revival of letters, might be
wasted, south of the Alps, on trifles ; it was
consecrated to the loftiest service in the
north. The lesson conveyed in the parallel
we have attempted to draw, is a grave one ;
twice has the effort been made to render the
abstractions of a philosophized religion a
power among mankind — in each case without
success. The attempt to refine away what
is distinctive of a revelation, real or imagin-
ary, and to subtilise the residuum into a sen-
timental theism,* has always failed. Such a
system must leave the indifferent many as
they were, and superstition is unchecked. It
must excite the disdain of the earnest few,
as a profane and puerile trifling with the
most momentous questions which can occupy
the mind of man. As its inconsistencies be-
come apparent, it will always be found to
strengthen the hands of the parties it pro-
fesses to oppose. It must urge the higher
class of minds into a thorough and impartial,
instead of a one-sided skepticism, emd so
reinforce the ranks of consistent and abso-
lute unbelief. It must abandon minds of a
lower order to all those religious corruptions
which lull the conscience, and gratify the
passions. It has done nothing to reform the
world ; and, never strong enough long to
oppose a serious obstacle to progress, it has
been suffered repeatedly to die out of itself.
Such examples in the past should' much
diminish the dread which many feel of that
would-be religious skepticism among oar-
selves which essays to emasculate the truths
of revelation, much as the Alexandrian and
Florentine Platonists proposed to etherealize
the myths of polytheism and the doctrines
of Christianity into a vague sentiment of
worship.
While the theosophy of the Alexandrian
school enjoyed a revival in the hands of men
of letters, its theurgy was destined to impart
an impulse to the occult science of the six-
teenth and seventeenth centuries. It is not
a little interesting to trace the same mental
phenomena at the entrance of the European
world on the middle ages, and at its exit
from them. We see the same syncretism
which confounded the Oriental and Hellenic
conceptiohs together, the same endeavor to
hold converse by theurgy, and by white
magic with the unseen world. As Plotinus
returns with Ficinus to the regions of day,
so lambliohus revives with Paracelsus and
Cornelius Agrippa. The ancient and the
modern cabbalists established tdeir theurgy
on a common basis. Plotinus and Campan-
ella both agree on this point, that the world
is, as it were, one living organism, all the
parts of which are related by certain sympa-
thies and antipathies, so that the adept in
these secret affinities acquires a mastery over
the elements. It »was by this principle,
according to Agrippa, that art made nature
her slave. As r rod us required of the
theurgist an ascetic purity, so Caropanella
makes it an essential that the cultivator of
occult science be a good Christian — onepos*
sessing no mere historic, but an '* intrinsic '*
faith, a man qualified alike to hold commerce
with holy spirits, and to baffle the arts of
the malign.
The spirits called by lamblicbus lords of
the sublunary eleftients are equivalent to the
astral spirits of Christian theurgy ; and those
powers which are said by him to preside
over matter and impart material gifts, an-
swer to the elementary spirits of the Rosi*
crucians. Iambi ichus and Proclus were firm
believers in the efficacy of certain unintelli-
gible words of foreign origin, which were on
no account to be Hellenised, lest they should
lose their virtue. Cornelius Agrippa enjoins
the use of similar magical terms, which he
declares more potent than names which have
a meaning, and of irresistible power, when
reverently uttered, because of the latent
divine energy they contain. The "Shem-
hamphorason" of Jewish tradition, and the
1863.]
NEO-PIATONISM— HYPATIA.
387
" Agla" of the cabaliste, are examples. The
great point of distinction between the theur-
gy of the earlier and of the later period is
sufficiently obvious. In the fourth and fifth
centuries theurgy came in to eke out an un-
satisfactory philosophy, and to prop a falling
religion. In the sixteenth century a similar
intrusion into the unseen world was the off-
spring of a newly recovered freedom. It
received its direction and encouragement, in
part from the revived remains of ancient
tradition, but it was pursued with a patience,
an originality, and a boldness, which showed
that the impulse was spontaneous, not de-
rived. These magical essays were the gam-
bols of the intellect let loose from its long
scholastic durance.
In modem Germany, the philosophy of
Schelling rests in substance on the founda-
tion of Plotinus — the identity of subject and
object. It is generally admitted, that his
intellectual intmtion is a refined modification
of the Neo-Platonist ecstacy. But it is in
some members of the so-called romantic
school that the fallacious principle ^f the
Alexandrians is most conspicuous. Freder-
ick Schlegel did his best to make it appeai*
that the great want of Christian literature
was a mythology like that of the Greeks.
His philosophy seeks to throw over all Hfe
and history the haze of a poetic symbolism.
He was symbol-mad; and, very naturally,
became a Roman Catholic deist, to indulge
his taste that way to the utmost. He wrote
bitter diatribes against the Reformation. He
depreciated Luther as the mere translator of
the Bible. He extolled Jacob Behmen as
the gifted seer who revealed to mortal gaze
its utmost mysteries. He evolved as much
Christianity as he cared to conserve from the
fancies of the Indian Brahmins. Such a
fantastic religio-philosophy as this, is the re-
sult for which experience bids us look wher-
ever men attempt thus to combine a poetical
theosophy with popular superstition. Freder-
ick Schelgel was never ^n authority, and
the little influence he once exerted is rapidly
passing away. This destructive conservatism
— this superstitious skepticism — this sub-
tilized materialism, is a contradiction too
monstrous to be kept alive by any amount of
mere cleverness. *
The dialogue Mr, Kingsley has imagined
between Orestes and Hypatia is prophetic.
If ever the skeptical intuitionalism of our
times should have the opportunity of trying
on any considerable scale, the efficacy of its
principles, that prophecy would be fulfilled.
It would then appear that the masters in this
school are capable of pandering to the pas-
sions of the multitude as Orestes did. Their
theories would be as impotent to influence
the general mind as the speculations of
Hypatia concerning the myths of Greece.
The same proud selfishness would display
itself. The mass of mankind, *' without in-
tuitions,"— the multitude who never hear the
mystic voice of the ** over-soul," or open the
avenues of their nature to the influxes of
the All, would be left of necessity to them-
selves. Their existence is but transitory ;
their vices the shadows of the great picture
of the universe — a necessary foil, whereby
to exhibit the super-Christian virtues of the
philosophic few. They will soon be resolv-
ed into the aggregate of souls which make
up the heart and motive power of all matter
— so, why should they not live as heretofore ?
This people, that knoweth not our transcen-
dental law, are accursed. This spiritualise
pantheism would not indeed restore, under its
old names, the Olympus of Greece, as the
Alexandrians strove to do. But it would
come to the same thing upon their leaguing,
as they would be forced to do, with some
form or other of that baptized paganism we
call popery. These religions for the few,
however, with their arrogant refinement and
idle subtlety, have playt'd the |>art of priest
and Levite too often. That faith which has
proved the Good Samaritan and true neigh-
bor to suflering humanity can alone finally
secure its homage and its love.
VOL. XXX NO. m.
2a
388
A GOSSIP ABOUT LAUREATESL
[Nov.,
From Bent]ey*s Mitcellany^-
A GOSSIP ABOUT LAUREATES
The laurel is the fig-tree of the poet. Ho
sits uoder its shadow with a double assar-
aDce of fame and protection. What a book
might be written on laurels ! How inti-
mately they are mixed up with the history of
poetry, the romance of love, and the annals
of crime. The ancients crowned their poeta
with bays, which, says old Selden, ''are
supposed not subject to any hurt of Jupiter's
thunderbolts, as other trees are." Petrarch
regarded the laurel as the emblem of his
mistress, and is said to have been so affected
by the sight of one on landing from a voy-
age, that he threw himself on his knees before
it. From this leaf, too, which has formed
the coronal of the Muses through all time,
subtlest poison is distilled, and the assassina-
tions committed by the agency of laurel-
water would make a curious companion- vol-
ume to the lives of the laureates. Thus
there is an adjusting element in the laurel to
avenge as well as to reward, and the love
which finds its glory in the bays may also
extract its vengeance from them. We need
not go beyond the poets themselves for
illustrations of the two principles of good
and evil — the life and death — typified in the
laurel. Their noblest works exhibit the one ;
their abuse of their power, their littlenesses,
their satires, envy and detraction betray the
other. We have two familiar examples in
Dryden and Pope. If the " Religio Laici,**
and the " Annus Mirabilis,*' the " Essay on
Man," and the " Rape of the Lock" contain
the living principle, may we not carry out
the metaphor by saying, that " Mac-Fleck-
noe" and the "Dunciad" were written in
laurel-water ? Frussic acid could not have
done its work more effectually than the ink
which traced these anathemas. The laurel
that confers immortality also carries death in
its leaves.
This is a strange matter to explore. There
is a warning in it that dulls a little of the
brightness of all poetical .glories. Suppose
we assemble under a great spreading laurel-
tree, all the poets who have worn the bays in
England and drank or compounded their
tierces of wine from Ben Jonson to Tenny- |
I son* — let us hear what confessions they have
to make, what old differences to re-open or
patch up, what violated friendships to re-
knit, mingled with reproaches and recrimin-
ations—
" Digesting wars with heart-uniting loves."
It will be as good as a scene at the ** Mer-
maid," with a commentary running through
to point a mocal that was never thought of
when the Browns and Draytons met over
their sack. First of all, here is Ben Jonson
telling us how he escaped having his ears
cropped, and his nose slit (rather more cer-
emoniously than the like office was perform-
ed on Sir John Coventrjr) for having assisted
in casting odium on the Scotch ; and how by
a begging petition to Charles I., he got the
pension of a hundred marks, worth about
thirteen shillings and four pence each, raised
to so many pounds, with a tierce of wine in
perpetuity added to them, for the benefit
and delectation of his successors. Upon this,
Dryden, taking a large pinch of snuff, ob-
serves, that his successors had little to thank
him for ; that nothing could exceed the mean-
ness of Charles II., who rewarded men of
letters by empty praise, instead of keeping
them out of jails by a little timely munifi-
cence : that he had said as much in a famous
panegyric of his upon that monarch's mem-
ory, insinuating his contempt for the shab-
biness of the deceased sovereign, in a line
which the stupid people about the court took
for an extravagant compliment ; and that, as
for the tierce of Canary, it was well known
that James II., who had as much sympathy
for poets and poetry as one of his own Flem-
ish coach -horses, had robbed him of it when
he wore the laurel, although he changed his
religion with the change of kings, and cele-
brated high mass in the " Hind and Panther,"
with a thousand times more splendour than
* For whose historiee, traced chronologically, the
reader is referred to a recent volame of pleaaant
literary biography, called *' The Lives of the Lau-
reates.'^' By W. S. Austin, Jan., B.A., and John
Balph, M.A.
1853.]
A GOSSIP ABOUT LAUREATES.
839
ever it was celebrated in the private chapel
at Whitehall.
It cannot be supposed that Shad well will
sit by quietly, and hear such remarks as these
in silence ; accordingly, no sooner has Dryden
cncluded (no one will venture to speak while
Dryden is speaking, out of that old habit of
deference with which he used to be treated
at Will's Coffee-house) than Shadwell, roll-
ing his great globular body right round to
the table, and looking with rather an impa-
tient and impudent stare at Dryden, reminds
him of the obligations he owed to James II.,
who, if he deprived him of his tierce of
Canary, increased his pension ; and as there
is no longer any reason for being delicate
about such subjects, he adds, that the whole
world believes that he changed his religion
for the sake of that petty one hundred pounds
a-year. At all events, that the coincidence
of the conversion and the gratuity looked
very much like one of those astrological con-
junctions from which men like Dryden him-
self, drew ominous inferences ; and that even
Dr. Johnson, who, considering his own strong
opinions on religion, was singularly generous
to Dryden's memory, could not resist observ-
ing, that " that conversion will always be
suspected, which, apparently, concurs with
interest ; and he that never finds his error till
it hinders his progress towards wealth and
honor, will not be thought to love Truth for
herself.'* The theme is too tempting for
Shad well to stop here ; it revives the ancient
grudge in all its original bitterness, and he
cannot help, for the ghost of him, closing up
with a touch of his ancient dare-devil humor
to the effect that, for his part, he can not say
he was much Surprised, when he heard of
Dryden's j^erversion ; that he had seen it
plainly enough all along, even so far back as
the trial of Shaftesbury ; that, in fact, be
believed all religions were the same to a man
who, within the compass of a few months,
had prostituted his pen to Puritanism, Pro-
testantism, and Popery ; that the true solu-
tion of the case was to be found in the
charge long before brought against him, and
that he was now more than ever convinced,
that, from the beginning to the end, Dryden
was neither more nor less than an atheist.
This does not disturb Dryden much,
although it shocks the ghostly company of
laureates sitting round about, some of whom
belong to a more polite age, and, intimate as
they are with these Billingsgate conflicts in
books, are not prepared to be personally
mi led up in one of them. But Dry den's
calmness, and that slow confident smile of
contempt with which he surveys the rotun-
dity of Shadwell's person, as if he were
again taking its measure —
" Round as a globe, and liquored every chink !"
re-assures them. If Dryden is not hurt at
being called an atheist, why should they ?
Every man looks to himself in this world, and
human frailty still haunts the inspirations of
these laureled shades. Dryden is going to
say something — he takes another huge pinch,
and, tapping bis box with the air of a con-
queror, repeats the terrible name of " Og I"
two or three times, with increasing emphasis
at each repetition. Concerning the term
Atheist, he says, he disposed of that long
ago, and flung it back with interest upon the
" buffoon ape who
** Mimicked all sects, and had his own to choose."
He was quite content to rest upon the
controversy, as he left it in the great convo-
cation of beasts he had brought together
under the auspices of the British lion, and
whenever such reeling asses as Shad well
should show themselves able to comprehend
the mass of theological learning he had heap-
ed up in weighty couplets for the use of dis-
putants in all time to come, he would be
ready to answer any indictment they might
concoct against him. In the meanwhile, he
would recommend Shad well to control his
tongue, and try to look sober, and niend his
manners. Rochester had done him greater
mischief by praising his wit in conversation
than he had ever done him by exposing his
stupidity in print ; and one thing was quite
certain, that whatever Shadwell might have
suffered in reputation from Dryden's pen, to
that same pen, charged as it was with con-
tempt, he was solely indebted for his eleva-
tion to the laurel. Shadwell should remem-
ber that, and not be ungrateful. If he, Dry-
den, had not singled him out as the True
Blue Protestant poet, and given him that ap-
pellation at a time when it was likely to stick.
King William would never have degraded
the office which he, and Ben, and Will Dav-
enant had held, to confer it upon a fellow
who, whatever his drunken companions of
the tavern might think of him, was never a
poet, as he had long ago told him, of God's
own making.
Now, as Shadwell had always been re-
markable in the flesh for intemperance of all
sorts, and was as " hasty" in his temper as
in his plays, of which he usually composed an
act IB four or five days, we may easily imagine
•340
A GOSSIP ABOUT LAUREATEa
[Nov.,
how he would retort uponDryden after such
a speech as this. The most vulnerable part
of Dryden's character was his jealousy of
other poets, and Shad well, naturally enough,
indemnifies himself for all such abuse, by
ascribing it to envy. He refreshes Dry den's
memory, by recalling the praises he used to
lavish upon him before they quarreled. Did
he not once say in a prologue, that Shad well
was the jj^reatest of all the comedy writers,
and second to only Ben himself (who, by the
way, was the only man Shadwell would con-
sent to be second to) ; and he would now tell
him to his face, that the real spring of the
malignity with which he afterwards pursued
him, was his success in the theatre. He
never could forgive him his success. He
hated every man that succeeded. How used
he to treat poor Crowne ? Was it not no-
torious that when a play of Crowne's failed
(which, he confessed, was no uncommon oc-
currence), Dryden would shake hands cor-
dially with him, and tell him that his play
deserved an ovation, and that the town was
not worthy of such a writer; but when
Crowne happened to succeed, he would hardly
condescend to acknowledge him. He could
not help admitting that Crowne had some
genius ; but then he would account for it by
saying, that his father and Crowne*s mother
were very well acquainted. Who was Dry-
den's father? He never knew he had a
father. He doubted the fact. He might
have had a dozen, for all he knew, but he
never heard of any one in particular.
This sort of scurrilous personality is not
agreeable to Nahum Tate. He has not for-
gotten his share in the Psalms, and thinks
that it becomes him to put a stop to a dis-
cussion which borders on licentiousness. He
does not pretend to say who Dryden's father
was : but he knows both Dryden and Shad-
well well, and bears an allegiance to the
former (who rendered him the greatest honor
his miserable life could boast) that will not
suffer him to hear Dryden lampooned in this
fashion with impunity. If Dryden was en-
vious of rivals, it was a failing incidental to
all men ; but he could tell Shadwell that his
contempt was larger than his envy, as Shad-
well might discover, if he would sit down
quietly and dispassionately, and read the
second part of " Absalom and Ahitkophel,"
once more. He might recommend the per-
usal of that book with perfect propriety,
because it was well known to all writers and
critics that the particular passages which re-
lated to Shadwell, and his friend El kanah
Settle, were not written by him. Perhaps
the internal evidences would be sufficient to
show that. He did not set up for a poet,
although he did write all the rest of the
j)oem, and made an alteration of Shakspeare's
" Lear," which still keeps the stage in pref-
erence to the original itself. It must be
admitted that it wa^ quite consistent with a
modest appreciation of his own merits, to
plume himself a little on those incidents in a
career to which posterity attached a value
his grudging contemporaries denied. It was
something, he thought, to be honestly proud
of, that his Psalms are, to this hour, used in
the Church of England, and that the name
of Nahum Tate is likely to go down to the
end of time, or at least as long as the
English language lasts, in every parish church
and playhouse in the kingdom. He might
be a very bad poet. It was not for him to
say anything on that point. But be should
be glad to be informed what other English
poet, from the earliest times to the present
hour, could boast of ministering so variously
and so constantly to the profit and pleasure
of the English people — on the Sunda}6 in
the organ-loftf helped out by a genera] cho-
rus of the congregation, and all through the
week on the stage, for he supposed there
was hardly a day in the week in which
" King Lear," as he improved it, was not
played somewhere ? Yet how was he, who
had left these imperishable legacies to pos-
terity, treated by his own generation ? It
was true he succeeded Shadwell in the
laureateship. Laureateship 1 Starvation !
Talk, indeed, of pensions and tierces of Can^
ary ; talk of duns and bailifiTs., When the
Earl of Dorset died, he ought to have died
too, for he had lived literally on the chanty
of that pious nobleman, and when he lost
his patron he was left to starve. Was he
not obliged to fly from his creditors and take
refuge in the Mint, where, to the shame of
the age, he died of want? To be sure, that
is tf common fate amongst the poets, and he
ought not to complain of a dispensation
under which so many better men had suflfer-
ed ; but that was the least of it. Once he
was dead he might have been left to his re-
pose. The jibe and the sarcasm, however,
followed him to his grave, What had be
done to Pope, who was only lisping verse
when he was at the height of his fame, that
he should hold him up to universal ridicule ?
And how had it happened that every pre-
tender to verse or criticism, history or biog-
raphy— not one in a hundred, perhaps, of
whom had ever read a line of the Psalms —
should with one accord fix upon his name as
1853.]
A GOSSIP ABOUT LAUREATEa
341
the common mark for their ignominious
ribaldry ?
Nicholas Rowe hears these lementations
with an appearance of some uneasiness. He
was always believed to have been rather of
a religious turn, and there is a misapprehen-
sion abroad concerning the succession to the
laureateship, which, as an honest man, he
desires to correct. And so, drawing his
hand somewhat solemnly over his chin, and
turning his handsome face mildly towards
our ruffled Nahum, he* call to his recollection
the time and circumstances of his death.
He tells him that Dr. Johnson, who has
made several mistakes of a graver kind, ex-
presses some fears that he, l^icholas Rowe,
obtained the laurel by " the ejection of poor
Nahum Nate, who died in the Mint, where
he was forced to seek shelter by extreme
poverty." Nothing could be more erroneous.
Upwards of a fortnight elapsed after that
melancholy event before he was appointed.
He hoped his friend Nahum would do him
justice with posterity on that point. It really
made him very uncomfortable; for, ghost as
he was> he looked back with a justifiable
satisfaction to a life of irreproachable integ-
rity,^ and he wished it to be understood that
Mr. Tate enjoyed all the honors and ad-
vantages, whatever they were, of the office of
Court Poet up to the moment of his demise.
He was sorry that the translator of the
Psalms should have had so much occasion
for putting their divine philosophy into
practice. Want was a hard thing. He
could not account for Mr. Tate's distresses.
It was no business of his to intrude upon the
private sorrows of a brother poet ; but he
knew that Mr. Tate had his pension, or ought
to have had it, to the fast hour of his
chequered struggle. For his own part, he
had nothing to complain of, except that the
full tide of prosperity flowed in upon him
rather late in life. He enjoyed three unin-
terrupted years, however, of high and palmy
existence, which was more, he suspected,
tjian many poets could count up through
their variegated lives, and at the close he
was honored with tributes which enabled him
to rest satisfactorily in a fine tomb. He must
say that he did not agree with his predecessor
in the slur he flung upon Pope. Mr. Tate
might have personal reasons for taking
posthumous offence at the *' Dunciad." Of
course people will sometimes be carried away
by their feelings ; but Pope was a great poet,
and a judicious critic, and had written an
epitaph for a certain monument in West-
minster Abbey, which he could not help es-
teeming as one of the most exquisite things
in the whole range of funereal literature.
In that epitaph, Pope stated that he, the
author of "Jane Shore," was,
** Blessed in his genius — in his love too blest."
He always thought that line a remarkable
specimen of condensed expression. It said
nearly everything of him that he could have
wished to be said; and had he written it
himself, which he had not the presumption
to suppose he could have done, there was
only oue slight improvement he would have
desired to make. It was true to the letter ;
but it did not tell the whole truth. Pope
forgot that he had been married a second
time. The line did not bring out the full
flavor of that double happiness. The merest
verbal alteration would adapt it felicitously
to the true state of the case ; thus : —
** Blessed in bis genius — ^in bis love twice blest !*'
That would have been a complete biography.
At the same time, he had no doubt that Pope
avoided any allusion to his first wife, from a
feeling of delicacy towards the second, at
whose expense the monument was built. He
might have thought it scarcely decorous to
record upon the marble erected by one lady
the fact that the gentleman who slept below
had been previously blest by another lady.
Of the laureateship, as an asylum for the last
suffering poet of an age, or as a reward for
the most distinguished, he did not feel that
it became him to say much. Mr. Tate was
better qualified to speak on that subject, as
he held the bays longer than anybody else,
having been upwards of three-and- twenty,
years, or thereabouts, singing in the purlieus
of the palace. What sort of songs Mr. Tate
sang, he confessed he did not know. He
never read any of them. They might have
been very numerous, and of an excellence as
unique as the Psalms. He could only speak
to his own discharge of those arduous duties ;
and here he could conscientiously declare
that he never omitted a legitimate occasion
of glorifying the throne by the exercise of
whatever little Pindaric skill he could devote
to the service of the House of Hanover.
The eulogy on Pope could not fail to pro-
duce a sensation amongst the laureled hear-
ers. There is hardly a man amongst them
of this period who had not suffered at his
hands ; and none had greater reason to resent
Rowe's praises than the versifier who suc-
ceeded him in office. The outside world has
never heard of the Reverend Lawrence Eus-
842
A GOSSIP ABOUT LAUREATES.
[N07.,
den — yet here he sits amongst the group of
laureates, lookins^ as pert and panegyrical as
any of them. What manner of poet he was,
may be best described by such critical terms
as fustian, rhodomontade, stuff, rubbish, and
the like. He seems to have been expressly
intended by nature for the dignity which a
friendly Lord Chamberlain imposed upon him
in an access of delirium, just as an intoxica-
ted Viceroy of Ireland once conferred knight-
hood on some sweltering boon -companion.
He wrote hard for the office before he ob-
tained it. All the spontaneous verses of his
that have pome down to us, are laureateous
in character. They are coronation and birth-
day odes in disguise — divine right rhymes,
of the true entire possibilities of pork stamp
— they go the whole extremities of Court
adulation — have a prophetic aroma of the
Canary in them — and point him out for the
office long before he could have dreamt of
leaping into \t. For twelve dreary years he
showerM down his official lyrics upon an
ungrateful public. The critics hissed hij),
the poets shunned him, lords and ladies
bore his flatteries as well as they could.
They were obliged to do duty in that as in
other horribly fatiguing things. It was like
standing behind the Queen's chair at the
Opera all night. What could be done ? He
was a parson and poet-laureate, a combina-
tion which courtiers could not openly resist.
It does not appear whether he drank the
whole tierce of Canary himself, or compro-
mised it for a pipe of port, or a puncheon of
whiskey ; but probability is in favor of the
last supposition, for he is known in the latter
part of his life, as we are informed by his
lait biographers (and, we presume, they are
the last he will ever have), to have given
himself up to drinking and Tasso. He lived
in a state of conspicuous obscurity. Poet
laureate! as he was for that long dismal term
of a dozen years, and writing hard as he did
all sorts of eulogistic extravagancies, there is
nothing known whatever of his life, beyond
the two least important items in it — his birth
and his death.
He makes a motion as if he were about to
say something, and the dreaded name ot
Pope is already hovering on his lips, when
every one of the laureates turns his back
upon him. Even Pye looks aside with the
air of a high-born gentleman, for bad a poet
as he is, he is Horace and Virgil, and a
hundred Homers compared with Lawrence
Eusden. Colley Qibber breaks in on the
awkward pause, aad feels it necessary to
apologize for having allowed himself to be
appointed successor to the last-named indi-
vidual. But he assures his friends that it
was purely a political appointment. He
avows frankly that poetry was not his forte.
He hopes he is too good a judge to be mis-
led by any egotism of that sort. He never
was a poet, and he knows it quite as well as
they can tell him. He is fully aware of his
strength and his weakness. He thinks that
he has substantial claims upon posterity as a
dramatic writer. Changes of habits and
manners operate fatally on the permanence
of comedy ; but he had as little reason to
complain of neglect as greater writers. What
had become of Etherege and Wycherley?
Was Congreve or Vanbrugh ever heard of
now ? Why should he murmur at a fate in
which they participated ? One thing he had
done, which would make him remembered
as long as books were read. He need not
say that he alluded to the Apology for his
life. Perhaps they might say he had done a
better thing in living the life that called for
such an apology. Of course. He must have
lived it, or he could not have had the mate-
rials to work upon. That toas a book — an
enduring book. It outlived the libels of Pope.
It was better known, more read, and cer^
tainly contained more agreeable reading than
the " Dunciad." At least, that was his
opinion. He did not pretend to say that his
appointment to the laureateship was alto-
gether a proper appointment ; but he could
not help remarking that he considered an
actor equal to a parson any day. He was
not so bad an actor as Eusden was a parson;
and the amount of merit a man discovered in
whatever he undertook to do was the stan-
dard by which he should be relatively tested.
It would be invidious to make any compari-
son with his predecessor on the score of po-
etry. He had always acted candidly in his
controversies, and even when Pope hunted
him with malevolent falsehoods, he answered
him openly and honestly. He would take
no advantage of Mr. Eusden ; but as it was
clearly impossible that any person who had
been decently educated, or who had enough
of capacity to put two lines of correct Eng-
lish into a couplet, could sink the office lower
than it had been sunk by that gentleman, he
believed there was no great vanity in taking
credit to himself for not having left it in a
more degraded state than he had found it.
Mr. Wiliiam Whitehead, and the Reverend
Thomas Warton, who were next in succession
to the laurel, may be excused for exhibiting a
little dissatisfaction at Mr. Cribber's observa-
tions. Whitehead, the most industrious of
1858.]
AS AWKWARD STAGEL
843
all the makers of odes, and Warton, the most
refined* have special reasons of their own for
dissenting from most of these remarks.
Whitehead thinks Mr. Cihber a little vulgar.
It is easly understood why he should be
rather sensitive on the matter of gentility.
No men are so genteel as men of obscure
birth — the thing tbey ought to be most
proud of, when they have lifted themselves
as Whitehead did, by the force of their merits
into high positions. Bat Whitehead is evi-
dently nervous on this point. He wishes it
to be seen that he is a gentleman, and would
have it known that he visits lords. Let us for-
give hhn the foible. He makes so large a
demand on our forbearance in other respects
that we can afford to tolerate his weakness
in a trifle of this nature. If we could as
easily pardon his forty-eight odes as we can
overlook his ambition to be thought well of
in good society, it would be more to the pur-
pose of his fame. But Whitehead is no
longer to be fouod among the British Poets.
He is like a racer that has fallen away out
of sight, and his place, in the language of
the turf, is — no- where. Not so Warton.
He stands, like a granite statue, on bis His-
tory of Poetry. But his pedestal, solid as it
was when it was first set up, is crumbling
rapidly under his feet. The opening of a
thousand new sources of knowledge since his
time has developed to us at once the extent
of his industry and the inadequacy of its re-
sults. It b no longer a history to which stu-
dents can repaur with safety; but it will
always be regarded with respect as a pioneer
labor which has faciliated the onward prog-
ress of subsequent research. Warton might
might justly object to the indifferent tone in
which Cibber speaks of the laureateship.
He had himself adorned the office with
graceful chaplets, disclosing much ingenuity,
learning and taste. He does not choose to
be confounded with the poetasters and
parasites who brought it into scandal and dis-
repute. He knows bow many men of rank
in the republic of letters refused to be laurea-
ted, and could not be prevailed upon to drink
the Canary. But A« had accepted the crown,
and tapped the tierce, and redeemed the
honor of poetic royalty. Ho says as much
to the bards around him ; and says it with
an impassioned voice, that calls up a similar
vindication from his successor.
To him Pye — as the Epic writers have it.
But what Pye said may be unhesitatingly con-
signed to oblivion with his own Epic, which
nobody born within the last thirty years ever
heard of, and the name of which shall not
be disentombed by us.
For any further information concerning the
Laureates — going as*far back as old Drayton,
whose fine head, in the only portrait that is
known of him, is always encircled by a wreath
— we refer the curious reader to the volume of
biographies just published by Messrs. Austin
and Ralph. It is a book full of biographicsl
particulars, and critical suggestions, and will
amply repay the hour consumed in its
perusal.
-»♦■
-♦♦■
An Awkward Stage. — ^There is an amusing
story which I believe that renowned collector,
Mr. Joseph Miller, or his successors, have
incorporated into their work. Sir Bichard
Steel, at a time when he was much occupied
with theatrical affairs, built himself a pretty
private theatre, and, before it was opened to
his friends and guests, was anxious to try
whether the hall was well adapted for hear-
ing. Accordingly he placed himself in the
mobt remote part of the gallery, and begged
the carpenter who had built the house to
speak from the stage. The man at first said
that he was unaccustomed to public speaking,
I and did not know what to say to his honor ;
but the good-natured knight called out to
him to say whatever was uppermost ; and,
after a moment, the carpenter began, in a
voice perfectly audible : " Sir Richard Steel T*
he said, '' for three months past, me and my
men has been a working in this theatre, and
we've never seen the color of your honor's
money : we will be very much obliged if
you'll pay it directly, for until you do we
won't drive in another nail." Sir Richard
said that his friend's elocution was perfect,
but that he didn't like his subject much.
Thackeray.
844
GEORGE WILLIAM CURTIS.
[Nov.,
From Colburn'B New Monthly.
GEORGE WILLIAM CURTIS.
Nothing had we heard of " Nile Notes"
or its author, when our eye was •* fixed " by
a collection of mottoes imprinted on the fly-
leaf. Anon we were fain to construe ** Nile
Notes'* as signifying promissory notes, issued
by a capitalist of substance, and paying
something more than simple interest. The
traveler who had chosen epigraphs of such
a kind, was himself likely, We inferred, to in-
dite a noticeable autograph. The bush he
had hung out was so unlike the dry scrubby
stump commonly in use, that, in spite of the
of the adage, we drew up at his door, in the
assurance of finding good wine within. In-
deed, so fond is our admiration of Sir Thomas
Browne, and so susceptible our ear to the
musical pomp of his rhetoric, that we should
probably have been won to read "Nile
Notes" bad its title-page glistened with none
other motto than the old knight's stately,
sonorous, mystically solemn sentence : ** Ca-
nopus is afar off; Memnon resoundeth not to
the sun; and Nilus heareth strange voices,"
— ^a sentence, by the way, which reminds us
of a lady-friend, that she ^as often, in read-
ing Sir Thomas, '^felt a sense* from the
organ-like grandeur of his style, before she
fully comprehended it." Then again, there
are mottoes from the Arabian Nights, and
from Death's Jest Book, and the Sphinx
Unriddled, and Browning*s Paracelsus, and
Werne's White Nile, and — not unaptly, for
Mr. Curtis sometimes mouths it in almost
imitative parade — from Ancient Pistol him-
self, who
Sings of Africa and golden joys.
Nor did a perusal of "Nile Notes" break
its word of promise to the hope. It made
us acquainted with a writer sometimes labor-
ed and whimsical, but on the whole, rich in
in fancy, and lavish of his riches — master of
' • Aa in Wordsworth's sablime dream of the Arab,
in whose shell the poet
*' Heard that instant in an unknown tongue^
Which yet he understood, articulate sounds^
A loud prophetic blast of harmony."
Prelude, Book V,
a style glowing with the brilliancy of the re-
gion he depicts, and attuned to Memnonian
resonances and the ''strange voices" of Nilus.
The stars of midnight are dear to him ; to
his spirit there is matter in the '' silence and
the calm of mute insensate things ;" his
ear loves to lean " in many a secret place ;"
and albeit a humorist and a " quiz," with the
sharp speech at times of a man of the world,
and a dash of the cynic in his composition,
he is no stranger to that vacant and pensive
mood when past impressions, greater and
deeper than he knew, ** flash upon that in-
ward eye which is the bli^s of solitude.''
Sarcasm and rhapsody are so interfused in
" Nile Notes," that one division of readers
admires or abhors just those particular chap-
ters or pages which another division abhors
or admires. Lydia Languish is in ecstasies
with the sentimental paragraphs, '< love-laden
with most subtle sweetness, or " fringed with
brilliant and fragrant flowers," and breath-
ing an atmosphere of ^'silent, voluptuous
sadness." Major Pendennis reads the satiri-
cal expositions of knavish dragomen and
travelling Cockaigne, and swears the How-
adji is a fellow after his own (Major P.'s)
heart (jxt) ysvotrol), and that there's no non-
sense about the man, no bosh in him, sir.
Knavish dragomen and their knight-errant
viciims are sketched amusingly enough among
these Nile Notables. So are the crew of the
76^^; its old grey Egyptian captain, who
crouched all day long over the tiller with a
pipe in his mouth, and looked like a heap of
blankets, smouldering away internally, and
emitting smoke at a chance orifice ; brawny,
one-eyed Seyd, a clumsy being in the ape
stage of development — slightly sensual, and
with ulterior views upon the kitching drip-
pings— and alas, developing backwards, be-
coming more baboonish and less human every
day ; Saleh or Satan, a cross between the
porcupine and the wild cat ; together with a
little old-maidish Bedouin, '^ who told won-
derful stories to the crew, and prayed end-
lessly," and other grisly mariners, all bad
workers, and lazy exceedingly — familiarity
1853.]
GEORGE WILLIAM CURTIS.
345
with whom bred decided contempt, and con-
vinced the Howadji, in spite of his prepos-
sessions to the contrary, that there is fallacy
in the fashion which lauds the Orient, and
prophesies a renewed grandeur (" as if the
East could ever again be as bright as at
sunrise") — and that if you would enjoy
Egypt, you must be a poet, not a philosopher
(the Howadji is a cross of both) — must be
a pilgrim of beauty, not of morals or politics,
if you would realize your dream. '* The
spent summer re- blooms no more," he says ;
" the Indian summer is but & memory and a
delusion. T{ie sole hope of the East is
Western inoculation. The child must suckle
the age of the parent, and even ''Medea's
wondrous alchemy" will not restore its pecu-
liar prime. If the East awakens, it will be
no longer in the turban and red slippers, but
in hat and boots. The West is the sea that
advances for ever upon the shore — the shore
cannot stay it, but becomes the bottom of the
ocean. . . . Cairo is an English station
to India, and the Howadji does not drink
sherbet upon the Pyraiuids, but champagne."
And thus he anticipates a speedy advent of
the day when, under the sway of England or
of Russia (after the lion and the polar bear
have "shivered the desert silence with the
roar of their struggle"), Father Ishraael shall
be a sheikh of honor, but of dominion no
longer, and sit turbaned in the chimney cor-
ner, while his hatted* heirs rule the house —
and the children cluster around him, fasci-
nated with his beautiful traditions, and curi-
ously comparing their little black shoes with
his red slippers.
What an open eye, nevertheless, our
* Lamentable will it be if the Hat lasts a para
moQiit fashion until that time of day — and a shame
it will be to the arbiters of taste, to every living
" Glass of Fashion and Mould of Form," if that
moBstrona device of ngliness and discomfort be
allowed to displace the Turban. It will seem, if
Turban be rejected for Hat^ that the heads of men
are thickened, rather than their thouguts widened,
by the process of the snne. For we hold with the
lively author of " .^thetics of 'Dressy'* that the Hat
is one of the strangest vestimental anomalies of the
nineteenth century: — ''What a covering! what a
termination to the capital of that' pillar of the
creation, Man I what an ungraceful, mis-shapen,
useless and uncomfortable appendage to the seat of
reason — the brain-box I Does it protect the head
from either heat, cold, or wet ? Does it set off any
natural beauty of the human cranium f Are its
lines in harmony with, or in becoming contrast to,
the expressive features of the face f Is it,'' <fec, <&c.
In the single article of head-gear we should have
hotly sympathized with that D'Israelitish youth, of
whom Charles Lamb asked, in the parting scramble
for hats, what be had done with his turban f
tourist has for the sublime and beautiful in
.Egyptian life, or life in death, may be seen
in every section of his sketch-book. Witness
his description of the temples at Aboo Sim-
bel, and the solemn sbssion there of kingly
cplossi — figures of Kameses the Great,
** breathing grandeur and godly grace" — the
stillness of their beauty '* steeped in a placid
passion, that seems passion lessness" — the
beautiful balance of serene wisdom, and the
beautiful bloom of eternal youth in their
faces, with no trace there of the possibility
of human emotion* — a type of beauty alone
in sculpture, serene and god-like. Witness,
too, his picture of the tombs of the kings at
Thebes — of the Memnonium — of Karnak,
*' older than history, yet fresh, as if just
ruined for the romantic," as though Gam-
byses and his Persians had marched upon
Memphis only last week — and of the Sphinx,
grotesque darling of the desert, '* its bland
gaze serious and sweet," a voice inaudible
seeming to trail from its *' thinned and thin-
ning lips," declaring its riddle still unread,
while its eyes are expectantly settled towards
the East, whence they dropped not " when
Cambyses or Napoleon came."
Young America is much given to Carlylish
phraseology, and Mr. Curtis deals largely on
his own account in this questionable line.
This is one of the " conceits" which preju-
dice many against him. He loves to repeat,
in the Latter-day Pamphleteer's fashion,
certain compound epithets, indifferently felic-
itous at times, of his own coinage — as
* Mr. Curtis's impression of Egyptian sculpture
remind us of a passage in the English Opium-
eater's writings, in reference to the Memnon's head,
which, then recently brought from Egvpt, stru<^
him as "simply the sublimest sight which in this
sight-seeing world he had seen.'' Regarding it
as not a human but as a symbolic head, he read
there, he tells us, "First: the peace which passeth
all understanding. Secondly: the eternity which
baffles and confounds all faculty of computation ;
the eternity which had been, the eternity which
wan to be. Thirdly : the diffusive love, not such
as rises and falls upon waves of life and mortality,
not such as sinks and swells by undulations of
time, but a procession-^an emanation from some
mystery of endless dawn. You durst not call it a
smile that radiated from the lips, the radiation was
too awful to clothe itself in adumbrations or memo-
rials of flesh . . . The atmosphere was the
breathlessness which belongs to a saintly trance;
the holy thing seemed to live by silence."^ Surely
the Memnon's head must have been a sublime and
oft-recurring presence in the Opium-eater's dreams
—and a national set-off, we would hope, against
the horrors of being kissed, with cancerous kisses,
by crocodiles (see " OonfesBionB''X ^°d lost witii
unutterable slimy things, amongst reeds and Nilotio
mud.
846
GEORGE WHJJAM COTBTia
[Nov.
" Bunyan PiloUr," '« Poet Harriet" {scil Miss
Martineau), '* beaming elderly John Bull,"
"Rev. Dr. Duck," "Mutton Suet," and
" Wind and Rain." This habit of " calling
names" has set many a matter-of-fact reader
against him. More, however, have taken
exception to his prolonged description of the
dancing-girls of Esue — a voluptuous theme
on which 'tis pity that chapter after chapter
should find him ^* still harping," with volun-
tary and variations not attuned to healthy
English taste. But it is a mistake to pro-
nounce him all levity and quicksilver — to
deny him a heart that can ache with deep
feeling, or a brain that can throb with gener-
ous and elevated thought. Capricious he is,
and eccentric, waywardly independent in
outspoken habits — dashingly reckless in his
flights of fancy, and quaintly exaggerated in
his parts of speech ; but tbey must have read
him very superficially, or in some translation
of their own, who overhear not amid his
fantasies, a still sad music of humanity, an
earnestness, a sober sadness, a yearning sym-
pathy with Richter's trinity, the Good, the
Beautiful and the True.
The Howadji of the Nile Notes appeared
next, and in continuation, as the *' Wanderer
in Syria." He tells us that, of the Eastern
tours without number, of learned and poetic
men, with which he is acquainted, the most
either despairing of imparting the true
Oriental flavor to their works (thinking per-
haps, that Eastern enthusiasm must needs
exhale in the record, as the Neapolitans de-
clare that the ZachrymcB Chruti can have
the genuine flavor only in the very Yesuvian
vineyard where it grows)— or hugging some
forlorn hope that the reader's imagination
will warm the dry bones of detail into life —
do in effect write their books as bailiffs take
an inventory of attached furniture : — " Item.
One great pyramid, four hundred and ninety-
eight feet high. — Item. One tomb in a rock,
with two bushels of mummy dust. — Item.
Two hundred and fifty miles over a desert. —
Item. One grotto at Bethlehem, and con-
tents,— to wit: ten golden lamps, twelve
silver ditto, twenty yards of tapestry, and a
marble pavement." Let no student of sta-
tistics, therefore, — let no auctioneer's cata-
logue-loving soul, — let no consulting actuary,
addicted to tables and figures — let no politi-
cal economist, no census- taking censor, no
sturdy prosaist, look for a kindred spirit in
thb Howadji, or for memoires pour servir,
serviceable memorabilia, in his picturesque
pages. His avowed object is, not to state a
fact, but to impart an impression. His creed
is that the Arabian Nights and Hafiz are
more valuable for their practical communi-
cation of the spirit and splendor of Orien-
tal life, than all the books of Eastern travel
ever written.* And he affirms the existence
of an abiding charm in those books of travel
only, which are faithful records of individual
experience, under the condition, always, that
the individual has something characterisUc
and dramatic in his organization — heroic in
adventure, or of graceful and accurate culti-
vation— with a nature en rapport with the
nature of the land he vbits.
From Cairo to Jerusalem, and from Jeru-
salem to Damascus, the Wanderer meanders
(not maunders) on, in his " brilliant, pictur-
esque, humorous, and poetic" manner. The
people he discusses are, some of them, the
same as those known in "Nile Notes" —
though they " come out" with less power,
and with fewer salient points. A new, and
mark worthy acquaintance we form in the in-
stance of MacWhirter. And who is Mac
Whirter? A bailie from the Salt-market?
or a bagman from a Paisley house ? or a
writer from Charlotte- square? or a laird
from the wilds of Ross ? or a red- whiskered
half- pay of the Scots* Greys ? Nay ; Mac
Whirter is our Howadji's "ship of the
desert," poetically speaking; or, in plain
prose, his camel : — the great, scrawny, sandy,
bald back of whose head, and his general
rusty toughness and clumsiness, insensibly
begot for him in his rider's mind this Carlyl-
ish appellative. An immense and formida-
ble brute was MacWhirter — held in semi-
contempt, semi-abhorrence by the Howadji,
as indeed the camel species at large seems to
be ; for he regards them as " strange demoni-
ac animals," and describes, apparently with
a shudder, their amorphous and withered
frame, and their level-lidded, unhuman, and
repulsive eyes. The name "ship of the
desert," he accepts, however, and dilates up-
on, as suggestively true. The strings of
camels perpetually passing through the
streets of Cairo, threading the murmurous
city life with the desert silence, he likens to
mariners in tarpaulins and pea-jackets, who
roll through the streets of seaports and as-
sert the sea. And in the desert itself, not
* Of which books he pronounces Eothen certainly
the beat^ as being brilliant^ picturesque, humorous
and poetic. Yet he complains of even E<ythen that
its author is a cockney, who never puts off^ the
Englishman, and is suspicions of his own enthuidaaiD,
which, therefore, sounds a little exaggerated.
1858.]
GEOROE WILLIAM CUKTIS.
847
only is the camel the means of navigation,
but his roll is like that of a vessel, and his
long, flexible neck like a pliant bowsprit.*
The Howadji found MacWhirter's neck too
long and flexible by half, when, in his first
desert days, he thought to alter the direction
of the beast by pulling the halter (instead of
touching the side of his 'neck with a stick,)
and found, to his consternation, that he only
drew the long neck quite round, so that the
'*' great stupid head was almost between his
knees, and the hateful eyes stared mockingly
at his own/' The weariness and tedium of
this kind of locomotion are vividly described
— its continuous rock, rock — ^jerk, jerk — till
you are sick of the thin, withered slip of a
tail in front, and the gaunt, stiff movement
of the shapeless, tawny legs before you —
while the sluggish path trails through a de-
file of glaring sand, whose sides just con-
temptuously obstruct your view, and exasper-
ate you because they are low and of no fine
outline. Wearied and fevered in the desert
of Arabia, the sun becomes Mandragora, and
you sleep. And lo ! the pomp of a wintry
landscape dazzles your awaking : the sweeps
and drifts of the sand-hills among which you
are winding, have the sculpturesque grace of
snow. Up rises a seeming lake, circled with
low, melancholy hills, bare, like the rock-
setting of mountain tarns : and over the
whole broods the death of wintry silence.
The Howadji's picture of Jerusalem, the
•• Joy of the whole Earth," is comparatively
tame. The Bethlehem grotto forms a high-
colored piece— " gorgeous with silver and
golden lamps, with vases and heavy tapes-
tries, with marbles and ivories — dim with the
smoke of incense, and thick with its breath.
In the hush of sudden splendor it is the
secret cave of Ala-ed-deen, and you have
rubbed the precious lamp." The Jordan
winds imposing through these pages — the
*' beautiful, bowery Jordan" — its swift, turbid
stream eddying through its valley course,
defying its death with eager motion, and
with t^e low gurgling song of living water :
fringed by balsam poplars, willows, and
oleanders, that shrink from the inexorable
plain behind it, and cluster into it with trem-
bling foliage, and arch it with green, as if
tree and river had sworn forlorn friendship
in that extremity of solitude. The Dead
* Tbe marine analogy in question was strengthen-
ed and fixed for ever by one of Mr. Curtis's fellow- |
, pilgrims, a German, who, he tells ns, " with the air
of a man who had not slept, and to whom the
Weet-Oestlicher Divan was of small acconnt, went
off in the grey dawn, sea-si^ upon his oameL
Sea lies before us like molten lead ; lying
under the spell, not of Death, but of Insan-
ity— for its desolation is not that of pure
desert, and that is its awfulness. The Vale
of Zabulon comes in triumphant relief;
flowers set, like stars, against the solemn
night of foliage; the broad plain flashing
with green and gold state- livery of the royal
year ; the long grasses languidly overleaning
winding watercourses, indicated only by a
more luxuriant line of richness ; the bloom-
ing surfaces of nearer hills, and tbe distant
blue mistiness of mountains, walls, and bul-
warks of the year's garden, melting in the
haze, sculptured in the moonlight, firm as
relics of a fore-world in the celestial amber
of cleai* afternoons. We coast the Sea of
Galilee — embosomed in profound solitude
and mountainous sternness; and scrutinize
its population — the men in sordid rags, with
long elfish earloeks, a wan and puny aspect,
and a kind of driveling leer and cunning in
the eye — " a singular combination of Boz's,
Fagin and Carlyle's Apes of the Dead Sea ;'^
— the women, however, even comely, with
fair round faces of Teutonic type, and clad
in the *^ coarse substantiality of tbe German
female costume." Longingly and lingeringly
we gaze on Damascus, the "Eye of the
East" — whose clustering minarets and spires
as of frosted flame, glitter above the am-
brosial darkness of endless groves and gar-
dens ; the metropolis of Romance, and the
well-assured capital of Oriental hope ; on the
way to no Christian province, and therefore
unpurged of virgin picturesqueness by West-
em trade. Each Damascus house is a para-
dise— each interior a poem set to music, a
dream palace, such a pavilion as Tennyson
has built in melody for Haroun El Raschid.
In this way doth the Howadji etch his
Wanderings in Syria.
His characteristic enthusiasm, skepticism,
sentiment, and satire might be illustrated
from many a passage. Thus, in Gaza, city
which he had vaguely figured to himself
when, a child, he listened wondering to the
story of Samson, Sunday came to him " with
the old Sabbath feeling, with that spirit of
devotional stillness in the air which broods
over our home Sundays, irksome by their
sombre gravity to the boy, but remembered
by the man with sweet sadness." Thus he
pleads for youth's privilege to love the lotus,
and thrive upon it ; saying, " Let Zeno frown.
Philosophy, common sense, and resignation,
are but synonyms of submission to the in-
evitable. I dream my dream. Men whose
hearts are broken, and whose faith falters.
S48
GEORGE WILLIAM CURTIS.
[Nov.,
discover that life is a warfare, and chide the
boj for loiteriDg along the sea-shore, and
loving the stars. But leave him, inexorable
elders, in the sweet entanglement of the
' trailing clouds of glory* with which he
comes into the world. Have no fear that
they will remain and dim his sight. Those
morning vapors fade away — you have learned
it. And they will leave him chilled, philo-
sophical and resigned, in ' the light of com-
mon day* — ^you have proved it. But do not
starve him to-day, because he will have no
dinner to-morrow." And these eldern sages
are reminded, that the profoundest thinkers
of them all have discovered an inscrutable
sadness to be the widest horizon of life, and
that the longing eye is more sympathetic
with Nature, than the shallow stare of prac-
tical skepticism of truth and beauty. The
•* mixed mood*' of our Wanderer — at once
pointedly indicative, tenderly optadve, vague-
ly infinitive — passes through a strange con-
jugation : sometimes he sneers, sometimes is
almost caught suppressing a sob, often a
sigh. He IS sarcastic upon tourist Anglo-
Catholics at the Calvary Chapel, " holding
candles, and weeping profusely^* — and upon
the Mount Zion Protestant mission, by which
'* the tribes of Israel are gathered into the
fold at the rate of six, and in favourable
years, eiglit converts per annum.'* He is
pathetic on the solicitude of Mary, at the
fountain of El Bir, when she discovered, on
her bomeward route, that the child of Jesus
had tarried in Jerusalem — ^and it is her mourn-
ful figure that there haunts his imagination
— Madonna, elected of the Lord to be the
mother of the Saviour, and yet, blessed
above women, to taste little maternal joy, to
feel that He would never be a boy, and, with
such sorrow as no painter has painted, and
no poet sung, to know that even already He
must be about His Father*8 business. He is
serious on the sanctity of Jerusalem — in
whose precincts the image of its Great King
in the mind perpetually rebukes whatever is
not lofty ana sincere in your thoughts, and
sternly requires reality of all feeling exhibit-
ed tliere ; for, though in Rome you can toler-
ate tinsel, because the history of the Faith
there, and its ritual, are a kind of romance,
it is intolerable in Jerusalem, where, in the
presence of the same landscape, and within
the same walls, you have a profound personal
feeling and reverence for the Man of Sorrows.
And closely in keeping with his tone of
thought is the finale — the Nunc Dimittis he
calls it — of his Wanderings, when he pictures
himself homeward bound, receding oyer the
summer sea, and watching the majesty o^
Lebanon robing itself in purple darkness, and
lapsing into memory, until Night and the
Past have gently withdrawn Syria from his
view — then sighing that the East can be no
longer a dream, but a memory — feeling that
the rarest romance of travel is now ended —
grieving that no wealth of experience equals
the dower of hope, because
What's won is done, Joy's soul lies in the doing —
and, as a snow-peak of Lebanon glances
through the moonlight like a star, fearing
lest the poet sang more truly than he knew,
and in another sense,
The youth who farther from the East
Must travel, still is Nature's priest,
And by the vision splendid
Is on his way attended.
Until the man perceives it die away,
And fade into the light of common day.
And so the Howadji leaves us. Is not his
leave-taking sorrowfully significant? Con-
tinually— whether truly or not — he reasons
thus with life.
Who would not have predicated an Eastern
fantasy — Eastern in subject and in tone — of
his '' Lotos-eating : a Summer Book ?*' All
his known antecedents warranted the expec-
tation of something far removed from that
great New World that " spins for ever down
the ringing grooves of change,'* and of which
all true Lotos-eaters would testify, saying,
We have had enough of action, and of mo-
tion we,
Roird to starboard, roll'd to larboard, while the
surge is seething free,
in our go-a-head career, and therefore
Give us long rest or death, dark death, or dream-
ful ease.
But this " Summer Book" is in fact, a record
of Mr. Curtis*s summer tour among the hills
and lakes of his native land. The Lotos-
eater is a shrewd and satirical, as well as
poetical observer, who steams it up the Hud-
son, and ridicules the outer womanhood of
the chambermaid at Catskill, and reveals how
the Catskill Fall is turned on to accommodate
parties of pleasure, and criticises dress and
manner and dinner at Saratoga, ojid is skep-
tical where others are enthusiastic at Lake
George, and impatiently notes the polka-
dancing and day-long dawdling of Newport,
with its fast horses, fast men, and fast women,
— its whirl of fashionable equipages, its con-
1858.J
OEOBOE WILUAM CURTIS
349
fused din of " hop" music, scandal, flirtation,
serenades, and supreme voice of the sea
breaking through the fog and dust. Not
that the prevaihng tone, however, is ironical.
On the contrary, his own poetical habit of
thought and feeling colors and warms every
page, and sustains its predominance by fre-
quent citations from his favourite minstrels.
Thus we find him again and again quoting
whole pieces from Herrick, and introducing
Uhland's Rhine ballad, " Take, 0 boatman,
thrice thy fee" — and Heine's tenderly-phrased
legend of Lorelei — and tid-bits from Words-
worth's Yarrow, and Tennyson's Princess,
and Longfellow's Waif, and Keats' Nightin-
gale, and Waller's •' Go, lovely Rose ! * and
Charles Lamb's " Gipsy's Malison," and
George Herbert, and Shelley, and Browning,
and Charles Kingsley,* and (for is not he also
among the poets?) Thomas de Quincey.
Being no longer on Eastern ground, the
author's style is, appropriately enough, far
more subdued and prosaic than when it was
the exponent of a Howadji ; yet of brilliant
and rhapsodical passages there is no lack.
His characteristic vein of reflection, too, pur-
sues its course as of old — and the blood
thereof, which is the life thereof, will repay
extraction.! American as he is, to the core,
* The lines, namely, in ** Alton Ijooke," beginning
" O Mary, go and call the cattle home,"
which certainly have a pictorial power, and a wild
suggestive music, all their own — and of which Mr.
Curtis jasUy says : ^* Who that feels the penetrating
pathos of the song bat sees the rain-shroud, the
straggling nets, and the lonelinesB of the beach ?
There is no modem verse of more tragic reality."
f We are here too stinted for room to apply the
lancet with effect But in illustration of the aphor-
istic potentiality (*ug *sifog *6(<£iv) of the Lotos-
eater, we may refer to his wise contempt for an in-
discriminate eulogy of traveling, as though it in-
volved an opus operatum grace and merit of its
own— saying, " A mile horizontally on the surfi&ee
of the earth does not carry yon one inch towards
ite centre, and yet it is in the centre that the gold
mines are. A man who truly knows Shakspeare
only, is the master of a thousand who have squeez-
ed the circulating libraries dry/'
The following, again, has the trne Emerson stamp:
"Any great natural object — a cataract, an alp, a
storm at sea — are seed too vast for any sudden
flowering. They lie in experience moulding life.
At length the pure peaks of noble aims and the
broad flow of a generous manhood betray that in
some happy hour of youth you have seen the Alps
and lYiagara.''
One more, and a note- worthy excerpt: *' He is a
tyro in the observation of nature who does not
know that, by the sea, it is the sky-cape, and not
the landscape, in which enjoyment liesi If a man
dwelt in the vidnity of beautiful inland scenery, yet
dear the sea, his horse's head would be turned d^y
he by no means contends that the home-
scenery he depicts is entitled to " whip crea-
tion." Indeed, both implicitly and explicitly
his creed in this respect is a little indepen-
dent of the stars and stripes. He has been
in Italy and Switzerland, and has not for-
gotten either. The Hudson is dear to him,
but so is the Khine. " The moment you
travel in America," he says, " the victory of
Europe is sure" — and he thinks it ill-advised
to exhort a European to visit America for
other reasons than social and political obser-
vation, or buffalo hunting — afiirming the idea
of the great American lakes, or of her mag-
nificent monotony of grass and forest, to be
as impressive and much less wearisome than
the actual sight of .them. In presence of
Trenton Falls and Niagara, he cannot restrain
longing allusions to the thousand Alpine cas-
cades of Switzerland that flicker through his
memory, "slight avalanches of snow- dust
shimmering into rainbow-dust" — and to the
Alpine peaks themselves, those " ragged
edges of creation, half- blent with chaos,"
upon which, "inaccessible for ever, in the
midst of the endless murmur of the world,
antemundane silence lies stranded, like the
corse of an antediluvian on a solitary rock-
point in the sea" — those solemn heights to-
wards which painfully climbing, you may feel,
" with the fascination* of wonder and awe,
that you look, as the Chinese say, behind the
beginning." Why does not Mr. Curtis give
us his travels in Switzerland ? AH his Alp-
ine references have an Alpine inspiration that
makes us wish for more.f And albeit his
to the ocean, for the sea and sky are exhaustlees in
interest as in beauty, while, in the comparison, you
soon drink up the little drop of satisfaction in
fields and treeSb"
* Akin, perhaps, to that of Wordsworth's " Step-
ping Westwards.**
f Elsewhere he sketches the view of the Righi
—celestial snow-fields^ smooth and glittering as the
sky — ^rugged glaciers sloping into unknown abysses,
Kiagaran cataracts frozen into foam for ever — the
range of the Jura, dusky and far, and the faint flash
of the Aar in the morning mist — while over the
hushed tumult of peaks thronging to the utmost
east, came the sun, sowing those sublime snow-
fields with glorious day. And again, of his im-
pressions from the Faulhom, the highest inhabited
point in Europe, he says: " And as I looked across
the valley of Grindelwald, and saw the snow-fields
and ioe-precipioes of all the Horns, — never trodden
and never to be trodden by man, — shioiDg cold in
the ifaoonlight^ my heart stood still as I felt that
hose awful peaks and I were alone io the solemn
solitude. Then I felt the sigDificanoe of Switzerland,
and knew the sublimity of mountains." This ** sig-
nificance" is noted hpropos of the Catskill view,
where he feels the want of that true mountain sub-
limity, the presence of lonely snow-peaks.
350
THE OCCUPIED PROVINCES.
[Nov.
temptation may be to indulge in a little rhap-
sody, and to dazzle with diamond-dust, yet
has he too keen a sense of the ludicrous^
and too confirmed a tendency to sarcasm, to
lose himself in mystic rapture. Even at
sunrise on the Kighi, be has more than ** half-
an-eye" for the cloaked and blanketed cock-
neys beside him — " as if each had arisen, bed
and all, and had so stepped out to enjoy the
spectacle*' — and finds the exceeding absurd-
ity of the crowd interfere with the grandeur
of the moment.
The chapters devoted to Saratoga and New-
port, remind us in many a paragraph of both
Hawthorne and Thackeray. The watering-
places' talk is of blooming belles, who are
grandmothers now, and of brilliant beaux,
bald now and gouty : mournful midnight
gossips ! that will not let you leave those
whose farewells yet thrill in your heart, in
the eternal morning of youth, but compel
you to forecast their doom, to draw sad and
strange outlines upon the future — to paint
pictures of age, wrinkles, ochre- veined hands,
and mob-caps — until your Saratoga episode
of pleasure has sorobred into an Egyptian
banquet, with your old, silently-smoking, and
meditative habitui for the death's-head. Sa-
vors this not of "Edward Fane's Rosebud"
and of " Vanity Fair ?"
A history of that community whereby
hangs a tale of " Blithedale Romance," has
been suggested to Mr. Curtis by Nathaniel
Hawthorne, who says, " Even the brilliant
Howadji might find as rich a theme in his
youthful reminiscences of Brook Farm, and
a more novel one, — close at hand as it lies, —
than those which he has since made so dis-
tant a pilgrimage to seek, in Syria, and along
the current of the Nile." Such a history,
by such a historian, might be a curious par-
allel, or pendant, to the record of Miles
Coverdale.
From Sharpens Magazine
THE OCCUPIED PROVINCES— MOLDAVIA AND WALLACE! A.
Moldavia, so called from the river Mol-
dan, which, escaping from the gorges of the
Kappacks, flows by Jassy, and becomes a
tributary of the Danube ; and Wallachia, a
name signifying abounding in cattle, from the
immense quantities of animals of every kind
found there by the ancients, was formerly
inhabited by the Dacians. Sober, laborious,
and fond of war, the courage of this people
often bordered on temerity, their devotion on
fanaticism. They believed that death was
only the passage to another world, and that,
on quitting this life, they would rejoin their
freat legislator, ZamolxiS) who, after his
eath (490 b.c), had become the object of
their worship. During his early life, Pythag-
oras had been his instructor; but, having
incensed that philosopher, and being obliged
to fly, Zamolxis went to Phcenicia, to finish
his studies in geometry ; to Chaldea, to ac-
quire a knowledge of astronomy; and to
Egypt, to perfect himself in the science of
medicine.
On his return to Dacia, he aimed at the
sovereignty ; his superior attainments being
the foundation of his hopes. By the pre-
diction of an oracle he gained the confidence
of the people and the favor of the great.
He assembled the chief men of the country
into a vast hall of Ionic construction, which
he had erected for the purpose, and there
taught them the doctrine of metempsychosis,
revealed to them another state of existence,
and assured them that they should not die,
but enjoy a future and eternal happiness in
another world. His success was great, and
to manifest their veneration for his wisdom,
the Dacians eventually raised him to the
throne. Being recognized as sovereign, bis
ambition proposed another step. In the
eyes of his subjects he already passed for a
person of divine origin. He aspired to be
accounted one of their gods — an honor
which his intrigues accomplished for him.
Under Decaeneus, the successor of Za-
molxis, the Dacians felt the iron hand of the
1853.]
THE OCCUPIED PROVINCES.
351
Roman legions. Victorj had been often
against them. They made a last invocation
to their tutelary god, and sought a savage
and a bloody augury. Having cut down the
branches of an olive-tree, they soaked them
in the consecrated oil, and then burnt them.
With care they collected the cinders, and
with them formed a circle, within the area
of which stood the chief of the aruspices.
In the meantime, a deep fosse had been dug
around, and covered over with planks in
many places. Then came the victim. A
youth of twenty, selected for his beauty,
was seized by twelve lance-bearers by the
feet, the head, and the arms, and, being hurl-
ed into the air, was received in his descent
on the point of their spears. The sacrifice
being accomplished, Decseneus descended to
consult it ; but a terrible avenge which en-
sued, between them and the Romans, in
which the latter were victorious, proved the
fallacy of whatever hopes the soothsayers
may have inspired them with. Yet they
were not crushed; and a series of battles
and struggles, sometimes for independence,
sometimes for existence, continued for four
centuries, until the reign of Trajan. This
prince determined to subdue or exterminate
this troublesome people. Accordingly,throw-
ing that celebrated bridge, of which history
is so proud, across the mighty stream of the
Danube, he sent over a formidable army, and,
by the might of his arms, transformed the
rude and inhospitable Dacia into a Roman
province.
His next care was to colonize the district
with Roman citizens, and in this he was suc-
cessful. Thousands were constantly trans-
ported from Italy to take up their abode in
this newly -acquired territory, and to culti-
vate its soil. Hence the Moldo-Wallachians
bear a strong resemblance to this great peo-
ple. With very little admission of Sclavonic
blood into their veins, they have preserved
their ancient origin. Both male and female
possesses fine figures. The same majestic
forms frequently found here and there, such
as we yet see on the triumphal arches raised
by the Latin emperors, attest their descent
from the old masters of Europe ; and, not-
with<«tanding four centuries of conflict, of
oppression, and of degeneracy, of which
they have been the victims, they still retain
thus far the characteristic features of their
ancestors. Yet it is not thus with all his
people. All the population has not this
beauty ; many are of diminutive stature, and
meagre in appearance, but these probably
are a type of the Dacians.
The extent of the modem Moldo-Walla-
chia has long been undetermined. Obliged
to fly before the barbarian hordes which
during the ninth and thirteenth centuries in-
vadea and ravaged their country, the inhabi-
tants retired within the narrow limits of the
present district of Craiowa. Even here,
however, they were not unmolested ; so that,
enfeebled by the continual attacks made
upon them, and wishing to escape from the
iron yoke of a cruel enemy, they forsook
their homes, crossed the steep chain of the
Carpathians, and placed themselves under
the protection of the King of Transylvania.
Here, however, far from losing their gener-
ic character, they formed two colonies,
elected chiefs under the title of JSanns, and
eagerly engaged themselves in all the exer-
cises of war, and in organising a military
company, in the hopes of some day repos-
sessing their native country. The moment
for this did not long delay itself. Seconded
by the government, under whose generous
auspices they had been enabled to preserve
their nationality and keep up an army, the
two Banns placed themselves at the head of
their troops, which were numerous and well-
trained, and repassed the Carpathians. Young,
ardent, intrepid, and devoted to their cause,
they fearlessly attacked the Tartars, and
drove them from the soil. Having accom-
plished this, they partitioned the country be-
tween them, the one taking Moldavia and
the other Wallachia ; and from that day,
Moldo-Wallachia has had its limits more
certainly defined. The successors of the
two Banns, or Governors, directed all their
efforts to the establishment of their power
and their authority, and succeeded so far as
to give to their empire a geographical posi-
tion.
However, they were not long to remain
tranquil. At the close of the fourteenth
century, Bajazet the First, flushed with his
recent conquests in Anatolia and Greece, or-
dered his general, Soliman, to cross the Dan-
ube with an army, and to await his arrival,
as he intended to join the expedition in per-
son, on the banks of the Pruth. This was
done : the Danube was crossed. The army
encamped on the banks of the Pruth. Ba-
jazet himself appeared, but it was only in
time to save his army, by his presence, from
utter annihilation. Stephen, Bann of Mol-
davia, surnamed the great, from his heroic
bravery and remarkable intelligence, enraged
at the insolence with which the Turks came
to brave him in his own dominions, hastily
collected his army, attacked the intruders.
S62
THE OCCUPIED PBOVINOES.
[No?.
and in the first onset of enthusiasm dispersed
them. The vanquished Bajazet hesitated
only until the flower of his reserves, whom he
recalled from the heart of Asia, could arrive ;
then, throwing a bridge of boats across the
Danube, he passed that stream. Every step
he took into the ill-fated country was tracked
with fire and slaughter; nor did he check
the havoc till he came upon the Sereth. On
its right bank he met the victorious Stephen,
ready to give him battle. His cohorts were
young and valiant ; their recent success had
increased their confidence in their prowess ;
each soldier felt himself qualified to be a
general, each general a hero. The battle
commenced : on each side the contest was
maintained with a fierceness which history
has seldom to relate. Stephen was, how-
ever, beaten and routed. Obliged to quit
the field, he marched all night towards the
fortified town of Nemeviez, where he had
left his family. At break of day he ap-
peared before its gates, and taking his buf-
falo's horn, mounted in gold, which he al-
ways carried attached to an ornamented bald-
riCf he blew a loud blast. At the sound, his
aged mother, who recognised the signs],
hastened to the ramparts, the better to see
her son, and welcome him as victor ; but she
had no sooner seen him covered with blood
and dust, his plume dishevelled, and his
arms reversed, than, divining the truth, she
ordered the warders to let fall the portcullis
and raise the bridge. Then she turned to
the defeated : **• Is it thou,'* she addressed
him» " thai I see in this state, my son, a hero
always successful, always crowned with lau-
rels, to-day vanquished and covered with
shame ? Fly, unworthy, fly from my pres-
ence 1 and if ever thou desirest again to see
my face, let it be only with the spoil of thine
enemies. Return to the combat: I would
rather that thou shouldst die at the foot of
duty, than live to reproach thyself with a
life saved at the expense of our honor.''
The efifect of these words "was electrical.
The dejected Stephen obeyed the command,
collected the remnants of his army, filled
them once more with hope and cour8ge, fell
unexpectedly upon the general, Soliman,
who had pursued the retreat, and defeated
him with a loss of 30,000 men. Following
up his victory, Stephen was quickly under
the walls of Bucharest, the head-quarters of
Bajazet himself, and, but for a fatal generos-
ity, might have taken him prisoner. How-
ever, he compelled him to retire behind the
Danube; but the Turks were indefatigable.
They recrossed the river at every opportu-
nity ; the arm of Stephen was no longer
there to protect the desolated proviDces, and
fifty years later the whole country was sub-
jugated by Mahomet the Second, who com-
pleted his conquest by the erection of strong
fortresses, to overawe and crush any attempt-
ed rebellion.
The territory thus acauired — that is, Mol-
davia and Wallachia — is about 480 miles
long and 300 in breadth. It is bordered by
Bessarabia, Podolia, the Carpathian moun-
tains and the Danube. Situated between
the 44th and 48th degrees of latitude, it en-
joys a climate for the most part exceedingly
agreeable. The winter is ushered in with a
shrewd and biting wind, which creates frost
and snow and ice, but is happily of short
duration. This is succeeded by spring time,
which appears in March. Then the transi-
tion from one season to the other is so sud-
den as to produce the most magical effects.
The plants, even the most common, burst
from the soil with the rapidity of mushrooms ;
the whole vegetable kingdom feels the im-
pulse of the ciiange. In three or four days
the trees are green with foliage, the buds
peeping forth, and the flowers in bloom.
Every thing in nature quits its lately torpid
character ^nd wake§ to animation and enjoy-
ment. In the summer, and especially during
the months of June, July, August and Sep-
tember, the weather is excessively hot ; the
sun, after midday, acquires a force that
makes it dangerous to encounter its rays;
the atmosphere is like a furnace. The nights,
however, are delightfully cool, and give a
season of charming freshness to everything;
then those who could not venture out in the
day walk forth to inhale the tepid breezes of
evening. The storms, which during the
great heat are frequent, present a spectacle
the most magnificent that can be imagined ;
but, when the autumn takes her place, a
richer season is enjoyed than perhaps the
spring itself afforded, and in spite of rains,
black mud, and mist, the praises of these
delightful months are everywhere resounded.
For a long time Moldo- Wallachia could
boast of a population of several millions, and
its armies were often composed of a hundred
thousand men ; but, by little and little, the
expulsion of the barbarians, the retreat of
their allies, and the successive alterations of
its boundaries have greatly reduced the num-
ber. Some have also attributed this decline
to the plagues, the fevers, and the endemic
maladies which they affirm afflictt he country.
But this is not altogether true. The air of
the two provinces is pure, and the sky open
1858.]
THE OCCUPIED PROVINCES.
858
and cloudless. Among the mountains, bow-
eTer, there is a disease which they suppose
to' arise from the impure state of the waters ;
it consists in a large soft tumor, which comes
upon the neck, like the knotty excrescences
that grow upon the trunks of oaks ; but even
this disease has its remedy in an herb, which
grows in the same districts, and the proper
application of which has proved an unfailing
specific. It is evident, however, that this
malady is not peculiar to the Moldo-Walla-
chians alone, but is common to the inhabitants
of many mountainous regions. The cretins of
the Yalois, and the goitreuz of Styria, seem
to suffer from a similar complaint.
A more probable cause of this decline may
be found at hand. The wars between the
Russians and the Turks, or the occupation of
these provinces by the former, will afiford a
satisfactory solution. Whether it be a war, or
whether it be an occupation, these unfortunate
people suffer nearly the same. But, add to this,
the barbarous treatment which the Mahom-
etans have exercised towards their rayah
population, and we shall not be surprised at
the depopulated condition of the country. Like
beasts of burthen, in the last war, they were
employed to carry on their backs the heavy
munitions — ^a labor which was enforced with
brutal inhumanity. They were compelled to
march, thus burthened, from morning to night,
through heat or cold, through snow, or rain.
The forests, the mountains, the marshes, the
arid plains, sandy, parched up by a torrid sun
— nothing was allowed to interfere with their
drudgery. The privations, too, occasioned by
insufficiency of food, decimated them by thou-
sands before the eyes of their brutal oppressors;
and of those who survived the immediate
effects* of this fatigue and exhausiion, the
freater portion returned to their cabins, faint,
eart-wom and maimed for life.
Christians, according to the ritual of the
Greek Church, the Wallachians are generally
devout, and conform themselves to the dog-
mas of the Council of Nice. Their festivals
are ilumerous — more so, perhaps, than those
in the Catholic Calendar, but Easter, and the
festival of the Assumption, are the principal.
They fast twice in the week, reject images
from the churches, retaining only pictures of
the saints, and display great pomp in their
reUgious ceremonies. They repudiate the
the doctrine of purgatory, adopt the confes-
sional, under some restrictions which are not
accepted in the Latin Church, and make the
sign of the cross with the thumb, the forefin-
ger, and another, united, as an emblem of the
Trmity. On the day of a festival, a Walla^
VOL. XXX. NO. m.
chian closes his door and gives himself up to
the duties of religion, which often consist of
the most ascetic practices. He is very super-
stitious; does he leave his home, does he pass
a church, is he on foot or on horseback, meets
he a stranger, or does he walk alone, he
crosses himself three times, habitually using
the" Miserere met Domine. " In this respect,
as well as inwhatever concerns the saints, noth-
ing can check his fanaticism. Under its
influence a robber will steal, even while on
his knees, from his neighbor, and feel no
scruple; or he will kill a man imploring
divine mercy, palliating his guilt and easing
his conscience with the idea that his victim
could die at no better time. The captain of
a band — a famous brigand — seeing his lieu-
tenant licking a pat of butter in a bouse into
which they had broken, to plunder and, if
necessary, to murder the inmates, dislocated
his jaw with the blow of his fist, exclaiming,
by the way of justification, "Do you not
know it is Friday ? Have you not the fear of
God before your eyes ?"
All the Wallachians, as may readily be con-
ceived, are very credulous. Men and women
believe in apparitions, good and evil genii,
mysterious revelations, visions, and charlatan-
ism ; they believe and fear, and remain in
their fears and their belief, without the power
or the will to emancipate themselves from this
unnatural thraldom of the spirit.
Yet the Moldo-Wallachian is not without
fine qualities ; of remarkable intelligence, of a
quick spirit, engaging, fanciful, and of a flexi-
bility of character little common, he labors
with zeal when the opportunity and the
temptation incite him — that is, among the
less oppressed classes. This* aptitude forms
a strong contrast with the Orientals, his
neighbors. Disposed always to yield to
impulse, he marches rapidly on the high-road
to progress. In 1810 an impulse was given
to education in the country. The venerable
Metropolitan, Ignatius, founded at Bucharest
a college, whither were invited professors of
every kind, and the national language, foreign
languages, mathematics, chemistry, phys-
ic, drawing, besides a regular course of
general studies, were taught with the most
happy results. After two years, however,
this establishment fell to the ground, but was
shortly after succeeded by another, which
sprang from its ashes, and the regulations of
which were very severe. Organised upon
the Lancastrian principle, it gives instruction
to a great number of youths, and will one
day if properly conducted, prove of the high-
est service to the country. High spirit, good
364
THE OOGUPIED PROVINOBSL
[Not.,
sense, and great aptitude, mark the characters
of the students. When they have finished
their education in this place, many are not
unfrequently sent to the universities of other
countries to complete their studies.
The clergy of Moldo-Wallachia allow their
beards and moustachios to grow until they
have acquired a venerable length, and in this
respect retain the custom of the ancient patri-
archs. They wear a kind of full toga, and on
their heads a small skull-cap, which, during
the performance of any religious ceremony
they exchange for a mitre, sometimes white
and sometimes black, ornamented with
precious stones. They are divided into two
bodies — the priests secular and the priests
married ; and again subdivided into four
classes — the archbishops, bishops, abbots,
and monks. They receive for their chief
the Patriarch of Constantinople, who, in his
turn is subject to a synod composed of the
Metropolitan or Archbishop, who resides at
Bucharest, and three other bishops of the
Greek Church in Turkey.
The ceremony of marriage is very lightly
esteemed in Moldo-Wallachia. The people
often marry without a civil contract, the bene-
diction of the priest having taken place sanc-
tions the fact. In the middle classes, the
signatures of four witnesses, parents or friends,
is sufficient ; amongst the nobility, another
custom mantains : it is in their case necessary
to solicit the signature of the Metropolitan
and Hospodar, or Governor ; but this is re-
garded merely as a mark of distinction, and
can always be claimed as a prerogative by
these privileged classes. It is consequently
never refused.
When the ceremony takes place in a church,
it is accompanied with a most lugubrious
pomp. The bride, young or old, is hermeti-
cally enveloped in a thiek veil of silk or cot-
ton, rich with gold or silver, according to her
rank ; upon her head she wears a bunch of
black feathers, like the plumes of funeral
horses ; she is invested, like an ancient vesta],
in a kind of purple tunic, and for four-and-
twenty hours before the hour of the wedding
she remains thus enveloped.
On the morning of the ceremony, four
bridesmaids, her most intimate friends, come
and conduct her, two by the hands and two by
her girdle, in the most profound silence to
the church, where, as soon as she has crossed
the threshold, the bridegroom meets her.
She then distributes alms to the poor, and
kneels down to kiss the slab of the portal.
The two advance, when this is done, towards
the altar slowly, their eyes downcast and
their hands joined. When the religions por-
tion— which is not long — is over, they return
home, and, amongst the common people, a
season of festivity, dancing, and smging en-
sues. With the nobles, hbwever, it not
unfrequently happens that the husband
mantaias that reserve which half-civilized
autocrats falsely suppose to be dignity, and
as soon as he re-enters his house, without a
word throws himself upon his divan, and
smokes his pipe.
The Molao-Wallachians, when wealthy —
which, unhappily, is confined to very few —
are less choice in their dishes than in .the
service of their table. They are exceedingly
hospitable, give instances of the most gener-
ous self-denial amongst their friends, and
never swerve from an obligation when volun-
tarily imposed. Many of the opulent nobles,
or boyarg, admit foreigners who have no
fortune to their table, considering themselvea
sufficiently repaid by the pleasure of their
conversation ; yet many of them can neither
read nor write. When a person is invited,
he arrives a few minutes before the time
appointed, enters, salutes, speaks or not, as he
pleases, and awaits the announcement of dinner.
The dinner served up, the guest, be he an
habitue of the house or a new comer, follows
slowly the family, sits down at the table, and
eats. Then commences the conversation, and
this is kept up with great animation during
the whole process of mastication.
The luxury of the aristocracy is very great,
and resembles that of the Orientals. They
live in spacious houses, and keep up the moat
magnificent parade. They have generally
eight or ten slaves in attendance. An eye-
witness has facetiously observed upon this
extravagance, " There is one to fill his pipe,
another to light it, another to bring it, and
another to se.e his master smoke it ; there is
one to fetch him a glass of water, another
spreads out a napkin, a third will unfold his
handkerchief; ^ve others are required to
dress him, to shave and comb his beard, to
wash his hands, anoint his hair ; fifty others
are engaged in various arrangements of the
house, the kitchens, the carriages, the horses,
the harness, the gardens, &c., without count-
ing those which are required to, look after
the slaves themselves."
This picture is unhappily too true. Placed
as they are between Russia and Turkey the
Moldo-Wallachian provinces have always suf-
fered severely from the evils of misgovem-
ment, and in every misgoverned state it is the
peasantry that feel the bitterness of oppression.
There is not a people more weighed down and
1853.]
JOHN HORNE TOOES; AIO) THB STATE TBIAI^ OF 1794
865
broken than the peasants of Moldo-Wallaohia.
In the eyes of the Turks they are nothing more
than giaoursy or infidels, accursed by the law
of their Prophet, and therefore without the
pale of pity. They are rep^arded with distrust,
as a race inclined to alternate in loyalty
between the eastern and western banks of the
Pruth. They are feared by their feeble mas-
ters, lest they should revolt to the Russians,
and oppressed, that their spirit and their
power may be crushed together. We must
not, therefore, be surprised that the peasan-
try— a large majority of the Wallachians —
are degraded, and in the same state of bon-
dage that the Poles were in under their
tyrannical aristocracy. The hoyars, or nobles,
possess all the land ; enterprise is, therefore,
deadened. The peasant thinks not of provi-
ding for the morrow, for the fruits of his
labot go to enrich those who have no right to
receive it ; he lives from day to day, and his
misery is thus effectually perpetuated.
There is another class, the zagans, which
are the reod slaves of the country. They
consist of about 150,000, of which the State
possesses a third ; the others are distributed
amongst the monasteries and the nobles.
Some have the enormous number of 5,000 or
6,000 in their houses, and upon their estates.
They employ them in works the most labori-
ous and ignoble ; they sell them or change
them at certain periods of the year at so much
a head, according to the age, strength, or sex
of the individual; and such is sometimes the
cruel treatment to which they are subject,
that these unfortunate beings purposely maim
themselves, to escape being oppressed to
death by toil, or commit suicide, to escape
some anticipated punishment.
i^4-
■♦♦■
From Tait'8 Magaiine.
JOHN HORNE TOOKE. AND THE STATE TRIALS OF 1794
When the French Revolution of 1789
burst, like the eruption of a volcano, upon
the nations of Europe, carrying dismay and
terror into the despotic dynasties of ages, and
causing them to totter on their thrones, whilst
It inspired their subjects with hope in the fu-
ture, the rising spirit of freedom extended
itself to the United Kingdom, and produced
here, an enthusiasm more than commensurate
with the actual condition of the country. So
^eat and general, indeed, was the political
intoxication of the people, that few were able
to exercise a sober judgment upon an event
which was truly described as '' a thing with-
out precedent, and therefore without prognos-
tic." It required the mind of a Burke to
take thatjenlarged view of the matter, which
alone could lead to a just estimate of the mo-
mentous importance and extent of that event.
A nobleman was congratulating that astute
statesman on the negotiations of Lisle, and the
probable termination of the Revolution. " The
Kevolution over !" he replied. " To be sure I !"
*' Why, my Lord, it w not begun. As yet, you
have only heard the first music ; you'll see
the actors presently ; but neither you nor I
shall live to witness the end of the drama 1"
It is now sixty years since this prediction
was uttered, and the "drama" is not yet
closed. A series of " acts" have at intervals
been performed on the Gallic political stage,
which, although each has been denominated
" a Revolution," are but a reiteration of the
sam3 struggle of freedom with d^potism.
And such is the vitality of the ancient system
of government in Continental Europe, that
although repeatedly shaken to its very found-
ations, it will, in all probability, require a fur-
ther series of such "acts" to bring the
"drama" to a close, and establish rational
freedom amongst its yearning peoples.
Situated as England was, it was impossible
that she could wholly escape the revolutiona-
ry enthusiasm which prevailed in France. It
is true, the theory of the British constitution
was infinitely more favorable to liberty, than'
that of any other nation in Europe ; but then
it had never been fully carried out in all its
length and breadth. Whilst the Utter was
scrupulously and ostentatiously proclaimed,
356
JOHN HORNE TOOKE; AND THE STATE TRIALS OP 1794.
[Not,
its spirit was evaded, and a wide margin
was allowed for a monarch, despotically in-
clined, to exercise his tendencies. Whether
the reigning monarch of that period was such
a man, we do not take upon ourselves to as-
sert. Certain it is, however, that George the
Third did not possess a mind f-ufficienlTy en-
larged or instructed to comprehend the great
principles of civil and religious liberty, in their
full extent ; and that he entertained too high
opinions of his monarchical rights and pre-
rogatives, and too great a jealousy of the peo-
ple, to think with complacency of those re-
forms, which the abuses that have crept into
the constitution imperatively called for. Thus,
he formed his government upon his own
views ; and, by the most stringent measures,
endeavored to crush that spirit of freedom
which was widely diffused amongst his sub-
jects, in common with the other peoples of
Europe.
We would not, however, compare the con-
dition of the British people at that period,
with that of any of the continental nation^^
Whatever defects might have crept into the
working of the constitution by the lapse of
ages, enough of liberty existed to enable the
people, without a physical struggle, to reform
them; in which respect, their condition was
infinitely superior to that of their neighbors.
On all occasions, when the principles of the
constitution have been boldly asserted, the
free institutions of the country have enabled
the people successfully to combat with the
Crown ; and every flagrant attempt to abridge
or to fetter the liberty of the subject, was
sure, in the end, to result in the extension
and confirmation of that liberty. Such was
the case in regard to the state trials, which
took place in the United Kingdom from 1792
to 1796 ; and it is to the events which then
and previously transpired, that we propose
to direct the attention of the reader, as illus-
trative both of the spirit which actuated the
government of that period, and of the power
of constitutional principles alone to counter-
act and disarm it.
The first opening of the revolutionary
"drama" in France, took place in 1789 ; and
being the spontaneous uprising of a great na-
tion for the assertion of its just and natural
rights, it met with the countenance and sup-
port of ail great and good men in the civil-
ized worid. To it the King, Louis XVI., was
compelled to become a party; and it would
have been well for him, his family, and his
people, had he determined cordially to unite
with the latter in effecting those reforms
which the nation demanded. His insincerity
and duplicity ruined all ; and the aecond act
succeeded — a horrible tragedy, appalling
and bewildering to the nations around, and
causing the entire disruption of the whole
framework of society in that which consti-
tuted its theatre.
The French Revolution baa been justly
ascribed by political writers, to the part taken
by the government of France in the rup-
ture between Great Britain and her Amer-
ican colonies. The sanction thus given to
the principle of popular resistance to con-
stituted authority, confirmed by the early
recognition, by Louis XVI., of the infant
Transatlantic Republic, in order to spite
her rival, were acts little short of suicidal.
By them the seeds of liberty were sown
broad- cast amongst the French people, and
soon gave rise to a desire for constitutional
reform perfectly irresistible. A simulta-
neous spirit, as we have before observed, per-
vaded a large portion of the British people,
amongst whom the American war had never
been popular; and about the year 1780, so-
cieties began to be formed for the purpose of
obtaining parliamentary reform, embracing,
as fundamental principles, annual parlia-
ments and universal suffrage.
The first association for this purpose was
founded by the celebrated Major Cartwright,
and was called "The Society for Constitu-
tional Information." It numbered amongst
its members and supporters some of the most
eminent political characters of that or any
other age. The Duke of Richmond acted as
chairman, whilst Pitt, Fox, Sheridan, Erskme,
Grey, Tooke, Earl Stanhope, Lord John Rus-
sell, the Duke of Norfolk, Earls Camden and
Surrey, Lord Mahon, the Lord Mayor of
London, and a host of others, comprising
members both of the aristocracy and of the
two Houses of I^egislature were enrolled on
its lists. Many of these withdrew from the
society before the stirring scenes of the French
Revolution were enacted. Amongst the first
of these was the Duke of Richmond, who,
having accepted the post of Master of the
Ordnance, was afterwards one of the fore-
most in prosecuting his former colleagues —
the members of the society.
The object of the institution was the diffa-
sion of correct political information, in refer-
ence to the principles of the British Constitu-
tion, in order to prepare the minds of the
people on the subject of Parliamentary Re-
form ; a perfectly legal object, and constitu-
tionally pursued by the association to the
end of its existence. A plan for this object
was drawn up by the Duke of Richmond ;
1858.]
JOHN HOBNB TOOKE; Aim THE STAIK TRIALS OF 1794
867
and on three several ocoasrons brought be-
fore the House of Commons by Mr. Pitt —
namely, in 1782, 1783, and 1785. At the
last named period he had become a minister of
the Crown, but on all these occasions the mo-
tion was lost. It may be as well here to
state, what the measure proposed by Pitt,
and concocted by him and the Duke of Rich-
mond, amounted to, as it will best illustrate
their conduct and character, in subsequently
prosecuting with so much vindictiveness, the
men whom they were, at this time, pursuing
the very object which constituted the ground
of future prosecution.
The Duke of Richmond was both one of
the first, and one of the most active, zealous,
and efficient members of the association, un-
til he received his official appointment. The
subject appears to have occupied his mind
almost exclusively ; and finding that there
was a wide range of opinion upon it, amongst
the members, some being in favor of a mod-
erate ; and others of a sweeping measure of
ireform, his Grace drew up a specific plan,
which appears to have met the approbation
of the majority. It embraced annual parlia-
ments, and universal su£frage in the broadest
acceptation of the term. Bis language, ex-
pressed in a letter published at the time, was
as follows: — " From that quarter," the
House of Commons, " I have nothing to
hope. It is from the people at large that I
expect any good ; and I am convinced that
the only way to make them feel that they
are really concerned in the business, is to
contend for their full, clear, and indisputable
rights of universal representation. When
the people are fairly and equally repi*esented
in Parliament, when they have annual oppor-
tunities of changing their deputies, and,
through them, of controling every abuse of
Government, in a safe, easy, and legal way,
there can be no longer occasion for recurring
to those ever dangerous, though sometimes
necessary expedients of an armed force,
which nothing but a bad Government can
justify."* It was well remarked by Mr.
firsktne, on the subsequent trial of John
Home Tooke, that " if this letter, which,
coming from the Duke of Richmond, was
only a spirited remonstrance against corrupt
ministers, had been read in evidence as the
letter of any of the state prisoners, the
whole mass would have been transmuted in-
stantly into high treason against the King !''
* Letter of the Dake of Riohmood to Colonel
SharmaD, at that time the commander of the Volun*
teers of Ireland, (a self-constituted military body,)
bat without any oommiasion from the Crown.
The efforts of the Constitutional Society to
bring the subject of Reform before the House
of Commons, although unsuccessful, were the
means of diffusing a knowledge of its impor-
tance and nec<)ssity throughout the kingdom.
Similar societies were formed in most of the
cities and large towns, such as Southwark,
Manchester, Norwich, Sheffield, Birmingham,
Leeds, &o. These kept up an intimate cor-
respondence with the central one in London ;
but the difference of opinion which existed
amongst the members, led to the secession of
some of the earliest and warmest friends of
parliamentary reform, who could not go the
length of annual parliaments and universal
suffrage ; believing that, however sincere the
advocates of those changes might be in de-
siring to engraft them on the constitution,
they would ultimately lead to the destruction
of the monarchy, and the existing order of
things. Amongst the first of the seceders
were Charles c^mes Fox, William Pitt, the
Duke of Norfolk, and several other eminent
men. The Duke of Richmond also left early,
upon his appointment as a cabinet minister.
This decline of the Constitutional Associa-
tion was not on account of any exceptions
taken to its proceedings by the Government,
nor were these considered dangerous to the
constitution or the authorities of the country.
That event, however, soon occurred which,
whilst it gave a fresh stimulus to this society,
caused the founding of others in various parts
of the kingdom, some of which certainly went
dangerous lengths in their ideas and plans of
reform, and thus brought both upon them-
selves and those who were more moderate
and constitutional in their views, the ven-
geance of the Government, many members of
which bad themselves been the chief instru-
ments in raisipg the spirit of the people,
which they now sought to crush by a vin-
dictive and relentless prosecution.
The French Revolution, which commenced
in 1789, was hailed by the friends of liberty
in England, as the commencement of a new
era in the history of mankind. And cer-
tainly, if ever a government needed a change
it was that of France ; if ever a monarchy
had forfeited all claim to the suffrages of a
people, and rendered itself unworthy of their
support, it was the dynasty of the Capets.
Despotism the most grinding ; corruption the
most venal ; profligacy*the most unblushing ;
and extravagance the most unbounded, char-
aoteriased the Court and administration of the
Bourbons; poisoning the very fountains of
virtuous and well-ordered society, from the
domestic circle to the bench of justice. The
358
JOHN HORNE TOOKi; AKD THE STATE TRIAIfl OP 1794
[Nov.,
lives, tbe liberties, the properties of the sub-
ject, were liable to be sacrificed at any mo-
ment, under authority, for a mercenary con-
sideration. And the pernicious example of
the Court gave a tinge to the various grada-
tions of society, down to the very lowest
class.
It is not our design to give a history of
the French Revolution, but rather to exhibit
its reflex action upon the British people, who
felt the shock in a far greater proportion, it
must be confessed, than the circumstances of
the country warranted. The question of
Reform, it is true, had been mooted by the
highest authority, so far, at least, as rank,
talent, and influence were concerned; but,
by this time, a large number of the most in-
fluential friends of that measure had receded
from tbe movement, on account of the difii-
culty of keeping some of the members
within constitutional bounds. Several of the
seceders had also become cabinet ministers,
amongst whom were William Pitt and the
Duke of Richmond, both of whom were now
the determined enemies of the Constitutional
Association, and those other societies which
bad arisen out of the circumstances of the
times.
It was not, however, till the second phase
of the French Revolution had taken place,
when the vacillating conduct of Louis XVI.
had brought upon the royal family and the
aristocracy those horrible disasters which
alarmed and distracted the whole of Europe,
that the corresponding movements in the
United Kingdom began to engage the serious
attention of the Government. Without ques-
tion, a large party had drank deep into the
republican spirit, from the same fountain
which had supplied the Jacobins of France,
namely, the example of the American colo-
nies, whose independence had settled into
that form of government. We shall not stop
to enquire what effect such a change would
have produced with us, or how far the theory
of republicanism is or is not superior as an
abstract principle to that of monarchy. But
of this we are sure, that none of the Euro-
pean countries or peoples are prepared for
such a change ; and France, above all others,
is unfitted for the adoption of republican in-
stitutions. Every attempt to effect such a
change there, has ended in the establishment
of a military despotism, and the consequent
extinction of liberty.
It is possible that from the different char-
acter of the British people they would have
exhibited a more rational development of the
republican principle, had they at that period
been able to effect the change. But the fac^
is, a large majority, especially of the middle
class, of the British nation, were warmly at-
tached to royalty, and to the constitution,
and had no wish whatever for a change of
government, however desirous they were to
have a reform in the House of Commons. It
was, therefore, with grief that they saw revo-
lutionary clubs established, and republican
principles openly avowed by the members of
those clubs, which not only laid them open
to the vengeance of the Government, but in-
volved all, even the more constitutional soci-
eties, in the same denunciation, and the same
vindictive prosecution.
The five years which followed the death
of Louis and the destruction of the French
monarchy, reflected lasting disgrace upon the
administration of William Pitt It was a
reign of terror in England, as well as in
France, with this difference, that, in the lat-
ter case, the frightful atrocities were com-
mitted by a band of lawless miscreants, who
soon after, in their turns, expiated their
crimes at the guillotine; whilst here the
Government were the butchers, who attacked
indiscriminately the guilty and the innocent
— ^the ferocious republican and the moderate
reformer. Hundreds of blank warrants, ready
signed, were sent down to the different cities
and towns where reform associations were
established, to be filled up at the leisure and
discretion of the infamous myrmidons of the
Government,* who, anxious to show their
zeal and loyalty, made no scruple of de-
nouncing some of the most estimable charac-
ters in the kingdom. No discrimination was
made, but the same charge of high treason
was brought against men as loyal as the
* At Norwich, for instance, hetween one and two
handred such warranta were Bent to Clover, who
acted in the double oapaeity of barrack-master and
spy. A curious eiroumBtanoe occurred at this pe-
riod, in connection with this man, which, as it will
illustrate the character of the times, and hfts never
been in prints w© will relate. Clover had received
a letter from W. Wyndham, then secretary at war,
charging him to keep a sharp look-out upon th«
Reformers, and particularly to watoh the conduct
of the Hi^, Mark Wilkes^ who appeared to be a
leader. This letter was accidentally dropped in
the street by Clover ; and being pipked up by a
friend of Wilkes, was instantly taken to him. He
at once took it to March the printer, and ordered
500 copies to be struck otL Clover, having been
informed of this, went in a towering rage to demand
his letter from the printer ; but Wilkes happening
to be in the shop, after giving him a gooa rating^
which he was quite capable of doing, increased his
order to 6,000 copies, which were struck off, and
circulated through the city. Clover never recov-
ered his character after this blow.
1853.J
JOHN HOBNE TOOKB, Am> THE STATE TRIAIfi OF 1794.
859
minister himself, and who had but followed
the former precept and example of Pitt and
the Duke of Richmond, both of whom were
now seeking tlleir blood. «
Amongst the most respectable of these
men was John Home Tooke, who, after the
secession from the Reformers of the Duke of
Richmond, acted as chairman at the meetings
of the Constitutional Society. This gentle-
man was by profession a clergyman, but had
no appointment.* He had passed the middle
age, and being in a weak state of health,
would gladly have retired entirely from pub-
lic life, and shut himself up in his house and
garden at Wimbledon, where he resided. A
sense of duty to his country alone led him to
continue holding his post in the movement
of the day ; and his presence at the meet-
ings of the Association was often the means
of keeping the more rash and ardent mem-
bers within bounds. He was, in fact, by the
influence his character and station afforded
him, the moderator of the party; and all
documents of importance belonging to the
association, or emanating from it, were sub-
mitted to him for approval or correction.
In the meantime, arrests had taken place
in Ireland and Scotland, where many parties
had been tried on the charge of high treason.
In several cases convictions were obtained,
and some had suffered the extreme penalty
of the law. Others had been sentenced to
transportation for long periods, amongst
whom were Palmer, Skirving, Muir, Marga-
rot, and Gerrald, in Scotland. The cases of
these men excited the deepest sympathy
with all classes, except that of the perse-
cutors. No one who knew their previous
characters, believed them guilty of the crimes
laid to their charge ; and the infamous char-
acter of some of the witnesses brought against
them, excited the indignation of all honest
men. * Transportation to New South Wales
(or Botany Bay) was no sinecure at that
period; and such were the hardships and
cruelty these men ^were subjected to, that,
we believe, not one of them lived to return
to his native land. It was, in fact, believed,
that the Government directed them to be
treated with such severity, as to break down
their spirit and constitution at the same time.
Tooke bad once been returned a member of
Parliament for some boroagb, but his political
opinions rendered him so obnoxious to the Govern-
ment that, in order to get rid of him, they put in
force an order or rale of the House, before seldom
enforced, that no person in holy orders should be
eligible to serve in Parliament In consequence of
tibia resolution he was compelled to vacate his seat
This conduct of the Government, far from
daunting the London reformers, excited them
to greater activity, accompanied with more
vigilance and caution. They passed votes of
sympathy and commiseration with the suffer-
ers, and memorialized the kinsr for a mitiga-
tion of their sentences. A oeaf ear, how-
ever, was turned to their representations, and
it was very evident that not only would their
memorial not be attended to, but that the
memorialists themselves would thenceforth
be marked men, and that their turn would
soon come to stand at the bar, on the same
sweeping charge of conspiring the death of
the king.
At this period, Home Tooke was looked
up to as the head of the Constitutional As-
sociaUon in London. Moderate in his views,
and a sincere lover of the constitution in
Church and State, of which he repudiated
all wish to change the form, whilst he boldly
and fearlessly advocated a correction of its
abuses, he rallied round him reformers of all
shades of opinion, holding the more violent
in check, and stimulating the lukewarm to
more decided action.
Every Sunday, his house at Wimbledon
Common was open to all comers who could
bring a recommendation from any leading
man of the party. At these political reunions,
which were sometimes numerous, public
affairs were discussed with the greatest free-
dom, under the impression that no spies or
traitors could possibly obtain admittance,
and that consequently self-interest would
prevent what took place from transpiring.
Such, however, proved not to be the case.
On one of these weekly occasions, a young
man of the name of John Wharton was in-
troduced, as having recently been returned
a member of Parliament in the Reform in-
terest, for the borough of Beverley, in York-
shire. He was represented as possessing
considerable talent, and capable of introduc-
ing a measure in Parliament with good effect.
The following passage in the liie of John
Home Tooke, by a contemporary, will ex-
plain this man's character : —
Among the immense number of spies and in-
formers now employed, were several of a hlsrher
order, some of whom were solely actuated by
zeal, while others, who would have spurned the
idea of pecuniary gratification, were influenced
by the hope of office and appointments. One of
these latter had for some time attached himself to
Mr. Tooke, and was a frequent visitor at Wimble-
don. His situation and character were calculated
to shield him from suspicion ; but his host, who
was too acute to be so easily duped, soon saw
through the flimsy veil of his pretended discontent ;
360
JOHN HORNB TOOKE; AND THE STATE TBHAIB OF 1794
[Not,
as he bad many personal friends in various de-
partments of Government, he soon discovered the
views, connections, and pursuits of his gnest ; but
instead of upbraiding him for his treachery and
dissimulation, and treating him with contempt, as
most other men in his situation would have done,
he determined to foil him, if possible, at bis own
weapons.
He accordinely pretended to admit the spv into
his entire confidence, and completed the delusion
by actually rendering the person who wished to
circumvent him, in his turn, a dupe. Mr. Tooke
began by dropping hints relative to the strength
and zeal of the popular party, taking care to mag-
nify their numbers, praising their unanimitv, and
commending their resolution. By degrees be de-
scended to particulars ; and at length communi-
cated confidentially, and under the most solemn
promise of secresy, the alarming intelligence that
some of the Guards were gained, and that an
armed force was organized, and that the nation
was actually on the eve of a revolution.
After a number of interviews, he at length
affected to own that he himself was at the head
of the conspiracy, and boasted, like Pompey of
old, that be could raise legions by merely stamp-
ing bis foot on the ground.
Although no name is mentioned in this ac-
count, there is not a doubt, from what fol-
lowed, that Wharton is the party referred
to. We think it, however, doubtful whether
Tooke was so well acquainted with the de-
testable mission with which Wharton was
entrusted, as the account would lead us to
believe. At any rate, it appears that the
whole party was completely mystified as to
the real cause of the important events which
took place soon after the introduction of
Wharton to Mr. Tooke's weekly meetings.
These events were, the arrest of Mr. Tooke
and eleven other members of the Coustitu-
tional Association, of the details of which we
shall now give a summary account.
One of the first persons arrested in London
was Thomas Hardy, the secretary of the
association. The character of this man, like
that of Tooke, was beyond suspicion, either
in point of moral or political integrity. He
was a shoe-maker; but in intelligence was far
superior to the generality of tradesmen, for
which cause he was -chosen for the office.
Upon his arrest, the following letter was ad-
di^ssed to Mr. Tooke ;
"Dear Citizen, — ^This morning, at six
o'clock, Citizen Hardy was taken away by
an order from the Secretary of State's office.
They seized everything they could lay their
hands on. Query : Is it possible to get
ready by Thursday ?
'• Yours,
** JsRH. JorcB."
This letter was stopped and opened at the
post-office, where it was considered of so
much importance, that it was sent to the
Secretary of State. The last clause of it,
which merely referred to the preparing of
extracts from the " Red Book," of the
emoluments which Mr. Pitt and his family
derived from the public, was believed to have
reference to a general rising ; and the Gov-
ernment were instantly on the alert. Mr.
Tooke's movements were narrowly watched,
and his carriage was followed to town. He
dined, the next day, at a friend's house m
Spital Square, and had the honor of a patrol
of horse soldiers to guard the house. All
this was merely amusing to Tooke, who was
quite unconscious of having committed any
overt act that would lead to his arrest. In
this he was mistaken; for Mmisters had
taken the alarm, and early in the morning of
the 16 th of May, 1794, he was seized in his
house at Wimbledon, by virtue of a warrant
from the Secretary of State, on a charge of
high treason, and at once conveyed to the
Tower.
Here he was confined, a close prisoner, for
several months, not being allowed pen, ink,
and paper, nor was any one permitted to
visit him, or hold intercourse with him by
letter or otherwise, except his jailer. His
health sinking under this treatment, an ap-
plication made to the Privy Council, and an
order was consequently issued for the admis-
sion of Doctors Pearson and Cline, as often
as the state of Tooke's health rendered it
necessary, and also of his nephew.
There has been a good deal of misappre-
hension respecting the precise charge upon
which Mr. Tooke's arrest took place; it
being generally supposed that the letter
given above, which was written in an amhigu-
ous way, was the moving cause. Mr. Tooke
himself was for a long time, as we have be-
fore observed, exceedingly mystified on the
subject, not being aware of the existence of
the letter, and quite unconscious of any act
that could be construed into treason by the
laws of England. Still he did not know how
far he miffht have been compromised by, and
implicated in, the acts of others, who were
less cautious than himself. The real cause,
however, was subsequently made known to
him in a manner which precluded its being
niade public during the life of the principed
pSLTiy concerned, only three persons being
privy to it. On the death of the personage
referred to, which took place about the year
1806, the secret became known to a few per-
sons, amongst whom was the writer of this
1868.J
JOHN HORHE TOOKE, AND THE STATE TRIAIB OF 1794.
S61
sketch, to whom it was related tby an emi-
nent divine ; and the c<)rrectness of it was
confirmed to him in the year 1820, by John
Thelwall, one of Home Tooke's associates,
and imprisoned with him on the same charge
of high treason. The details of this account
we shall now present to the reader.
Upon the arrest and committal of Tooke
and his friends — twelve in number — the asso-
ciation dissolved itself, as did also those in
the coutitry. But in every place the mem-
bers were marked men, ana warrants were
sent down, as we have already stated, to be
instantly executed, in case Tooke and the
other prisoners were convicted. Happily the
efforts of the Crown to effect its sangumary
purpose were frustrated by the friendship for
Tooke of an individual in high life. It is
possible that the honest jury who tried him
might have acquitted him, independent of this
act of friendship ; certain it is, however, that
by it the Crown was disarmed, and the only
distinct act of delinquency was omitted to be
urged against him through the following
stratagem.
One evening after Tooke's nephew/ who
usually vjsited him every day, had left him,
a stranger was announced by the turnkey.
Tooke desired he might be shown m, when
a tall man, muffled up in a wrapping cloak,
and with his hat slouched over his face, en-
tered the room, and saluted him courteously.
When the turnkey had retired, the stranger
addressed Mr. Tooke to this effect : '* You
are no doubt surprised at my visit, but 1 beg
to say that it is a perfectly friendly one, in
proof of which 1 am about to put my life in
your hands in order to save yours. 1 am a
member of his Majesty's Privy Council, and
my object in coming is to inform you of the
real cause of your arrest, and of the danger
to which you are exposed. It will be in
your recollection that at your dinner party
on Sunday last, a motion was proposed, to
be brought before Parliament, for increasing
the pay of the navy ; and that when it was
objected by one of the company that this
would breed a mutiny, you remarked, *that*8
exactly what we want,^* This observation
* The circtimstaQceB respectiDg this affair were as
follows : At a previous meeting at Tooke's house,
it was determined that Wharton should bring for-
ward in the House of Commons a motion bearing
on the subject of Reform. This was done, and the
motion being seconded, it was simply met by the
previous question being moved, which was put to
the vote and carried, without any one speaking
against the motion on the part of the Miiiiatry.
This was considered rather singular, but as Whax^
ton acquitted himself very creditably on the occa-
was carried to the Minister by Wharton, the
member for Beverley, who was of the party,
and your arrest was the consequence.
" In the Privy Council held today, Whar-
ton has been examined, and it was after-
wards debated in what way his evidence
should be adduced against you ; whether the
informer should be called by the Crown, or
whether they should allow you to call him,
and so convict you out of the mouth of your
own witness ? The council broke up with-
out deciding this, question, which will be
brought before it again to-morrow. 1 will,
therefore, be here again to- morrow evenmg,
to let you know their decision."
"The scoundrel," said Tooke, when the
stranger had concluded : " 1 always suspected
him of not being over hearty in the cause, but
1 could not have believed him guilty of so
atrocious a breach of confidence. However,
we must endeavour to out-roanoeuvre them
yet." After a short conversation the stranger
took his leave.
The next mommg, Tooke sent for his
solicitor, and in confidence communicated to
him what he had learned, but without di-
vulging the way in which he obtained his in-
formation. He then directed him to go to
Wharton and serve him with a subpoena, and
to beg of him not to absent himself from the
court at the trial ; that he considered him the
most important witness in his favor ; and, in
short, that he depended on him more than all
the rest ; and it was, therefore, of the utmost
consequence to him that he should be present
on the occasion.
This was done the same day ; and in the
evening, Tooke's incognito visitor again made
his appearance, and stated that Wharton had
detailed to the Privy Council what had passed
with the solicitor. Upon which it was unani-
mously agrtied, that Tooke should be allowed
to call him as his witness, and that then the
counsel for the Crown should obtain the most
direct and tmequivocal evidence against the
prisoner by a cross-examination.
sioD, not much importance was attached to the oir-
oomstance.
On a subsequent meeting at Tooke's, it was pro-
posed that another, and more pointed motion should
DC brought forward by Whaiton. During the de-
bate as to the nature of it, one of the guests pro-
posed that it should be a motion for increasing the
pay of the navy. " Ko," said another, ** that would
create a mutiny amongst the seamen." "Well,"
eaid Tooke, "that's just what is wanted." The
meeting broke up without coming to any decision ;
and, before the next Sunday, the arrest of Tooke
and his friends had put a stop to their farther pro-
ceedings.
962
JOHK HOBHB TOOKE; AHD THE 8TATB TRIAIfi OF 1794
LKor
Tooke now felt ccnnpleiely at ease, and be-
gan making hift arrangements for his defence.
It is said that he had determined to defend
himself ; but his solicitor, after a long argu-
ment with him on the subject, concluded by
sajingy "Well sir, yon must act as you
please ; but if you do, you will certainly be
nanged." "Then," replied Tooke instantly,
" I'S be hanged if I do ! " and directed him
to ^ve the brief to Henry Erekine.
The number of witnesses subpoenaed on
both sides amounted to some hundreds.
Those for the defence consisted chiefly of the
higher ranks of society, with whom Tooke
had been on terms of intimacy all his life :
they included his quondam associates in the
cause of Reform, not forgetting William Pitt
(the Prime Minister), and the Duke of Rich-
mond (the Master of the Ordnance), with
many other distinguished personages, who,
like them, had not only abandoned their
former principles, but were now the vindic-
tive persecutors of those who acted with
freater consistency. Wharton appears to
ave been subpoenaed by both the prosecu-
tor and the prisoner, as his name appears
— for the first and last time in the proceed-
ings— amongst the witnesses for the Crown,
on whose behalf, however, he was not called,
as was previously arranged.
The trial commenced under favorable cir-
cumstances in many respects. The whole of
the twelve prisoners^ were included in the
same bill of indictment, sent up to the
grand jury; but they claimed to be tried
separately, which was granted. Hardy had
previously been tried and acquitted, there
not being a shadow of evidence that could be
relied on, to bring home to him the charge
of treason. Erskme, who had so success-
fully conducted his defence, was himself a
staunch reformer ; and although he had se-
ceded from the association, wns well enough
acquainted with Tooke's principles and asso-
ciates, to know both the weak points of the
charge against the prisoners, and the strong
ones in their defence. When these advan-
tages are coupled with the powerful elo-
quence, the great legal acumen and know-
ledge, the ardent love of freedom, and the
undaunted courage by which Erskine's char-
acter was marked, it will be manifest that
* Their namM were Thomas Hardy, John Home
Tooke, J. A. Bonney, Stewart Eyd, Jeremiah Joyce,
Thomas Wardle, Thomas Holcroft^ John Richter,
Matthew Moore, John Thelwell, Riehard Hodgson,
and John Baxter.
the chances were greatly in fiavor of the
prisoners.
But, independent of this, the pnbfie nmid
began to take the alarm, as to whither the
vindictive proceedings of the Crown were
tending. .The prosecutions in Scotland were
harsh in the extreme, and made no discrimina-
tion between the respectable and moderate
reformer and the furious democrat ; and the
same tragical results — for lives had been
taken both in Scotland and Ireland — were
now sought to be obtained in London and
the English provinces. Nor would it stop
here if the Crown proved successful in the
present prosecution. It had determined to
" run a muck" at all reform and reformers,
and by a multitude of warrants make a com-
plete sweepstake of the most respectable of
the latter, thereby hoping to strike terror
into the inferior ranks. The writer of this
sketch happens to be but too well acquainted
with the truth of this assertion, upwards of
fifty of his own relatives and friends in a pro*
vincial city having been amongst the pro-
scribed, every one of whom would have been
arrested and tried on a charge of high
treason, had Home Tooke been convicted ;
the warrants for their arrest (among others)
being in the hands of the local authorities,
ready to be executed at a moment's warning.
It was therefore the general feeling — doubt-
less extending itself to the jury-panel — that
nothing but the most direct and unequivocal
evidence of guilt would justify an adverse
verdict against the prisoners. Consequently
the principle of constructive treason, upon
which alone it was hoped to obtain a convic-
tion, was kicked out of court with disgust
and abhorrence, as unworthy of a free coun-
try and of the institution of Trial by Jury.
An incident occurred at the outset of the
proceedings which displays the fearlessness
of Tooke's character. When called upon to
plead and to say how he would be tried, he
eyed the court for some seconds in a signifi-
cant manner, which few men were better
able to assume ; and shaking his head, em-
phatically replied, — *'I would be tried by
God and my country ; but "
It is impossible to give any adequate
analysis of this memorable trial, the favor-
able result of which to the prisoners proba-
bly saved the lives of hundreds, if not thou-
sands, of respectable citizens. It must suffice
us to state that the evidence for the Crown,
whilst it displayed great imprudence in some,
and folly in others, of the Reformers, did not
bring home a particle of guUt to the prisoner.
1858.]
JOHN HOSNB TOOKE, AND THE STATE TRIAIS OF 1794.
363
This the counsel for the Crown did not re-
card, feeling himself sure of eliding enough
K>r a conviction upon the cross-examination
of Wharton, who stood there in court as the
bosom-friend of the man he was about to
betray to the executioner. The chief part of
the charge consisted of a multitude of writ-
ten and printed documents, which it was
attempted to identify or connect with Tookq,
as a leading member of the Constitutional
Association. It was proved, however, that
when such papers were put into hb hands
for inspection, he invariably altered and
softened down sucb expressions or sentences
as appeared to him to have a revolutionary
tendency; and even the witnesses for the
Crown were compelled to admit that the
Puke of Richmond's plan of reform was the
basis of Tooke's own plan, and that the lat-
ter never went beyond it, or sought to obtain
it by other than constitutional means. Thus
the case for the Crown was closed without
bringing home to the prisoner anything what-
ever stronger than constructive guilt of the
most inconclusive kind.
For the defence, a hundred witnesses were
collected in court, including the most illus-
trious names that adorn the history of that
eventful period. Charles Fox, William Pitt,
Richard Brinsley Sheridan, the Duke of
Richmond, Lord John Russell, the Duke of
Bedford, with a host of similar celebrities,
were called up on this occasion and spoke to
the general respectability of the prisoner;
and most of them expressed their disbelief
that he could possibly be guilty of the
crimes laid to his charge. Pitt committed
himself most grossly by his repeated " non
mi ricordo" replies, when questioned upon
facts that occurred when he was himself a
member of the Constitutional Association ;
so that, at last, Tooke called up another
witness (we believe it was Fox) to confront
him, when he at once recoverea his recollec-
tion and admitted the fact in question.
Tooke turned to the court and said : " My
lord, the honorable gentleman appears to
have a very convenient memory, which re-
tains nothing he wishes to forget ! "
But where was the traitor Wharton?
Waiting to complete the purchase of the
Minister's favor, by the betrayal of the man
who, he believed, depended upon him more
than any other for a successful defence. As
the reader will have surmised, he toaa not
called at all, but stood like a guilty thing
enduring the indignant glances of the prisoner,
conveying the conviction that the latter was
fully aware of his treachery. In fact, so
little apprehension had Tooke of the result of
the tnal, that not more than from ten to
fifteen of hb witnesses had been called, when
he signified to his attorney that he wished
the defence to be closed, being quite satb-
fied that it should rest upon the evidence
already adduced. The counsel for the Crown
objected to thb in vain, conscious that it was
upon Wharton alone that their hope of a
conviction now rested. Tooke was inflexible,
and the case on both sides being closed, the
Judge summed up, in a speech which occu-
pied a whole day in delivering ; in the course
of which he remarked that notwithstanding
the high character the prisoner sustained by
the evidence of the illustrious persons who
had been called for in the defence, as well as
those for the Crown, there were suspicious
points in his conduct which he would have
been glad to have had cleared up hj further
evidence. Why the prisoner had declined
calling those witnesses who by their more in-
timate acquaintance with his proceedings
could have done ^this, was best known to
himself; but certainly it would have been
desirable to have had those pomts satisfac-
torily explained.
After the charge of the judge, the verdict
occupied but a few minutes, the jury being
unanimous in declaring the prisoner " Not
Guilty" Before leaving the court, Tooke
addressed Wharton: '* Thou base scoundrel,"
said he, " go home to your Yorkshire den,
and hide your head there, for you are unfit '
to mix in the world with honest men."
The result of this memorable trial was
most fortunate for the country. Thelwall
and Holcroft were put to the bar the next
day, but no evidence was brought against
them, and they were acquitted. All ulterior
proceedings of the Government against the
Reformers were stayed, and the people were
again enabled to breathe freely, under the
conviction, that however despotically in-
clined the Government ipay, at ti^es, show
themselves, there is a power in the constitu-
tion, and in the institutions of the country,
to counteract it, and to re-establish its liber-
ties by the very means taken to destroy them.
504
THE LIFE AND POETRY OF HILTON.
fNoT.,
From Hogg's Instractor.
THE LIFE AND POETRY OF MILTON
A POET can only be appreciated during
his lifetime, and receive the honor due to the
nobility of his nature, and the ffreatness of
his genius, when he arises in a primitive age,
or in a period, like the present, of general
enlightenment and comparative repose. In
a middle era of change and conflict, he is cer-
tain to remain in obscurity, to be visited only
by a few faint rays of approving sympathy,
and even to be maligned by many who may
have been opposed to him in the warfare of
public life. Homer, we may well imagine,
would hear soft voices waxing eloquent in
his praise, when he wandered over the Chian
Isle, and he would be regarded as only a lit-
tle lower than the gods by the men whose
hearts rose to the swellings of his voiceful
strain. There was little danger of the Scan-
dinavian scald, of the Grecian or Celtic bard,
being doomed to live an inglorious life, and
to be buried in an unknown grave. Nor can
we conceive it possible that, at the present
day, another Milton or a second Shakspere
could arise, without receiving a warm and
general welcome, and bei'bg rapturously
crowned with the laurel wreath. A recent
instance has strikingly shown that, utilitarian
as this age is called, and mechanical as are
its mightiest movements, the old love for
poetry, and the primitive reverence for the
poet, still remain as divine and enduring in-
stincts in the human heart. But it fared far
otherwise with Milton, in that strange seven-
teenth century, when the powers of light and
of darkness were struggling for the ascen-
dency in the land. He had fallen on evil
days and evil tongues ; and, while extensive-
ly known as a scholar, a schismatic, and a
fierce controversialist, he only found, as a
poet, an audience fit, though few. This neg-
lect of the great poet should not be attributed
altogether to his connection with Cromwell,
to his defence of regicide, or to his ultra
views in political and ecclesiastical affairs. It
was also owing, in a large measure, to the
general laxity and insincerity of the times
succeeding the Restoration. How was it pos-
sible that the power, the majesty, the beauty,
and the consecration of ^ Paradise Lost,"
could be felt and appreciated at a period
when the court was a pool of pollution, when
the church owned no head higher than the
second Charles, and when Puritanism waa
persecuted and laughed to scorn as the latest
and most contemptible form of fanaticism ?
Johnson ^attempted to attribute the neglect
of Milton to the paucity of readers and the
ignorance of the age. But he approached
nearer the truth when he said, ^' Wit and
literature were on the aide of the court ; and
who that solicited favor or fashion, would
venture to praise the defender of the regi*
cides ?'' Wordsworth, in one beautiful line,
describes the real relation in which this
mighty poet stood to the men of an era that
must ever remain as a foul blot upon the
page of English history —
I
*< His sonl was like a star, and dwelt apart"
Milton might mourn over the blindness that
shut out from his view the glories of earth
and heaven ; but he fronted in majestic pa*
tience the indifference and neglect of the
times, content to possess for the present a
small select circle of auditors, and looking
calmly forward to the coming ages, when
his genius would be seen in its full-orbed
beauty, and felt in the plenitude of its power.
The world- poet can see, through the dark*
ness of his own day, the far-future of his
fame spanning and brightening like a rain-
bow arch above the path of the rolling years.
He knows that the anointing oil of inspinir
tion has not been poured out upon him in
vain. He is conscious of the greatness of
his thoughts and the value of his work, al-
though he dwells in darkness, and is with
*' dangers compassed round." He rests sat-
isfied in the conviction, that the great soul
of the world is just, and that men of con-
genial spirit are yet to arise, who will unfold
all the glories ol his song, and teach the un-
born generations to reverence his name. The
very obscurity in which he lives will draw
more tenderly towards him the heart of the
1858.]
THE LIFE AND POETRY OF MILTOF.
806
future, and serve as a shadowy back-ground
to make the bloom and brightness of his
genius more distinctly Tisible. All this, we
need scarcely remark, is truly applicable to
Milton. The broad light-halo that now en-
circles his name has been a very gradual ac-
cumulation. The poet who had listened to
celestial colloqi^ies sublime in the heaven of
heavens, who had walked with Michael over
the crystal pavement of the upper world,
wmged with Raphael through the azure
deeps of air, and stood with Adam in Eden,
looking towards sunrise with wonder in his
eye and praise upon his lips, had a mien too
noble, and a step too majestic, to be called a
congenial companion by the last century wits
of the school of Yoltaire, and poets who
burned incense to Boileau. Even Addison,
whose heart overflowed with the love that
can alone purify the inward sight, proved
himself as incompetent to mate with the
grandeurs of " Paradise Lost," as to relish
and describe the sublimities of Alpine scen-
ery. And, when perusing Johnson's life and
critical estimate of the poet, we are moved
alternately to smiles ana sneers, and feel at
one moment inclined to pity, and at another
to pillory the strong-minded, but pedantic
and prejudiced old Jacobite.
With the present century, a giant race of
literary men arose, whose spirits responded
to the cathedral chant of Milton's divine song.
They admired the noble and magnaninjous
nature and conduct of the man, while they
adored the creations of the poet. They
strove earnestly, also, to scatter the envious
shadows that had so long eclipsed the full
glory of his genius. But this task was not
accomplished in a day ; for Channing asserts,
in his eloquent criticism, written after the dis-
covery and publication of the " Treatise on
Christian Doctrine," that the mists which the
prejudices and bigotry of Johnson had spread
over the bright name of Milton, were not
even then altogether dissipated, although fast
hastening away. The able and brilliant crit-
icisms produced in recent times by some of
the most eminent of living authors, have
tended still more to remove any remaining
prejudices from the minds of men, and to
develop more fully the intellectual and moral
qualiiies of this mighty poet. These various
dissertations have been followed by the ad-
mirable edition of the poetry of Milton now
before us, containing a life and critical esti-
mate of the genius and works of the poet,
from the pen of George Gilfillan.* It was
* Miltonlb PoeUeal Work& With Life, Critical
assuredly full time that the editions of New-
ton, Hawkins, Todd, Warton, and others,
should be superseded by something more in
accordance with the spirit of the times, and
more honorable to the taste and intellect of
the poet's native land. The great thoughts
and rolling lines of Milton require a wide
page, and a typography correspondingly
large. They lose half of their power when
compressed into a small poctet edition, as a
great painting, like David Scott's ** Vasco de
&ama," fails to move the heart when dwindled
down into a small chalk engraving. The
publisher selected an editor who has shown
how eminently qualified he was for discharg-
ing that important duty. He had a difficult
and responsible task to perform ; but he has
risen boldly up to the full measure and sta-
ture of his theme. In sounding the depths
and measuring with a golden reed the heights
of Milton's mmd, he does not *' reel, or blench,
or tremble, di^lay weakness, or indicate
terror." It is the Addisons and Wartons
who look up with a timid gaze, and walk
with a trembling step. There is very little
in either of the volumes that the most fastid-
ious or carping critic could desire to alter
or erase. The life is calm, accurate, and sub-
dued, written in a fine spirit and a fitting
style, and blooming out at intervals into
brief passages of much beauty. Every fact
and date connected with the career of a poet
like Milton is interesting, but that interest
can be greatly increased by the style and
spirit in which the narrative is told. The
passages describing the appearance of the
young poet on bis departure for Italy ; the
meeting of Milton and Galileo in one of the
cells of the Inquisition at Florence ; and the
brief reflections on the ascension of the " ma-
jestic man-child to God and to his throne/'
are the products of a richly-gifted mind.
The critical estimate contamed in the sec-
ond volume strikes a bolder string, and is the
outflow of a loftier mood. It demanded the
free and firm exercise of the highest powers
of the mind. The man who woula enter
thoroughly into the spirit of Milton, so as to
present us with a faithful daguerreotype of
his genius, must live ever in the great Task-
master's eye, and under the shadow of the
Infinite ; must possess a lofty moral nature,
love liberty, and reverence truth ; must be
native and endued to the sublime, and cling
to the bosom of the beautiful. The critic
Diaeertation, ftnd Explanatory Notes, by the Rev.
Gkobgs GiLFiLX4Air. 2 voIb. Edinburgh: James
NichoL
866
THB LIFE Am) FOETRT OF MILTON.
[Not.,
destitate of any of these qaalificatioDs, oaanot
possibly perceive and give due promiaence
to those characteristics in the constitution of
the poet's soul which he does not himself pos-
sess. He will therefore produce a defective
criticism, and be unable to reflect, from the
mirror of his mind, a complete image of the
poet. If he be destitute of a large, mag-
nanimous nature, he will fail to perceive the
grandeur of Milton's character ; if he be filled
with no deep passion for the sublime* he will
fail to perceive the grandeur of Milton's
genius. That great poet approached nearer
to the ideal man — to roundness and entire-
ness of being — than any other of the intel-
lectual sons of Anak in ancient and modem
times. He may not have possessed subtlety,
insight into character, and dramatic power
equal to Shakspere, although "Paradise
Lost" displays all these characteristics in a
very eminent degree ; but he had, instead, a
more reverential spirit — a loftier mould of
mind. A corresponding completeness is ac-
cordingly required in the critic who would
present us with a perfect portnuture of the
poet who passed, like a permitted guest,;
through the crowds of quiring cherubim.
But this form and fashion of man is very
rarely to be found in this lower sphere, since
the gods ascended from the earth, and the
contributions of variously-constituted minds
must therefore supply the deficiencies of the
individual soul. Macaulay expatiates, with
much brilliance and enthusiasm, on the power,
the beauty, and luxuriance of Milton's genius,
but has less sympathy with the higher qual-
ities of his moral nature; and Channin? sup-
Sties that defect. Coleridge — who m his
Ihamouni-hymn seemed to have found again
the harp of the blind old bard — brings forth
certain characteristics prominently to view.
De Quincey, Wilson, and others, develop, in
different ways, other phases and peculiarities
of the poet's genius : and thus, by compar-
ing together these various contributions, a
very searching and comprehensive criticism
may be obtained. In the products of such a
capacious genius, every critic is certain to
find his own — to find something with which
he can deeply sympathise. By the combin-
ation, then, of such a variety of minds, a
more perfect image of the poet will be pre-
sented than one man, who bordered even on
Miltonic completeness, could possibly have
produced.
Now, without entering into a comparison
between Gilfillan and any of the eminent
critics mentioned above, we may confidently
assert* that he has produced as rich and com-
plete a critical estimate of Milton's powers
and place in literature as any yet given to
the world. He has seized at once upon the
prominent peculiarities of the poet's genius,
and presented them in bold, forcible, and
beautiful language. He has a thorough ap-
preciation of all the great qtialities that com-
bined to form the ofod-like mind of Milton.
The criticism contains many brilliant and pow-
erful passages, and many original thoughts.
We doubt if any other living literary man
could have been competent to enter with so
much sympathetic rapture into the spirit of
the poet, or to follow with such a steady
wing the dark, downward course of the
master-fiend. The training he has under-
gone admirably adapted him for the work be
has accomplished with so much success. It
was only the man who had followed into the
wilderness the footsteps of the Bible bards,
who had gazed with Ezekiel on the terrible
crystal, the eyed wheels, and the fourfold-
visaged Four, or mingled with John amid the
tumultuous glories of the Apocalypse, who
could tread aright the path that Milton so
majestically trod. The entire estimate may
be called the pillared porch of a mighty
temple, that is filled with the incense of ad-
oration and the rolling organ-peals of praise.
In further commenting upon Milton, we
shall take occasion to introduce one or two
quotations from the editor's dissertation to
corroborate, if that indeed be necessary, our
high estimate of its power and beauty. We
propose' to dwell, in the remainder of this
paper, on the heroism and devotedness of
Milton's life, to regard the highest effort of
his poetry as the necessary result and reflec-
tion of his life and times, and to conclude
with a critique on a few of the characters
and characteristics of his poetry.
It was finely said by the poet himself, that
the man who would sing aright the high
praises of heroic men or famous cities, ought
himself to be a true poem. Milton was one
of the few who fulfilled this lofty condition :
" he was a composition and pattern of the
best and honorablest things ;" and his life was
no dreamy idyl, no pleasant musical masque,
but a grand and severe epic. His life, like
his poetry, is a study for every man who
would wish to be great and good, and to
leave the stamp of his soul upon his age. —
Like one of his own giant angels, Milton shed
a radiant light around him wherever he mov-
ed. The longer we meditate on the many
high moral and intellectual qualities he pos-
sessed— on the earnestness with which he
engaged in the struggle of life ; on the fear-
1853.]
THB UFB AND POSTET OF MUTOH.
367
lessness with which he met and repelled the
enemies of liberty and the assMlants of truth ;
and on the power he possessed of rising su-
perior to circumstances, and retaining the
purity of his prime in a tainted political atmos-
phere— we see the less to condemn, and the
more to admire. Among the many qualities
he manifested in so unusual a degree, there
are none more interesting or apparent than
his self-denial and his self-devotion to the
cause of liberty. During bis college career,
and when dreaming the dream of '* Comus"
among the beautiful woods and fields of Hor-
ton, he would doubtless revel in the anticipa-
tion of spending a studious life, and of de-
voting himself to the cultivation of poetry.
Besides the strong native tendencies of his
heart, and the applause his early contributions
had already received from the discriminating,
his consciousness of possessing poetical
capabilities of no ordinary kind would at
once shape the course, and determine the end
of his life. When he left the meditative
seclusion of Horton for Italy, it was on a
poetical tour that he was bent : it was not
80 much to study the manners of other people
and the political constitution of other coun-
tries, as to feed the fire of ffenius that was
burning in his heart ; to visit the land that
had been consecrated by the muse of Dante,
of Petrarch, and of Tasso ; to gaze into the
glancing eyes of the daughters of the south ;
to drink in poetry from the woody Apennine
and hills of Fesole, from the moonlight
Colosseum, the dome of St. Peter's, the
friezes of Michael Angelo, the softer crea-
tions of Raphael, and the masterpieces of
Italian art. He went away flushed from
" Conuis'' and **' Lycidas,'' and had, in all
probability, little expectation or desire of
ever being aught than a poet. Indeed, it is
almost impossible that we can connect the
conception of a state secretary, a polemic, and
a lexicographer, with the appearance of the
bright Apollo when he set out for Italy,
'* with youth aqd manhood mingling on his
brow, with his long auburn hair, with his
beautiful Grecian face, with a mild, majestic
enthusiasm glowing in his eyes, with cheek
tenderly flushed by exercise and country air,
with a f6rm erect and buoyant with hope,
with a body and soul pure and uncontaminat-
ed, and bearing, like the ancient gods, a mu-
sical instrument in his hand.''* But, incon-
gruous as this union may appear, it was
nevertheless destined that the great heart of
the poet should stifle its divinest instincts
* Oimilan's lafe.
during a long course of years. The first de*
cided act of his self-denial, and the first stem
step that showed the noble and determined
course he would pursue in after years, was
his stopping short at Naples on his way to
Sicily and Greece, when he heard of the
commotions that were shaking his native land.
That this resolution was not taken without
a severe pang, may readily be believed, when
we reflect that to Milton the Ilissus was a
sacred stream, and Parnassus a holy hill;
and we may picture him for one moment
trembling in the balance, while the mighty
spirits of the past — the memories of Mara-
thon and *' old Plataea's day" — invited him
on before, and the voices of his countrymen,
now struggling for their liberties, called
loudly upon him from behind. Regarded as
the index of the part he was to play in pub-
lic life during the coming years, a weight of
interest hangs upon this noble act of self-
denial. He seems at this juncture to have
formed the resolution to throw himself man-
fully into the coming struggle, to crush down
for the present the (A-iginal tendencies of his
heart, and to fight for the triumph of truth,
ere he sung of the awful beauty of her brow.
Shortly after his return to England, and
when the warm blood of youth was yetx
blushing in his cheek, he began that wonder-
ful series of prose dissertations, defences and
attacks, which he continued, with little inter-
mission, till the period of his death. In the
composition of these prose works, however,
his poetical powers were not suffered to re-
main altogether dormant. The life within
him was too exuberant to be confined — the
fire was too mighty to be restrained. We find,
accordingly, in his first treatise of " Refor-
mation in England," some of the finest swells
of prose- poetry in our language, wound up
by a prayer to the Tripersonal Godhead,
surely the most solemn and sublime that
ever ascended from mortal lips to the throne
of God. This irrepressible outburst of the
internal fire attains its climax in the ** Areo-
pagitica," which is above all Greek and
Roman fame, which equals in eloquence any
of the great Pandemonium speeches in
'* Paradise Lost," and is beyond all com-
parison the richest, the stateliest, the most
fervid and conclusive oration preserved in any
language under heaven. Still, as it is natu-
ral to suppose, Milton did not feel altogether
at home in the composition of such a variety
of prose dissertations. The poetical thoughts
that rose up ever and anon from the depths
of his heart, would upbraid him when ex-
pressed in other than a poetical form. How*
3«6
THE UFE AND POETRY OF HUTPK
[Nor.,
erer earnestly he might pen his treatises on
reformation, education, and prelatical epis-
copacy, his ** Tetrachordons" and "Colas-
terions/' he could not but feel that his highest
thoughts were unuttered, and the deepest
fountains of his heart were unstirred. The
frequent feelings that possessed him on this
point, may be gathered from his own con-
fessions in the remarkable introduction to the
second book of ** The Reason of Church
Government urged against Prelacy." After
announcing his long-cherished intention to
write an heroic-poem, " not to be obtained
by the invocation of dame Memory and her
syren daughters, but by devout prayer to
that eternal Spirit who can enrich with all
utterance and knowledge, and sends out his
seraphim with the hallowed fire of his altar
to touch and purify the lips of whom he
pleases," he proceeds to say — " Although it
nothing content me to. have disclosed thus
much beforehand, but that I trust hereby to
make it evident with what small willingness
I endure to interrupt the pursuit of no less
hopes than these, and leave a calm and
pleasing solitariness, fed with cheerful and
confident thoughts, to embark in a troubled
sea of noises and hoarse disputes, but from
beholding the bright countenance of truth in
the quiet and still air of delightful studies J^
Yet twenty-four years elapsed, after his in-
tention was thus publicly proclaimed, ere
the MS. of ** Paradise Lost," which had
been begun two years before the Restoration,
was put into the hands of young £11 wood, the
Quaker. The only distinct poetical links that
connected the young Apollo of Horton with
the blind old poet of *' Paradise Lost" and
** Regained," were those divine sonnets which
oozed out from his heart even in the very
heat of his conflict, when a great grief, or a
joy, or a glow of admiration had stirred his
spirit into song. Many an unrecorded silent
struggle must have shaken the strong heart
of the poet, as year after year passed on, and
the great work of his life, on which his hopes
and affections were intently set, had still to
be begun. None of the world- poets, who
are usually placed on the same platform with
Milion, or any poet, indeed, of whom a re-
cord remains, have led lives so useful and
eventful, fought such a noble fight for the
general good, stifled so long the deep tenden-
cies of their natures at the command of con-
science, or exhibited so much versatility of
fenius. Homer only haunted old battle-
elds, and heard the voice of his majestic
verse echoed by the surge of the still older
sea. Dante, indeed, in Ms life, as well as in
his poetry, bore a closer resemblance to Ifil-
ton, for he served his country both as a
soldier and a statesman ; but his own per-
sonal sorrows subsequently occupied him
more than the welfare of his country or of
the world : he was scorched by suffering in-
to song ; and, in his prose work, ** De Mon-
>ircKia," he supported those very principles
which the English poet struggled to overturn
during the whole course of his life. Shaks-
pere, again, seemed to have no great ambi-
tion or desire to take an active part in public
life ; the times in which he lived were not so
stirring as those of his great successor ; and
the pressure of civil care was never so great
as to restrain the activity of his genius. Mil-
ton, then, by the combined greatness and
versatility of his powers, and more especially
by the peculiarity of the struggles he uoder-
went, must be regarded as standing apart
from all other poets in ancient or in modem
times. When we think of the poet who had
written " Lycidas" and " L' Allegro," and
who yet fumed at producing a strain that
might echo, not unworthily, the '* sevenfold
chorus of hallelujahs and harping sympho-
nies" of the Apocalypse — when we think of
him sinking for a time his high aims and as-
pirations, and engaging in sJl the civil and
ecclesiastical controversies of his age, bear-
ing with calm composure torrents of the
vilest abuse, and writing himself blind in the
defence of liberty — now buffeting a bishop,
and anon slaying Salmasius, one oi the great-
est scholars of Europe, we do not know
whether most to admire his power and in-
trepidity, or his self-denial and determmed
devotion to truth.
But the struggles through which he pass-
ed, and the stormy life he led, were not
without their beneficial influence upon the
mind and heart of Milton. They nerved hts
arm, consolidated his powers, made him feel
his own weight, and imparted a statuesque
strength and diraity to all his movements.
He entered the lists beautiful as Uriel, with
a golden tiara of sunny rays circling his head,
and his long locks waving round, '* illustrious
on his shoulder's fledge with wings," and
came forth majestic as Michael from the
combat with the rebel angels, clad in a
panoply of adamant and gold, bearing in
his right hand a sword tempered from the
armory of God, and on his head an eagle-
crested helm, that flashed back the noon-
day sun. When his outward trials had some-
what subsided, and when he had retired into
private life, we see this " noble and puissant
poet rousing himself like a strong man after
1853.]
THE LIFE AND POETRY OF MILTON.
869
sleep, and shaking his invincible locks ; we
see him as an eagle renewing his mighty
youlh, and kindling his undazzled eyes at the
full mid- day beam ; purging and unsealing
bis long-abused sight at the fountain itself of
heavenly radiance/' Had it been possible for
Milton to have stood aloof from his age,
to have looked with a still stoical eye upon
the struggles in which his countrymen were
engaged, while he devoted himself assiduous-
ly to study, and courted the company of the
Muses, he would never, we are persuaded,
have been able to produce such a colossal
creation as " Paradise LosL" The self-denial
he so wonderfully exercised, produced at last
its own divine fruit. The humblest drudger-
ies in which a poet may engage, cannot crush
out the living spirit of poetry from his heart ;
and the higher kind of toil that engrossed the
attention of Milton during the best years of
his manhood, tended rather to sublimate than
to subdue his genius. The war which he
waged with tyranny in the court and the
church was, in fact, as necessary a prepara-
tion for the production of " Paradise Lost,"
as Byron's miseries and misanthropy were
absolutely requisite to the composition of
" Manfred** and ** Cain.*' Milton's great epic
was the natural result and the sublimated
reflection of his life and times. To the
choice of such a subject as ihe one there-
in presented, he would in no small degree
be impelled by his deep interest in the
conflict that was still ragmg over the land,
and of which he had been no inactive specta-
tor. In his Satan, we may perceive the em-
bodiment and culmination of the evil spirit
of tyranny that was then stalking haughtily
abroad, and striving both by wiles and open
warfare to obtain the sceptre of univer&al
dominion. When describing the defeat of
the mighty paramount by the •* thunder-
clasping hand** of the unconquerable Son,
his dov^nfall from the radiant batilements of
heaven into the gulfs of hell, and his further
descent from the proud prince of darkness to
the cringing, lying, and fettered fiend, he also
shadowed out the gradual decline and final
destruction of tyranny, that might enjoy a
temporary triumph, but was certain at last to
be overthrown by a mightier arm. In the
great work, then, of the blind and despised
old poet, the courtly and priestly tyrants
bf that time might have read their own
doom, and beheld a representation of their
own downfalL
The characteristics of Milton*s genius have
80 frequently been expounded, and are now
80 generally known, that we are spared the
VOL. XXX. NO. UL
necessity of entering upon any minute analy-
sis. " Wholeness, sublimity, and siraplicity,"
in Mr. Gilfillan's summary estimate, may be
regarded as comprehending its leading fea-
tures and qualities. Wholeness includes the
consecration, as well as the multiforraily, of
his genius. We prefer rather to exhibit the
greatness and power of the poet) by dwelling
br efly on some of the pants and characters
of " Paradise Lost.'* Of that mighty epic,
as a whole, so full of the power, the rapture,
and the glory of genius, we have not words
to express our admiration. It might have
been written by one of the giant angels who
had engaged in the terrible conflict with the
apostate spirits — who had accompanied the
burning chariot of the sun in its conquering
career — and who had witnessed all the scenes
and events that are there so wonderfully de-
scribed. In its large utterance, its rush of
power and tumult of glory, in its descriptions
of heaven and hell, its reverential spirit and
ascriptions of praise, it bears a striking re-
semblance to that *' high and stately trage-
dy," the Apocalypse of St. John. To form
an estimate of the power of the poet, and take
a comprehensive glance of the majesty of the
poem, we have but to think of the number-
less inimitable passages and pictures with
which it abounds ; of Satan rearing aloft his
mighty stature from the rolling billows of
the lake of fire ; the mustering of the infer-
nal squadrons at the call of their Command-
er, and the unfurling of their ten thousand
meteor- banners ; the rising like an exhalation
of the Temple of Pandemonium with its
i»oric pillars and golden architraves; the
speeches of the princes of hell in their coun-
cil-hall, so eloquent and grand, that every
demon seemed more than a Demosthenes :
the gryphon-like flight of the master-fiend
through the wild abyss of chaos and ancient
night ; the glorious apparition of Uriel stand-
ing in the sun ; Satan's sublime address to
that luminary on the top of Niphates Mount ;
the descriptions of Eden, with its palmy hills
and crisped brooks ; of Adam, with his hya-
cinthine locks, and Eve with her dishevelled
tresses; the morning hymn of our first pa-
rents in their innocence, and swelling up at
intervals over all tlie hallelujah chorus of
heaven : the flight of the faithful and dread-
less Abdiel from the ranks of the rebels to
the Mount of God ; the terrible avatar of
the avenging Son in his chariot of careering
fire ; the uprising of the world from the un-
apparent deep, and the song of acclamation
that concluded the creation- work, and fol-
lowed the triumphal ascent of the Son; the
24
870
THE LIFE AND POETRY OP MILTON.
[Not.,
aspect of the infernal serpent, with his crested
head and neck of verdant gold rising above
the maze of surging spires ; and Michael,
from the mountain-top, unfolding to Adam,
in successive magnificent pictures, the future
history of the world and all our wo. By
thus grouping together so many unequaled
passages, we obtain a more perfect idea of
the power and glory of "Paradise Lost"
than extended analysis could supply.
In his representation of angels and fiends,
Milton has most strikingly manifested his
epic as well as his dramatic power. He was
partly indebted to the Bible for his sublime
conceptions of the former, and more espe-
cially to those descriptions, in the Apoca-
lypse, of the Son of Man, when he walked
among the seven candlesticks, girt with a
golden girdle — of the mighty angel who
came down from heaven, clothed with a cloud,
and with a rainbow round his head, whose
face shone like the sun, and whose feet were
as pillars of fire — and of the coming forth of
the Faithful and True, to judge and make
war, with eyes like flames of fire, and many
crowns on his head, clothed with a vesture
dipped in blood, and followed by the armies
of heaven, riding upon horses white as their
own glittering garments. The poet, how-
ever, has not permitted these descriptions to
mar the originality of his own conceptions,
and his apostate spirits are new visions under
the sun. His angels appear in different as-
pect and attire, according to the nature of
the duties in which they may be engaged,
and to their various ranks various offices are
assigned ; but, for the most part, they are
presented before us not as stripling cherubs,
with curls under their coronets playing on
either cheek, but as strong, fire-armed arch-
angels, with helmets, instead of crowns of
amaranth, covering their radiant brows.
Their outward aspect, and the armor they
wear, fittingly represent the invincibility of
their courage, the sternness of their virtue,
and the strength of their devotion to Ood.
The appearance of the fallen cherubs also
corresponds to the attitude of hostility to
Heaven they have assumed, and to the re-
morse, the despair, the pride, and the pas-
sions that agitate their breasts. By their
might and eloquence, by the dignity of their
fallen majesty and the rays of old glory that
still linger around their brows, they irresist-
ibly command our pity and our awe. They
have fallen from the heights of moral purity,
but their intellect still retains its full power ;
the faces that once shone in circles around
the Throne have been blapkened by the thun-
der-scars, but the thoughts that wander
through eternity still light them with the
glimmering glow as of a moonlit tarn; and
they still retain the knowledge they had
gained through ages of contemplation and
research. The heroes of Homer, in strength,
in stature, in eloquence, and arms, sink into
insignificance beside the peers of Pandemo-
nium : Achilles is no match for Beelzebub,
nor Ajax for Belial, and Agamemnon, king
of men, dwindles into a shadow's shade be-
side the mighty monarch of hell. Homer's
heroes are mere fighting masses of mitter,
with little about them to attract our admira-
tion, except their determined self-reliance
and their defiance of death; but Milton's
devils are mighty and melancholy forms,
their materialism is shaded off and sublimised
into a spiritual structure, and the boldness
of their bearing in opposition to Omnipo-
tence clothes them with a garment of gran-
deur.
The sublimity which attaches in various
degrees to all the infernal peers, attains its
climax in the person of Satan. Much of the
sublimity of his character and person arises
from the contrast we are ever compelled to
institute between his first and fallen estate.
The troubled glory, as of a thundrous sun-
set, that streams from his haughty brow, the
proud sparkle of his eyes, the regal port and
step of majesty, irresistibly recall the time
when he sat on his royal seat on the Moun-
tain of the Congregation, or when he rode
in his sun- bright chariot,
** Idol of majesty divine,
Enclosed with flaming cherubim and golden
shields."
The poet employs the grandest images to di-
late the dimensions and magnify the power
of the superior fiend. Beelzebub may be de-
scribed as rising like a pillar of state, or as
standing
<* With Atlantean shoulders, fit to bear
The weight of mightiest monarchies ;'*
but Satan's superior stature stretches to the
sky, and he stands, " like Teneriffe or Atlas,
unremoved." When he lies floating many a
rood on the billows of hell, he is compared
to the mythological monsters of ancient fa-
ble, or to the leviathan, whose enormous
bulk diminishes the great ocean to a stream.
When he appears in shape and gesture
proudly eminent among his companions in
exile, he is compared to the sun under
eclipse, which sheds down disastrous twi-
I light, '* and, with fear of change, perplexes
1853.]
THE UPE AND POETRY OF MILTON.
871
monarchs." When glaring upon the grizzly
Terror at the gate of hell, he burned like a
comet that shakes pest\)ence and war from
its horrid hair. And when foundering on
through chaos, " half on foot, half flving,"
he resembled a gigantic gryphon, speeding
with extended wings through the waste wil-
derness. How well Milton has succeeded in
rearing up a shape more terrible and grand
than any since conceived and described, may
readily bo perceived when we compare his
creation with those of other poets who have
in some measure striven to follow in his
steps. By ron'sv Lucifer is an argumentative
fiend, not a majestic and fire* armed arch-
changel. He might be quite competent
to mislead a morbid, moody man like Cain ;
but he is not the proud and determined de-
mon who would have led the embattled ser-
aphim to war. He is even inferior to Mil-
ton's inferior fiends, and possesses neither the
wily wisdom of Beelzebub, the fierceness of
Moloch, the winning eloquence of Belial,
nor the worldly wisdom of Mammon. He
would have preferred to remain in hell, and
reason of fate, free-will, foreknowledge abso-
lute, rather than undertake the voyage that
Satan undertook through the unexplored re-
gions of Chaos and Old Night. He possess-
es spiritual politeness, instead of defiant
pride ; he is more the loquacious fiend than
the demon of action. The great round orb
of Satan's shield would grind him into pow-
der ; and hell would never grow blacker at
his frown. He is more beautiful than terri-
ble— more to be pitied than feared. The
Lucifer of Byron resembles the Mephistoph-
eles of Goethe. They are not so much the
direct antagonists of God — demons who
would boldly defy the Almighty to his face
— as sneering, wily, low-thoughted sceptics.
The Lucifer of " Festus ** is a higher crea-
tion than that of Byron or Goethe. He has
more power, more grandeur, more subtlety
of thought and eloquence of speech ; but he
is still vastly inferior to the Satan of Milton.
The relation in which he stands to God, con-
sciously'and obediently working out the Di-
vine will, removes the shade of darkness
from his brow, and diminishes the sublimity
of his character. He appears also in some-
what ludicrous lights, when he becomes a
street preacher, and falls in love with a
mortal maiden. The poet who has succeed-
ed best in bringing back Satan in his old
l^iltonic glory and gloom is Thomas Aird,
in the " Devil's Dream." His description
of the " Grizzly Terror," who had an aspect
]ike the hurrying storm, as be winged his
way over the darkened earth and the Syrian
wilderness ; whose eyes were filled with
shadows of care and sorrow ; whose brow
gleamed like a " mineral hill, where gold
grows ripe ;" and from whose head the
clouds streamed like a tempest of hair,
would not have been unworthy of the poet
of "Paradise Lost."
We have already said that much of the
sublimity attaching to Satan arises from the
contrast we are compelled to make between
his first and his fallen condition. Milton, in
many places throughout "Paradise Lost,"
introduces contrasts with the strangest and
most touching effect. When the " superior
fiend " had reached the shore of the sea of
liquid fire, he employed his gigantic spear
** To support uneaey steps
Over the burning marble ; not like those steps
On heaven's oawrg."
We have another striking example in the
speech of Beelzebub, that concluded the
long debate in the infernal council-hall.
He applauds the "synod of gods" for the
great thinc;s they have resolved, and rejoicea
in the hope of soon being lifted up ,
" Nearer our ancient seat ; perhaps in view
Of those bright confines, whence with
neighboring arms
And opportune excursion, we may chance
Re-enter heaven ; or else in tome mild zone
Dwellj not unvisiied of heavens fair light,
secure ; and at the hnghteniug orient beam
Purge off this gloom; the soft delicious air^
7b heal the scar of those corrosive fires,
ShaU breathe her bakn.''
To feel the full touching power of these
beautiful iines, we. have only to ttiink where
and by whom they were spokeli, and to
whom they were addressed. It id as if a
soft air from heaven bad suddenly breathed
over the brows that were burned and black-
ened by the torrid clime and fiery vault of
hell. The words of Beelzebub resembled
those dewy lips in the " Devil's Dream "
that kissed the fiend " till his lava breast was
cool." Aird, also, in that grand poem to
which we have already referred, has impart-
ed to it in some places a ghastly beauty, and
proved his power as a poet by introducing
similar touches of contrast. Of a melan-
choly form weltering among the *' salted
fires" of the Second Lake, he presents ua a
terrible picture in these two lines —
**And backward, in sore agony the being
stripped its locks,
212
MADEMOISBLLE CLAIRON.
[Nor.,
As a maiden, tn her beauty* a primes her
dasped tressea strokes. '^^
We could have wished to enlarge on many
more of the beauties and characteristics of
" Paradise Lost;" but our remarks have al-
ready extended so far, that we are compelled
abruptly to conclude. Of '' Paradise Regain-
ed**— that pure, noble and finely classical
poem — we would rather speak at the begin-
ing than' the conclusion of an article. Mr
GilfiUan says truly of it, — " If compartively
a fragment, what a true, shapely, beautiful
fragment it is! Its power so quiet, its
elegance so unconscious, its costume of lan-
guage so Grecian, its general tone so Scrip-
turally simple, while its occasional speeches
and descriptions are so gorgeous and so
faultless. The views from the mountain,
the storm in the wilderness, the dreams of
Christ when he wasan-hungered, soexquisitely
true to his waking character — are in the
poet's very highest style, and one or two of
them, indeed, have a gloss of perfection
about them, as well as an ease and freedom
of touch, rarely to be found in his large
poem. In the " Paradise Lost," he is a giant
tossing mountains to heaven with far-seen
struggle, and in evident trial of strength. In
the " Paradise Regained," he is a giant gen-
tly putting his foot on a rock, and leaving a
mark inimitable, indelible, visible to all after
time. It is a foolish and ignorant objection
to this poem to say, that M ilton has degra-
ded the devil in *' Paradise Regained," and
shorn him of all his sublimity and strength.
It was Ihe devil who degraded himself — the
history of his decline and fall is progressing
— and we are witnessing the miserable discom-
fiture of the proud friend who dared defy the
Omnipotent to arms. Moreover, if his regal port
be gone, and the faded splendor be still more
wan, his eloquence continues powerful to the
last ; and some of his speeches in " Paradise
Regained,*' are superior to many in "Para-
dise Lost." When opium began to operate
with a palsying effect upon the intellectual
faculties of De Quincey, he says, if he felt
moved by any thing in books, it was by " the
grand lamentations of Samson Agonistes, or
the great harmonies of the satanic speeches
in " Paradise Regained."
We regret that we must close this paper
without particularizing those divine, rich, and
delicate first-fruits of the poet's genius —
"Comus," "Arcades," '^Lycidas," "L* Alle-
gro," and " II Penseroso ; the " Hymn on
the Nativity," that seems set to the far-
swelling music of the morning stars \ the son-
nets, so condensed, so manly, and clear ; or
"Samson Agonistes," that gloomy temple
of unadorned architecture ever echoing with
a melodious wail. But we have performed
our duty for the present, if we have pointed,
" with however feeble a finger, to fountains
of song which no impurity defiles, and which
are as fresh and full this hour as when they
were first opened by the hand of the master-
spurit."
■♦♦-
From Prater's Hagasine.
MADEMOISELLE CLAIRON
If there are certain existences more com-
plicated, more romantic, more improbable, in
a word, than any imaginary romance ever
spun from the prolific brain of modern nov-
elist, we may cite in the very first rank those
of the French actresses of the past century.
In this golden age of frivolity the fair daugh-
ters of Thespis knew how to live; they
might be likened to the grasshoppers of the
sunny hour, which sing and dance through
the live-long summer's day, without reflect-
ing that November will come; November,
with its cheerless days, its dreary, endless
nights, its fogs, and rains, and frosta. The
present race of actresses are of an entirely
different stamp ; they have learned by heart
La Fontaine's fable, and more than one
among them, like the ant, thinks only of win-
ter during her golden days of spring. Like
all moralists, La Fontaine has preached
falsely, so farasthe stage is concerned ; there
it is not the ant, but rather the erasshopper,
whose example is taught and followed, w^^ile
the disciples of the fabulist form only the
exception to the general rule.
I It would reqmre the pencil of a WaUean
1853.]
MADBHOIBELLB CLAIfiON.
873
or a Vanloo faithfully to depict tbe careless
frankness of Mademoiselle Clairon — that
queen of the French stage — who stripped
off all the petals from the flowers of life
with regal ardor, who was charming even in
her follies, and who, after having lived for
years as the spoilt and prodigal child of for-
tune, taking money with one hand to scatter
it with the other, died at length as a sage,
poor, aged, solitary, and forgotten.
A few years before her death Mademoi-
selle Clairon wrote her^' M^moires,'' Mi-
moires d^outre Tombe, since they were not
intended to appear till after her death. A
faithless friend, however, having published a
German translation of these reminiscences.
Mademoiselle Clairon in consequence, on the
28th Thermidor, year VI. of the Republic,
wrote as follows to the editor of the Pub-
liciste : — '* Since my book has appeared in a
foreign country, the fear of failing in the
gratitude and respect I owe to the public
and to my nation determines me to print
myself this essay. Signed, La Citoyenne
Clairon."
By following the career of the celebrated
actress in her Mimoires, in the newspapers
and Journals of the day, and in the various
published letters of the time, it is easy to
discover, word for word, her strange and
ever'shifting life, such, in short, as love and
chance had .made it. Let this article, then,
be regarded only as a*patient study over
which fancy will not once come to shake the
golden dust from off her radiant wings. But
who knows if, in studying the life of a French
actress, there is not more philosophy to be
gleaned than in the history of a queen con-
sort of France. For whether the queen of
the theatre or the queen of France is the
more royal, who will venture to determine ?
Mademoiselle Clairon (Claire, Hippolyte,
Leyris de la Tude) was born at Cond6, in
Hainault, in the year 1723. We will leave
her to relate, in her own words, the circum-
stances attending her birth, which circum-
stances, it must be allowed, were highly sig-
nificant of her future career : — " It was the
custom of tbe little city in which I was born,
for all parties to meet together during the
carnival time at the houses of the wealthiest
citizens, in order to pass the entire day in
dancing and other amusements. Far from
disapproving of these recreations, tbe cur6
partook of them in company with his parish-
ioners, and travestied himself like the rest.
During one of these fSte days my mother,
who was but seven months advanced in
pregnancy, suddenly brought me into the
world, between two and three o'clock in the
afternoon. I was so feeble that every body
imagined a few moments would terminate my
career. My grandmother, a woman of emi-
nent piety, was anxious that I should be
carried at once to the church, in order that
I might there receive the right of baptism.
Not a living soul was to be found either at
the church or the parsonage. A neighbor
having informed the party that all the city
was at a carnival entertainment at the house
of a certain wealthy citizen, thither w^ I
carried with all possible despatch. Mon-
sieur le Cure, dressed as harlequin, and his
vicar as Giles, imagining from my appearance
that not a moment was to be lost, hastily ar-
ranged upon a sideboard everything neces-
sary for the ceremony, stopped the fiddle for
a moment, muttered over me the consecrated
words, and sent me back to my mother a
Christian — at least in name."
It is amusing to see Mademoiselle Clairon,
in her old age, philosophizing over her past
life, and giving utterance, upon the sayings
and doings of her early years, to certain
profoundly serious reflections. As an old
woman, she is as scntentiously grave as she
was inconsiderately gay in her youth ; she
lends an attentive ear to the whispered remi-
niscences of her heart, and she writes ; she
demands the secret of her life, and she en-
deavors to reply. After eleven reflections,
each worthy of Socrates, she comes to this,
the twelfth one: '<In order to fulfill the
duty imposed upon me by reason, to be in a
state of judging myself, must I not go back
to the principal of all ? What am I ? What
have I done ? What have I been in a condi-
tion to effect ? Providence deposited me in
the bosom of a poor bourgeuise, free, feeble,
and ignorant; my misfortune preceded my
birth."
From this point starts old Hippolyte Clai-
ron, with all the gravity of Jean Jaques
Rousseau, to relate, in good set terms, the
history of her past existence. In this nar-
rative of her life we ever find philosophy
predominating ; we feel that she had too
frequently "nssisted," as the French have it,
at the suppers of the encyclopaedists. Her
naanner of writing recalls, also, her manner
of acting; she preserves throughout the
solemn, pompous accent of the stage; in
short, from the title to the conclusion of these
singular memoirs, which, far from displaying,
rather masks the writer, we discover not a
single ingenuous expression, nor hear a single
cry which seems to spring from the heart.
We are already acquainted with the cir-
914
MADEMOISELLE CLAIKON.
[Nov.
cumsUnces attending the birth of Mademoi-
selle Clairon. Her mother, it would appear,
had tiot only the misfortune to be poor, she
was also ill-tempered, bigoted, and super-
stitious; a rigidly strict Roman Catholic,
she endeavored to beat religion into her
daughter, and would torment her youthful
mind with pictures of hell, and its endless
torments. Poor little Hippolyte, although
now a girl of eleven years of age, had never
been allowed to play about out of doors with
children of her own age ; she was a little,
pale, thin, Cinderella-like creature, debarred
of all the amusements suited to her years,
her sole distractions being limited to the
perusal of two books — the catechism and a
prayer-book.
Madame Clairon, in order to get rid of her
daughter during certain hours of the day,
was accustomed to shut her up by herself
in an unfurnished room at the top of the
house, where she would leave her, with strict^
injunctions to ply her needle diligently. But
Hippolyte, who was bom a queen, as others
are born servants, could never by any chance
keep a needle between her fingers. What,
then, was she to do in her prison ? ** Sup-
pose I open the window ?" thought she.
She made the attempt, but was unsuccessful
— she could not reach the fastening ; in de-
spair, she climbed upon a stool, and pressed
her face close to one of the panes : as she
was on the fourth story, her view was limited
to the roofs and chimney-pots and garret-
windows of the opposite houses. All at once
a large window in front of her was thrown
open, and a magical spectacle struck her
childish eyes : it so happened that the cele-
brated Mademoiselle Dangeville lived in the
opposite house, and she was at this precise
hour taking a dancing lesson. " I was all
eyes," writes Clairon in her MSmoires ; " not
one of her graceful movements escaped me.
She was surrounded by the members of her
family. The lesson over, every one applaud-
ed, and her mother tenderly embraced her.
This contrast between her lot and ray own
filled me with grief, and my fast-flowing tears
shut out the scene from my view. I de-
scended mournfully from my perch, in order
to give full vent to my sorrow ; and when
the throbbing of my heart had in Eome mea-
sure subsided, and I was able to regain my
position, all had disappeared."
At first she could scarce believe the evi-
dence of her senses ; she imagined that, all
was a dream ; she pondered in her mind ivhat
she had seen, and was sad and happy at the
same time, in the thought that there were
danghters in the world who were not beaten
and locked up in garrets by their mothers,
with no companions save a catechism and a
prayer-book. At these thoughts her tears
would flow afresh ; but soon, without wish-
ing it, she began involuntarily to copy what
she had seen, and she would dance and jump
about her little chamber, in humble imitation
of the sylph-like motions of the beautiful
Mademoiselle Dangeville. From this time
forth her prison- chamber became a paradise
for her. She would get herself locked up,
on some pretext or other, every day ; and as
soon as the key was turned in the door, she
would climb joyfully up to her post of obser-
vation at the window, and remain there a
motionless, silent, but enthusiastic spectator
of the dancing lesson of her fair neighbor.
One evening, when there was some com-
pany at her mother's, she said to a gentle-
man who was chatting with her — *' Tell me,
sir, are there women who pass their lives in
dancing ?" " Yes^" replied he, " actresses.
But why do you ask ?" She then related to
him mysteriously what she had lately seen
from her garret window. " I understand,"
said the visitor, " you have seen Mademoi-
selle Dangeville, who lives opposite." The
gentleman turned then to her mother : "Mad-
ame Clairon," said he, " I must take your
daughter, Hippolyte, with me to the theatre
to-night." "To the theatre!*' exclaimed
Madame Clairon, in' horror, " you might as
well ask me to let her go to the kingdom of
darkness at once." " Pardon me, madam,
the mischief is already done ; you have your-
self unwittingly taken your daughter to the
theatre by shutting her up in the garret,
from the window of which she has seen
Mademoiselle Dangeville rehearsing over the
way." Scarcely had the visitor ceased
speaking, when little Hippolyte, carried away
by the force of her reminiscences, bounded
into the middle of the room, and reproduced,
with a fidelity absolutely astonishing, the
pirouettes and entrechats of her fair original.
Loud was the applause ; and even her moth-
er, who never laughed with her daughter,
could not keep her countenance. It wiis ar-
ranged that Hippolyte should goto the theatre
the following night.
It was at the Comedie-Fran^aise that Mad-
emoiselle Clairon made her entry into the
world. For her the theatre was the universe
entire ; so great was her joy, so excessive her
delight, so lively her astonishment, that, as
she herself expressed it, she was afraid of
going mad. Three weeks afterwards, this
little girl, who was then but twelve years of
1863.]
MADEMOISELLE OLAIBON.
375
age» made her dehUt on the stage of the
Theatre Italien, under the protection of De-
shais. Bat the famous Thomassin, who had
daughters to bring forward, ere long opposed
the increasing success of our miniature debu-
tante ; and, strange as it may appear, a cabal
was actually formed against the child, in
order to obtain her dismissal from the
" Italiens," where her delicate beauty and
artless grace were the themes of universal
admiration. On leaving the ** Italiens/' she
obtained an engagement in the company di-
rected by La Noal, at Rouen, to sing and
dance, and play all the characters suited to
her age.
After relating circumstantially this fir&t
period of her life, our philosophical actress
pauses for reBection, and writes at the head
of a page — Rboapitulation. We should
fail in our duty as historians, were we to omit
reproducing a portion of this curious page.
" So far," she writes, " I have nothing to re-
proach myself with : I knew nothing, I could
do nothing ; I blindly obeyed a destiny of
which I have seen myself all my life at once
the spoiled child and the victim.!' We are
accordingly to understand from this that
Mademoiselle Clairon could not escape those
frequent deviations from the path of rectitude
of which her career exhibits so many de-
plorable examples. According to her view
of the matter, destiny — that convenient scape-
goat of the worldly-minded, the extravagant,
and the gay — led her, despite herself, into
all the faults and follies of which she in after
life WHS guilty.
At Rouen, Mademoiselle Clairon had her
laureate and her libellist united in the person
of an individual by name Gaillard. As she
herself expresses it, he possessed in nn emi-
nent degree the art of rhyming and supping-
oat, two indispensable qualifications m the
eighteenth century. The salary of our
heroine having been raised to about a thou-
sand crowns a-year, her mother, Madame
Clairon, began to ape the airs of a mistress
of the house ; she instituted a supper every
Thursday night, to which were admitted all
the wealthy admirers of her daughter. Gail-
lard used to season the gi(jiot8 with madrigals,
in which Venus and Ve^ta were treated in
the light of ragged adventuresses when com-
pared to Mademoiselle Hippolyte Clairon.
Gaillard, however, did not content himself
with singing the praises of the pretty ac-
tress ; he dared to love her. After sighing
for about six months, he succeeded in gain-
ing over an old duenna, who, for a considera-
tion, put him up to all the turnings and
windings of the house. One mommg, while
Mademoiselle Clairon was studying in bed,
Gaillard penetrated to the chamber door, and
exclaimed, in impassioned accents, that he
was going to cast himself on his knees before
her. Our actress, highly incensed that any
one should dare to appear in her presence at
such an unseemlv hour, without more ado
sprang out of bed, and armed with her anger
and a trusty poker, unceremoniously drove
the audacious madiigalist not only out of the
room, but out of tlie house also. Gaillard,
indignant at being thus treated by an actress
whose adventures were already matter of
public notoriety, wrote his famous book — a
book, it must be admitted, utterlv destitute
of either style, wit, or vigor — entitled, HiS'-
taire de Mademoiselle Fretillon, Gaillard
was amply and cruelly avenged for his igno-
minious treatment at the hands of Made-
moiselle Clairon, for this disgraceful libel
saddened her fairest years. His victim, how-
ever, was herself in turn avenged, for so
violent was the outcry raised by the public
against the author of the pamphlet, that
Gaillard was compelled to seek safety in a
hasty flight from tne kingdom.
It would take a ** forty- author power" to
follow our heroine through all the scenes,
adventures, and follies of her early years, a
faithful narration of which would fill at least
a dozen volumes, and would moreover, we
fear, but little edify our readers. From
Rouen, Mademoiselle Clairon proceeded to
Lillei and from thence to Ghent, from which
last-named town she was obliged to make a
nocturnal flight, in order to escape from the
power of a British Geneml, who wanted,
right or wrong, to marry her, and carry her
off with him to England. At Dunkirque,
whither she had sought shelter from her
ardent lover, she received, through the com-
mandant of the place, an order to appear on
the Parisian stage. Much had been spoken
of Fretillon, and the gentlemen of the cham-
ber judged in their wisdom that so pretty a
girl should belong by right to the Parisians
only. At the Opera she accordingly appear-
ed as Venus in the opera of Hesione, Al-
though an indifferent musician, she was much
applauded, for in those days people applaud-
ed beauty as well as talent.
Shortly afterwards Mademoiselle Clairon
quitted the Opera, and made her first appear-
ance at the Comedie-Fran^aise in the part of
PKedre, In the provinces she had played
chiefly the soubrettes, and at the Comedie-
Fran9aise she was engaged to double Mad-
emoiselle Dangeville. Previous, however, to
376
MADEMOISELLE CLAIRON.
[Nov.,
signing her engagement, she declared, to the
great surprise of the comedians, that it was
her intention to perform the great tragic
parts ; to this request the comedians assented,
stipulating merely that she should sing and
dance in the musical pieces. They were all
thoroughly convinced that she would be
hissed on her debute and hence be compelled
to sing and dance only. It so happened
that during her provincial career she had
played four or five tragic parts. Marshal Sar-
razin having accidentally seen her play the
character of Eriphile, at Rouen, had pre-
dicted that she would one day be the orna-
ment of the French stage. She was anxious
most probably to show the world that Sar-
razin's judgment was a correct one. Pre-
vious to her debut the comedians had in-
dulged in many a hearty laugh at whnt they
deemed the absurd pretensions of the proud
Hippolyte. She disdained to rehearse her
pan ; and on the morning of her debut she
sent a message to the theatre to say that she
was ready to appear, and only awaited the
rising of the curtain. All Paris flocked on
that evening to the Comedie-Frangaise in the
expectati(jn of having a good laugh at little
Fretillon ; but scarcely had she given utter-
ance to the first few lines of her part when
the entire audience rose enthusiastically ; it
was no longer little Clairon, the charming
Fretillon who played the soubrettes, it was
Fhedre herself, in all her sovereign splendor,
in all the majesty of passion. " How tall
she is !" " How beautiful she is !" were the
exclamations heard on all sides. From this
time forth Mademoiselle Clairon was sur-
named Melpomene, and became the idol of
the Parisians.
The Comedie-Fran^ais was at that period
so well administered, it possessed such intel-
ligent protectors, that even the first subjects
of the troop could scarcely live on th'ir
salaries. " We were poor," writes Made-
moiselle Clairon, •* and unable to await the
payment of what was due to us, and every
week we would vainly solicit M. de Boulogne,
then Comptroller- General, for the paym«-nt
of the arrears of the kinir's pension." But
no one paid them, and Louis XV. less
than all the rest. Thus we find tnat Made-
moiselle Clairon — the star of the Tneatre
Fran^aise^-owed to her beauty, and not lo
her talents, the Indian robes and diamonds
which she wore. As she was fond of chang-
ing both her finery and her lovers, it would
frequently happen that she would be left
without either lovers or finery. One day
Marshal Richelieu called upon her to request
the honor of her presence at one of his fete$.
She refused. " Why ?" demanded the Mar-
shal. " I have no dress to wear 1" Riche-
lieu burst out laughing. " You have dresses
of all countries, of all tat^tes, and all fancies."
** No more, I can assure you, than one single
dress besides the one you now see on my
back. Our scanty receipts have compelled
me to sell everything valuable lusould spare,
and what remains is in pawn ; I can only
show myself on the stage."
Like all true talents. Mademoiselle Clairon
had more than one enemy who denied her
influence over the public. The critic Freron
declared that her stentorian tones deafened
the ears without moving the heart. Grimm,
who came to France during the height of the
actress's triumph, spoke of the squeakings of
her voice. "Squeakings, if you please,"
said Diderot, " but these squeakings, as you
call them, have become the accents of pas-
sion."
It was about this period that Mademoiselle
Clairon hired, at the rate of 12,000 livres a
year, the little house in the Rue des Marais,
formerly inhabited by Racine. " They tell
me," she writes in her Memoire " that
Racine dwelt there for forty years with all
his family ; that it was there he died ; and
that, after his time, it was there lived and died
the touching Adrienne Lecouvreur. The
walls alone of this house," I said to myself,
'' ought to suffice to make me feel the sub-
limity of the poet, and enable me to reach
the talent of the actress. It is in this sanc-
tuary that I ought to live and die." All the
poets of the day visited Mademoiselle Clairon
in " this sanctuary," which we very much
fear was on several occasions somewhat pro-
faned. The quite family dinner which Racine
had showed his good sense and taste in pre-
ferring to the dinner spread on the king's
table, was now replaced by the licentious
petit souper ; and the gay but frequently im-
pure, and even blasphemous chanson, was
now heard in spots consecrated by the genius
of Racine, where the poet had so frequently
let fall his Alexandrines as from a golden harp.
Mademoiselle Clairon, however, had be-
come the heroine of the Comedie-Fran9aise.
She had, if not eclipsed, at least in some
measure cast into the shade Mademoiselles
Dumesnil, Gaussin, and Dangeville. She
maintained h^r sceptre until 1762. This, it
must be said, was the golden era of the
French stage, for in addition to these four
celebrated actresses, such names could be
cited as Mol^, Grandval, Bellecour, Lekain,
Preville, and Brizard. Mademoiselle Clairon,
1858.]
MADEMOISELLE OLMRON.
3Y7
with her solemn air and majestic gait, was
the presiding genius of this brilliant republic
— a republic of kings and qneens. Others,
it might be said, possessed either more talent
or more beauty, but Mademoiselle Clairon
possessed renown.
She reigned fifteen years.
In the year 1762, although now approach-
ing her decline, Mademoiselle Clairon was
still spoken of as a theatrical marvel. We
find the following lines referring to her in
Bachaumont*8 Mtmoires Secrets, under the
date of January 20th : *' Mademoiselle Clairon
is still the heroine ; the mere announcement
of her name is sufficient to draw a crowded
house ; so soon as she appears the applause
is enthusiastic ; her acting is a finished work
of art. She has great nobility of gesture in
the head ; it is the Melpomene arranged by
Phidias." The same journalist afterwards
passes the entire troop in review with exqui-
bite delicacy of touch. Take, for example,
this note on Mademoiselle Dumesnil : " This
actress drinks like a coachman ; and on the
night she plays, her lackey is always in at-
tendance in the coulisses, bottle in hand, to
slake her insatiable thirst."
In place of a lackey and a bottle of wine,
Mademoiselle Clairon had in the coulisses an
entire court of dissipated marquises, licen-
tious abbes, and chirping poets. Marmontel,
one evening, during a tavern supper, found
her sublime. Marmontel was then a young
scholar, rhyming tragedies, which the actors
deigned to play and the public to applaud,
out of respect for Voltaire, who had grant-
ed him a certificate of genius. He supped
silently beside the eminent actress, think-
ing much more of composing a part for
her than of speaking to her of love. '* What
ails you ?" said Clairon to him all at once ;
*' you are sad ; I hope you are not oflfer-
ing me such an affront as to be compos-
infr a tragedy during our supper ?'* Mar-
montel had the wit to reply thnt he was sad
because he was in love. ** Child,'' replied
Clairon, " is that the way you receive tiie
gifts of your good genius?" '* Yes, be-
cause I love you." Well, then, fall on your
knees ; I will raise you, and we will love each
other as long as we can." History does
not inform us how long this attnchment
lasted, but it was not of very considerable
duration. Marmontel has related with the
utmost complaisance, all the details of his
follies with La Clairon, in that whimsical
book of his entitled *• Memoires (Tun Phre
pour seruir a I* instruction de »es Enfana,
The Marquis de Ximenes was also one of
the adorers of the great comedian ; they
loved like the Arcadian shepherds and f^hep-
herdesses, but a single mot put Cupid to
flight forever. Some one happened to say
one night in the green-room of the Comedie
Fran^ise, that the Marquis de. Ximenes had
turned Clairon's head. " Yes," replied she,
arriving at that instant, *' on the other side"
The Marquis's love was not proof against this
insult ; the following day he returned the
portrait of his inamorata, with these words
written in pencil beneath it ; " This crayon
drawing is like human beauty ; it fades in
the sunshine. Do not forget that your sun
has long risen."
Mademoiselle Clairon was not celebrated
in France alone ; all the foreign theatres
summoned her by the voice of kings and
queens. Garrick came to Paris expressly to
see her play in Cinna. So delighted was he
with the talent of the actress, that h^ caused
a design to be engraved representing Made-
moiselle Clairon arrayed in all the attributes
of tragedy , her arm resting upon a pile of
books on which might be read the names of
Comeille, Racine, Crebillon, and Voltaire.
By her side stood Melpomene, crowning her
with laurel. Beneath the design were in-
seribed these four lines, composed by Gar-
rick himself:
J*ai pr^dit que Clairon illustrerait la scene,
Et men espoir n*a point ete d^cn,
LongtempB Clairon couronna Melpomene,
Meipoindne lui rend ce qu*elle en a re9u.
These lame verses quickly made the cir-
cuit of the fashionable world. The enthusi-
astic admirers of the actress were not, how-
ever, contented with this homage paid by
one sovereign of the stage to another ; they
instituted the order of the medallion ; medals
were struck, bearing Garrick's device, and
with these they decorated themselves as
proudly as though they had borne the Grand
Cordon itself.
Our heroine had now attained the culmi-
nating point of her renown. She ruled with
despotic sway, not only the stage, but the
world of fashion ; and in speaking of Madame
de Pompadour, the reigning favorite, she
even dared to say that " she owed her roy-
alty to chance, while / owe mine to the
power of my genius." In vain did her nu-
merous enemies strive to oppose her triumphs
by all the means in their power ; she had
only to show herself in order to bnffle all
their machinations. '*In the world," wrote
Diderot, " those who wished to ridicule her
could not refrain from admiring her majestic
eloquence." She carried her sceptre, too
378
MADSlfOIHELLE CLAIfiOlf .
[Not.
with a high hand. One day, when she was
playint^ at the Theatre FraD9aise, on the oc-
casion of a free performance, given by order
ot the king to the Parisians, she came on the
stage bi^tween the two pieces, and threw
handfuls of money into the pit. The worthy
Patisians were gulled by this piece of theat-
rical quackery, and cried with enthusiasm,
as they scrambled for the silver, Vive le
Eoi ! Vive Mademoiselle Clairon ! She had
braved Madn me de Pompadour; she dared
to brave the kine himself, under the impres-
sion that the public would revolt rather than
lose her. At her table she received the cream
of Parisian society — such as Mesdamea de
Chabrillant, d'Aguillon, de Villeroy, de la
Yallidre, de Forcalquier, <&c.; she was also a
frequent guest at the tables of Madame du
Deffant and Madame Geoffrtn, who deigned
occasionally to gather the pearls of her wit.
The celebrated Russian princess, Madame de
Galitzin, amazed at the talent of Mademoi-
selle Ciairon, desired to leave her a regal
souvenir of her admiration. " What will you
have, Clairon?'* asked she, one evening at
supper. " My portrait, painted by Vanloo/'
replied the actress. The painter, flattered
by this preference, was anxious that the por-
trait should be worthy at the same time of
Madame de Galitzin, Mademoiselle Clairon,
and himself; he painted the actress as Medea^
holding in one hand a torch, and in the other
a poinard still reeking with the blood of her
children. Louis XV. expressed a wish to
see this picture : and if we are to believe one
of the newspapers of the time, he paid a visit
one morning for this express purpose to the
atelier of Vanloo. His Majesty highly com-
plimented both the artist and his models.
" You are fortunate," said he to Carl Van-
loo, " in having such a sitter ;" and turning
to Mademoiselle Clairon — " You are fortu-
nate. Mademoiselle, in having such a painter
to immortalize your features. It is my ear-
nest wish to bear a share in this work ; I am
the only person who can put a frame on this
picture wot thy of it, and I desire that it may
be as beautiful a one as possible ; and fur-
ther, it is my wish that this portrait be en-
graved.'* The frame cost five thousand liv-
res, and the engraving ten thousand.
In the foregoing pages we have endeavored
to chronicle the rise and progress of our he-
roine's grandeur; we must now, as faithful
historians, relate the history of her decline
and fall. Mademoiselle Clairon counted
among her enemies Laharpe and Freron ;
Lahai pe, because she had obstinately refused
to play in his tragedies ; Freron, because she
had preferred Voltaire to him. Laharpe
avenged himself with his tongue, Freron with
his pen. About this period, a certain ac-
tress, by name Mademoiselle Doligny, was
attracting notice at the-Theatre Frangaise;
Freron protected her; he judged that the
moment was a favorable one to delineate her
portrait in contradistinction to that of Made-
moiselle Clairon, and he did so accordingly.
The first, in the opinion of the journalist,
was a model of grace and sensibility ; the
second, an abandoned woman, destitute alike
of heart, soul, or intellect. In Freron's jour-
nal. Mademoiselle Clairon was not alluded to
b^ name, but she had the bad taste to recog-
nize herself in the portrait drawn by the
critic. Filled with shame and rage, she hur-
ried to the gentlemen of the chamber, and
threatened to withdraw from the theatre un-
less instant justice was executed upon that
horrible Freron. All Paris was in commo-
tion ; the king hastily summoned a meeting
of his privy council, and a warrant was sign-
ed far the committal of Freron. The police-
officers, according to order, came to seize his
person. What could he oppose to the strong
arm of the law ? Our critic imagined a vio-
lent fit of the gout ; he uttered cries of an-
guish, and declared that he could not move
a finger without suffering tortures. This
momentous affair occurred on the 14th of
February, 1775; in a journal of the 16th,
we find the following notice : '^ The quarrel
between Freron and Mademoiselle Clairon,
aliojs the pamphleteer Aliboron, and Queen
Cleopatra, makes a great noise both at court
and in the city. Monsieur I'Abb^ de Voi-
senon, having, at the solicitation of some
friends of the former, written a very pathetic
letter to M. le Due de Duras, gentleman of
the chamber, the latter replied to the abbd,
whom he highly esteemed, that it was the
only favor he believed it his duty to refuse
him, that this request could be granted only
at the personal solicitation of Mademoiselle
Clairon." Glorious times these, truly, when
a journalist, a man, moreover, possessed of
more than one title to respect, should be
threatened with imprisonment for expressing
an opinion about an actress, or, what was an
alternative much more humiliating, that he
should owe his pardon to the actress whom
he had offended. Sooner than submit to
such degradation, Freron declared that he
would suffer a thousand deaths. Strange as
it may appear, this ridiculous affair was not
only debated before the king, but was car-
ried to the feet of the queen also. Marie
Leczinska, who loved to show clemency, or-
1863.]
MADBMOISEIXE Cl4AIR0ir.
SfO
dered that Freron should be pardoned, bat
Mademoiselle Clairon would not abide by
the queen's decision ; she declared to the
gentlemen of the chamber that if Freron were
not punished, she would certainly withdraw
from the theatre. Awful was the commo-
tion. Mademoiselle Clarion demanded an
audience of M. le Due de Choiseul, prime
minister, which was graciously acceded.
" Justice 1" cried she, with her stage accent,
as soon as the minister appeared. " Made-
moiselle,'' replied the duke, with mock grav-
ity, ** we both of us perform upon a great
stage ; but there is this difference between
U8 : that you can choose your parts, and you
have only to show yourself to be applauded ;
whilst I, on the contrary, have not this priv-
ilege, and what is still worse, as soon as I
make my appearance I am hissed ; let me do
my best or my worst, it is all the same ; I
am criticised, ridiculed, abused, condemned,
yet for all that I remain at my post, and if
you take my advice you will do the same.
Let us then, both of us, sacrifice our private
resentments to the good of our country, and
serve it, each in our own way, to the best of
our power. And, besides, the queen hav-
ing pardoned, you can, without compromis-
ing your dignity, imitate her majesty's clem-
ency."
In a journal of the 2l8t of February we
read as follows : — " The queen of the stage
has held a meeting of her friends, presided
over by the Due de Duras, at which it was
determined that M. de Saint Florentin should
be threatened with the immediate desertion
of the entire troop unless speedy justice were
done to the modem Melpomene for the inso-
lence of Freron. This line of conduct has
greatly disturbed M. de Saint Florentin, and
this minister has written to the queen, stat-
ing that the affair has become one of the
vastest importance ; that for a length of time
matter of such serious import has not been
discussed at court (!) that in fact the court
is divided into two factions on the question,
and that, despite his profoimd respect for
the commands of her Majesty, he much fears
he will be compelled to obey the original
orders of the king." In the end, however,
Freron was saved from imprisonment by a
combination of three circumstances, viz., the
gout which he had not, the clemency of
Marie Leczinska, but chiefly because, miVa-
hile dlctUy Mademoiselle Clairon herself was
sent to For I'Eveque !
In the annals of the French stage there
are few stories more supremely ridiculous
than that of the comedians in ordinary to
the king, who, at the moment of commenc-
ing the performance, refused to play because
his Majesty had added to the troop an indi-
vidual whom they judged unworthy of being,
a member of their aristocratic body. Made-
moiselle Clairon was at the head of this re-
volt also, but her star was beginning to pale
in the theatrical firmament, her crown of roses
was beginning to show its thorns. On this oc-
casion, the pit, exasperated to the highest point
at not having its accustomed entertainment,
angrily shouted aloud La Clairon d VkopitaU
Her fate was sealed ! The pit of a theatre is for
the actors the Praetorian guard. This mo-
mentous event occurred on the 15th of April,
1775; on the ensuing day the papers con-
tained the following announcement : " As-
tonishing fermentation in Paris ! A special
Privy Council has been held at the house of
M. de Sartines, at which it was determined
that the. culprits in the late theatrical emeuie
should be sent to For I'fiveque. Mademoi-
selle Clairon receives the visits of the court
and city." That very day, however, she
went to For I'Eveque before that rascal Fre^
ron, to use her own expression to the Intend-
ant of Paris. Next morning Sophie Arnould
related the story of her capture in almo9t
these words : ** Fretillon was in the height
and glory of her receptions, playing the
grand lady to the admiration of all, when an
unannounced visitor made his appearance, in
the shape of a police officer, who very un-
ceremoniously desired her to follow him to
For TEv^que, by order of the king. ' I am
submissive to the commands of his Majesty,'
said she, with her usual pompous stage ac-
cent ; * my property, my person, my life are
in his hands ; but my honor will remain in-
tact, for even the king himself cannot touch
that.' 'Very true. Mademoiselle,' replied
the alguazil, ' for where there is nothing, the
king necessarily loses his rights.' "
At For I'Eveque, Mademoiselle Clairon
found not a cell, but an apartment, which
her friends, the Duchesses of Villeroy and
de Duras, and Madame de Sauvigny, had
furnished for her with great magnificence.
We read, in a journal of the 20th of April :
''Mademoiselle Clairon converts into a tri-
umph a punishment which was intended as
a humiliation. A crowd of carriages besiege
the gates of the prison ; she gives, we un-
derstand, divine suppers ; in short, is leading,
at For TEv^que, a life of princely luxury. '
This method of imprisoning actresses was
not, it must be admitted, a very cruel one.
One might say they kept open house, for
there they received their lovers and friends*
380
MAD2M0IBELLE CLAIRON.
[Nov.,
and supped from night till morning; and
then, as the finishing stroke to this luxurious
captivity, so soon as their incarceration be-
came a little wearisome, there was always to
be found some accomodating physician, who
would seriously declare that their lives were
in danger. So it was in this instance ; for,
after a week's feasting. Mademoiselle Clairon
was authorized, thanks to the certificate of
the jail doctor, to return to her own house,
where she was directed to consider herself a
prisoner for the space of thirteen days more.
A deputation from the king And the gen-
tlemen of the chamber, shortly afterwards
wailed upon her, to solicit her re-appearance
on the stage of the Comedie Fran^aise, but
she had still at heart the terrible words, La
Clairon d Vhopital, " It is not," she said,
" the king who ought to solicit my re-appear-
ance at a theatre he never visits ; it is the
public ; I await the orders of the public."
But the fickle public had had time, during
the short absence of its former sovereign, to
choose another queen : it chose two, indeed
— Mademoiselle Dubois and Mademoiselle
Raucourt — queens of a day, it is true, but
still sufficiently regal to dethrone the ancient
one. Mademoiselle Clairon, dreading forget-
fulness like death, no longer willing to ap-
pear before a public that had adored her for
twenty years only, had horses put to her
carriage one day, and took her departure
from Paris. " I am ill," she said ; " I am
going to consult TroDchin ;" but it was to
Voltaire she went, and the little theatre of
Ferney ere long rang with her stentorian ac-
cents.
She returned to Paris in the winter, and
found winter every where : in her deserted
house, among her forgetful friends, and also
among her scattered lovers. She resumed,
however, her former train of life, but the
grain of sadness sown in her heart had
germinated. In vain did she summon the
ilite of Parisian society to her exquisite petits
soupers; in vain did she receive the oaths
and protestations of M. de Valbelle, and line
her carriage with silk, in an attempt to vie
in luxury with the brilliant Guimard. She
suffered deeply, for she had lost, at the same
time, both her youth and her glory ; she
was fated to live, from henceforth, upon two
tombs.
We will pass over in silence that portion
of our heroine's life which she spent at the
court of the Margrave of Anspach, a petty
German prince, fashioned upon the model of
Louis XV., who was accustomed to leave to
bis mistresses the care of his dominions, and
who had offered her his heart and a share
of his palace. Though her position at the
Margrave's court was an equivocal one
enough, it cannot be denied that during her
sojourn there she did a great deal of good :
debts, old and new, were gradually liquidat-
ed, taxes reduced, agriculture usefully pro-
tected, and the city of Anspach adorned
with a monumental fountain; white the
Clairon Hospital; one of her last gifts to the
community, put the crowning grace to her
numerous benefactions, and rendered her
name universally beloved, by the poorer
classes especially. Bom thirteen years be-
fore the Margrave, she might almost have
been his mother, and he, indeed, used to
give her this title; but court intrigue was
brought into play to dethrone the gray-haired
Egeria, and after a reign of seventeen years,
she quitted forever the scene of her diplo-
matic labors, and returned, once more, to
Paris, poorer, by a great deal, than when
she had left it. The illustrious actress, who
formerly had a coach and four, and had seen
all Pari:) at her feet, now fell into the ex-
treme of poverty. But such is ever the end
of those charming butterflies which shine
only in the morning of life. Mademoiselle
Guimard, for example, who, in the spring
time of her success, when she had in her
magnificent hotel a private theatre and a
winter garden, had refused the hand of a
prince, was very glad, in after life, to marry
her dancing-master. Sophy Arnould, again,
after having spent her early years in almost
unexampled luxury and profusion, went, un-
complainingly, when her winter had set in, to
seek shelter and a morsel of bread at the
hands of her hairdresser. Mademoiselle
Clairon, who had lived as a queen and a
sultana, who never deigned to hold a needle
in her fingers, and had seen all the grand
seigneurs of an entire generation humbly
kissing the dust at her feet, found herself, at
the age of sixty- five, reduced to the necessi-
ty of mending, with her own hands, her rag-
ged dresses, of making her own bed, and
sweeping out every morning the dust of her
poor and solitary chamber. But, ever a
woman of stroog mind, she bore her poverty
bravely ; she turned philosopher, like all the
rest of them, in those days, and, when some
old friend or acquaintance chanced to call,
she would, in conversation, live all her bright
days o'er again.
By degrees, however, she met with some
friends, and managed to scrape together
some small portion of her scattered wealth.
A worthy hourgeoiH family took her under
1858.]
MADEMOISELLE GLAIRON.
S8l
their protection, and a few rays of wintry
sunshine illumined her declining years. En-
tirely engrossed with her philosophy, she
wrote much, and more than one of her works
is worthy of being placed beside those of J.
J. Rousseau. In addition to her Mimoires,
Mademoiselle Clairon wrote a prodigious
number of letters ; the' Comte de Valbelle
had received for his own share alone the
enormous quantity of fifteen hundred. The
loss of this correspondence is much to be
regretted, if we may judge of it by the style
of the small number of letters which remain,
wherein the most captious criticism can
scarcely discover a fault, either as regards
expression, sensibility, or purity of style and
language.
Her Mimoires, however, have had the
widest circle of readers, and yet even this
book, which was given to the world by the
actress as a faithful narrative of her life, is
far from being the accurate mirror she evi-
dently intended' the public to suppose.
Whether through delicacy, or through a
fear of speaking the whole truth, she has
concealed many acts of her life, and glided
hastily and superficially over others. What
made the most noise, however, in her book,
was the celebrated history of her ghost.
She relates circumstantially in her Mimoires
the various malicious pranks played upon
her for some years by the ghost of a young
Breton, whom she had pitilessly left to die
of love. In this recital, given by our author-
ess to the world with the utmost seriousness
and good faith, we can easily recognuse the
natural effect of those visions which modem
physiology has so clearly explained and ac-
counted for ; and as she quoted witnesses at
the same time, we doubt not that her friends
had humored her weakness, either for the
purpose of pleasing her, or for their own
amusement. She wrote, moreover, fifty
years after the event, and could at best only
translate the feeble impressions of an irre-
flective youth. This tale, besides, would
not, we are firmly persuaded, have ever seen
the light, had not narratives of spirits and
apparitions been at that period all the rage
in the fashionable circle of Paris.
An actress who dies a devotee always re-
sembles in our idea a boatman pulling lusti-
ly toward an unknown shore, upon which he
ever keeps his back most pertinaciously turn-
ed. The actress rows all her life among
shoals and quicksands, even in the heyday
of her youth nourishing a most unaccounta-
ble and petrel-like love of storms and tem-
pests ; but when, in the evening of her days,
she finds that her poor, frail bark, in its
shattered and leaky condition will no longer
sustain her, but is ready at every wave to
sink and leave her to her fate, she returns, if
there is yet time, and falls a kneeling sup-
pliant on the shore. But Mademoiselle
Clairon had another method of thinking;
she did not wish to die a devotee on the plea
that she dared not offer to her Maker a heart
profaned during half a century by every hu-
man passion. One day a priest having set
before her the example of Mary Magdalen,
she replied that Mary Magdalen had repent-
ed in her youth, she could still sacrifice at
the foot of the cross many worldly thoughts,
and hopes, and passions. She persisted,
then, in dying as a philosopher ; believing in
God as the philosophers did : by the mind
that reasons, not by the heart which feels,
and believes, and loves. How true it is
that '* the world by wisdom knows not God."
She died on the 11th Pluviose, in the
year XI. of the Republic one and indivisible,
m the parish of St. Thomas Aquinas. May
she rest in peace !
882
BENJAMIN ROBERT HAYDON.
[Not.,
From the Biographical Uagasine
BENJAMIN ROBERT HAYDON
Haydon has left ample memorials of him-
self. His journals fill seven and twenty
folio volumes ; and his autobiography is
completed for the first thirty-four years of
his life. His actions and sufferings are fully
recorded — his intentions and feelings — what
he thought of himself and what he thought
of the world. 'If cotemporaries have been
unjust, posterity can judge. ** Every man/*
says he, " who has suffered for a principle,
and would lose his life for its success — ^who
in his early days has been oppressed, with-
out ever giving the slightest grounds for op-
pression, and persecuted to ruin, because his
oppression was unmerited — who has incur-
red the hatred of his enemies exactly in pro-
portion as they became convinced they were
wrong — every man, who, like me, has eaten
the bitter crust of poverty, and endured the
penalties of vice and wickedness, where he
merited tho rewards of virtue and industry
— should write his own life." Autobiogra-
phies have at least this advantage — whatever
motives actuate the penman, whatever color-
ing he may give to facts, they cannot but be
characteristic. If full of self-laudation, or
written in artful duplicity, in envy, in anger,
these faults are easily discoverable, and so
are excellencies, by light from other sources.
No man could long deceive a people by his
writings respecting himself; and the very
attempt with its accessories would soon be
regarded as significant of character.
Benjamin Robert Hatdon was born at
Plymouth, January 24th, 1786. His father
was a bookseller in the town, a lineal de-
scendant of one of the oldest families in De-
von, which had been ruined and dispersed by
a chancery isuit. Like his ideal partner in
misfortune, Jarndyce of Bleak House, he
seems to liavc been peculiarly concerned
about the changes of the wind ; and west,
south, north, or east, whatever the quarter,
it was recorded in his journal, wliere the
most important and trivial notes were alike
in general concluded by a "wind W. N.W."
or some similar inscription. Young Benja-
min was a self-willed and passionate child;
but the charms that in after life soothed |
many a troubled moment, were not without
power over the scarce- fledged nursling. One
day, when he was raving in ungovernable
rage his mother entered the room with a
book of engravings in her hand ; it was a
last resource, and proved effectual, for the
" pretty pictures" suenced him, and he be-
came BO interested as to be unwilling to part
with them for the rest of the day. When
six years old, he began to go daily to school.
This was a period of great excitement
throughout the nation and the world.
All eyes were directed to France, and the
fearful tragedy acting there thrilled the age
with anxious interest. The kin^ was behead-
ed, and strange discussions and prophesy ings
were heard on every hand. Even the inno-
cence of childhood, was .affected. French
prisoners crowded Plymouth, and guillotines
made by them of their meat bones, were sold
at the prisons, and became the favorite play-
thing of the day. It was Benjamin*s delight
to draw this instrument of terror, with Louis
taking leave of the people in his shirt- sleeves,
which he copied from a print. The pencil,
indeed, had become his constant companion,
and he even ventured to wield it in infantine
caricature. He was now sent to the gram-
mar school, then under the guardianship of
the Rev. Dr. Bid lake, a man of versatile
taste, of talent a patron in general, kind-
hearted, yet eccentric, fond of country excur-
sions, a mimic painter, a musician, a poet,
but fond of the rhyming dictionary, and ac-
customed to scan with his fingers. Observing
Haydon's love of art, he invited him with a
school-fellow to attend him in his painting-
room ; but, alas for the old gentleman ! this
was a fine opportunltv for boyish mischiev-
ousness. As he turned round and walked to
a distance to study the effect of his touches,
his observant pujiils would rub out or dis-
figure what he had done, to his great per-
plexity and their infinite amusement. On
one occasion Benjamin's mate was dispatched
with orders to cut off the skirt of an old
coal to clean the palette with ; but whether
he deemed it a joke or made a mistake, the
skirt of ihe best Sunday coat was sacrificed.
1853.]
BEKJAMIN ROBERT HATDON.
883
The next Sunday, the doctor sallied forth as
Ubual in his great coat, hut on removing it in
the vestry to put on the surplice, what was
his horror when the clerk excldmed in sur-
prise, " Sir, sir, somebody has cut off the
skirt of your coat !"
The head man in the binding office of his
father was a Neapolitan who used to talk to
him of the wonders of Italy, of Raphael and
the Vatican, and who, baring his muscular
arm, would say, •' Don't draw de landscape ;
draw de feegoore, master Benjamin." Most
of the hdf holidays were spent with him,
when he went through a catechism of some
hundreds of questions. By and by, master
Benjamin did begin to draw ** dt feegooreP to
read anatomical books, to meditate in the
fields, to discover that he had an intellectual
head, and to fancy himself a genius and an
historical painter ; and then, with true school-
boy fickleness, he threw aside his brushes for
the cricket bat, or in riding, or swimming, or
some less creditable sport, gaily passed
the days away. At length, the measles
came ; and in this extremity the neglected
drawing book was welcomed as a fiend that
had been wronged, and with a secret resolu-
tion of future constancy. In the summer of
that year, he drew from nature for the first
time ; and from that date every leisure hour
was spent in devotion to, the art. Time
rolled on rapidly enough ; and now watching
the evolutions of volunteer corps that were
swarming around, *now sketching with Dr.
Bidlake m some sequastered vale, Benjamin
had nothing of which to complain. His
habits, however, were lax, and it was evident
that the discipline of a boarding school would
prove a proper corrective. He was accord-
ingly sent to Plympton Grammar School,
where Sir Joshua had been brought up ; and
here, instead of murdering Homer, and Vir-
gil, he was compelled to do homage to Phse-
drus for a while ; an humiliation unwelcome,
but profitable, for Virgil and Homer came
again in their turn and for the last six months
he was head boy of the establishment. As
he was designed for the counting house, he
was forbidden to learn drawing ; but his al-
lowance of money was spent m caricatures,
which he copied ; and such was his skill, that
in play -hours the boys were found round him,
sketching as he directed. One time they saw
a hunt on the hills, and when they came
home, his admirers and pupils furnishing him
with burnt sticks, he drew it all about the
hall so well, that it was permitted to remain
for some weeks.
From Plympton he was sent to Exeter, to
be perfected in merchants' accounts; but
there he did little, save take a few lessons in
crayon-drawing from his master's sons, and
distinguish himself by doing everything, and
anythmg, rather than his duty. At the end
of six months, he returned to Plymouth, and
was apprenticed to his father for seven years ;
and here began that " ceaseless opposition
which he encountered through life." He
would be a painter ; the certain independence
that the business eventually offered, was un-
worthy of regard beside the object of his am-
bition. Repugnance to work daily increased ;
the ledger and the counter, and the shop and
the customer, and the town and the people,
were all hated. He rose early, and sar up
late; he ridiculed the prints in the window ;
insulted purchasers; strolled by the sea,
whose heaving waves and boundless freedom
were in harmony with the struggles and aa-
pirations of his own breast. His fond father
pointed out to him his prospects and the ab-
surdity of letting so fine a propeity go to
ruin, for he had no younger brother. " Who
has put this stuff in your head ?" " Nobody ;
I always have had it." " You will live tore-
pent." ** Never, my dear father, I would
rather die in the trial." Friends were called
in, aunts and uncles consulted, but still his
language was the same. At this crisis he
was taken ill, and in a short time was suffer-
ing from chronic inflammation of the eyes.
For six weeks he was blind ; at last he fan-
cied he saw something glittering, put out his
hand, and struck it against a silver spoon.
That was a day of joy ; he had another at-
tack, but his sight recovered, though never
perfectly. " What folly ! How can ytm
think of being a painter ? Why, you can't
see," was said. " I can see enough," was
the reply ; and see or not see, a painter Til
be ; and if I am a great one without seeing,
I shall be the first. Health returned, and
nothing daunted, Benjamin formed a plan of
procedure. Searching for books on art,
he met with '* Reynolds' Discourses ;" and
reading one, was so aroused by the stress it
laid on honest industry, and the conviction it
expressed that all men were equal, and that
application made the difference, that he
eagerly bore them home as a prize, and read
them all before breakfast the next morning.
His destiny seemed fixed ; he left his cham-
ber, and came down to table with Reynolds
under his arm ; at once declared his inten-
tions, and, with resistless energy, demolished
every objection. His mother burst into tears,
his father was in a passion, and the houi<e in
an uproar. " Everybody," sajrs he, "that
884
BENJAMIN ROBERT HAYDON
INoF.,
called duriDg the day was had up to bait me ;
but I Httacked them so fiercely, that they
were glad to leave me to my own reflections.
In the evening, I told my mother my resolu-
tion calmly, and left her." He now hunted
Plymouth for anatomical works, and seeing
'< Albinus" among the books in the catalogue
of a sale, determined to go and bid for it ;
and, as the price was beyond his reach, then
to appeal to his father's mercy. It was
knocked down to him at £2 10s. He went
home, induced his mother to intercede for
him, and at last had the happiness of hurry-
ing off the book to his solitude, of ga^ng up-
on the plates as his own, of copying them
out, and, by such means, acquainting himself
thoroughly with the muscles of the body.
His energy was indefatigable ; and the
thought of London, as the scene of honor
and independence, urged him unceasingly on-
ward over every obstacle. " My father," he
wrote, " had routed me from the shop, be-
cause I was in the way with my drawings ;
I had been diiven from the sitting-room, be-
cause the cloth had to he laid ; scolded from
the landing place because the stairs must be
swept ; driven to my attic, which now be-
came too small ; and at last I took refuge in
my bed -room. One morning as I lay awake
very early, the door slowly opened, and in
crept my dear mother, with a look of sleep-
less anxiety." She sat down on his bedside,
took his hand, and affectionately expostula-
ted with him. '* I was deeply affected ; but
checking my tears, I told her, in a voice
struggling to be calm, that it was of no use
to attempt to dissuade me. I felt impelled by
someihing I could not resist. ' Do not,' said
I, ' my dear mother, think me cruel. I can
never forget your love and affection, but yet
I cannot help it — 1 must be a painter.' Kis-
sing me with wet cheeks and trembling lips,
she said in a broken voice, ' She did not
blame me ; she applauded my resolution, but
she could not bear to part with me.' 1 then
begged her to tell my father that it was use-
less to harrass me with further opposition. She
rose, sobbing as if to break her heart, and
slowly left my room, borne down with af-
fliction. The instant she was gone, I fell
upon my knees, and prayed God to forgive
me if I was cruel, but to grant me firm-
ness, purity, and piety, to go in the right
way for success."
At length, when all remonstrances had
failed, and resistance was evidently useless,
it was agreed he should leave, and his friends
gave him twenty pounds with which to
start upon the world. His books and colors
were packed ; his place taken on the mail ;
London and High Art were the objects
of his musing ; but his heart throbbed al-
ternately with feelings of duty and affec-
tion, and of ambition and hope. The even-
ing drew near, the guard^s horn rang through
the streets, and the moment of farewell
was come. Where was his mother ? He
rushed up stairs, but his call was answered
only by violent sobs. She was in her bed-
room, and could not speak or even see him.
"God bless you, my dear child," was all
he could distinguish. He slowly returned,
his heart too lull to. find utterance for it-
self; the guard was impatient, he shook
hands with his father, got in, the wheels
again rolled round, and his carreer foi^ life,
come weal or woe, was fairly begun.
This was on the 14 th of May, 1804 ;
and on the following day Havdon found
himself in the Strand ; in the midst of that
vast and ever-growing city, which is con-
tinually attracting to itself the genius of the
land — which history has consecrated by
ten thousand associations — where oratory
has spoken in its most persuasive tones —
and poetry penned its sublimest senti-
ments— where art and science, and com-
merce and civilization, and religion, have
won their noblest triumphs — where hu-
manity has illustrated all that it has ever
achieved, all that it is or can be — where
it has collected, in "most admired disor-
der," the mightiest and the weakest, the
richest and the poorest, the man of cul-
ture and the slave of ignorance, idiotcj
that is scorned, and intellect that a world
reveres. There stood Haydon, as the tide
of life swept by, alone, and the experience
of eighteen years his only counselor ; but
resolved to be a great pcunter, to honor
his country by rescuing his chosen art from
every stigma cast upon it. Passing the
new church in the Strand, he asked what
building that was, and when, in mistake, it
was answered, " Somerset House," " Ah,"
thought he, " there's the Exhibition, where
I'll be soon." Having found his lodgings,
washed, dressed, and breakfasted, away he
started to see the exhibition ; and, springing
up the steps of the church, and mistaking
the beadle, with his cocked hat and laced
coat, for an official at the door, he offered
him money for admission. The beadle
laughed, and pityingly told him where to go,
and in a few minutes he had mounted the
stairs, and reached the great room of what
in truth was Somerset House. He looked
round for historical pictures, criticised^ and
1853.]
BENJAMIN ROBERT HAYDON.
885
then marched oflf, inwardly saying, " I don't
fear you.*' The next thing was to 6nd a
plaster shop. This was easily done ; and he
purchased Laocoon's head, some arms, hands
and feet ; and returned home to unpack Al-
binus, darken his room, and prepare for work.
Before nine the next morning, he had com-
menced ; and for three months from that
time his books, casts, and drawings were all
he eaw. His enthusiasm was unbound-
ed. When he awoke, he arose, at three,
four, or five, and drew at anatomy until
eight, in chalk from his casts from nine to
one, and from half- past one till five — then
walked, dined, and to anatomy again from
seven to ten and eleven. Ho was once so
long without speaking, that his gums became
sore from the clenched tightness of his teeth.
After months passed in this way, he began
to think of Prince Hoare, the companion of
Kelly, Holcroft, and others of similar charac-
ter, to whom he had a letter of introduction.
Prince had studied in Italy, and knew some-
thing of painting ; and when Haydon ex-
plained to him his principles, and showed
aim his drawings, he was pleased with his
ardor, and gave him letters to Northcote and
Opie. Northcote was a Plymouth man, and
Haydon accordingly sought him first. He
was shown into a dirty painting-room, where
stood a diminutive figure in an old blue
striped dressing-gown, his spectacles pushed
up on his forehead. " Looking keenly at
me," writes Haydon, " with his little shining
eyes, he opened the letter, read it, and with
the broadest Devon dialect, said, • Zo you
mayne tu bee a peinter, doo-ee ? What zort
of peinter?' * Historical painter, sir.' 'Hees-
toncal peinter! why, ye'll sUrve with a
bundle of straw under yeer head !' " North-
cote reprobated the study of anatomy : Opie
advised perseverance in it, but recommendeH
his becoming a pupil of some particular man.
Haydon reflected, and then resolved to pro-
ceed as he had begun. On Northcote he
frequently called, and by him he was intro-
duced to Smirke, Smirke bad been elected
keeper of the Academy, but the king refused
to sanction his appointment when told he
was a democrat. Fuseli was then chosen,
and to this imaginative and successful psunt-
cr. Hay dun soon found easy access. He was
invited to call uii him with his drawings, and
went, thoroughly nervous at the thought of
an intervifw vviih one whom, from a boy, he
revered, and whom every circumstance of
later days had tended to make an object of
mysterious awe. He entered the house of the
yOI* XXX NO. HI
" terrible Fuseli." He heard his footsteps,
and saw a little bony hand slide round the
edge of the door, followed by a little white-
headed, lion-faced man, in an old flannel dres-
sing-gown, tit'd round hrs Waist with a piece
of rope, and upon his head the bottom of
Mrs. Fuseli's work-basket! All fears van-
ished, Hs he addressed him in the kindest
way, and expres>ed his satisfaction at what
he saw. Fuseli concluded with : — " I am
keeper of de Academy, and hope to see you
dere de first nights." Haydon attended in
1S05, after the Christmas vacation, and was
gratified by receiving the first evening a pub-
Kc token of Fuseli's approval. The second
day he went at eleven, and before it was
Jassed had formed an acquaintance with
ackson, who became, as he was one of the
earliest, so one of his warmest friends. Jack-
son's besetting sin was indolence ; and when
with March, the first term ended, he was
walking into the country to study land-
scape or clouds, or rushing to sales to see
fine pictures ; Haydon, however, was still in-
tent on High Art; he lost not a day, bat
worked out his twelve or fourteen hours, as
he felt disposed.
Just at this time came a letter from home,
announcing the serious illness and probable
death of his father. In two days he was at
Plymouth, his father exhausted but recover-
ing. And now came back upon him in full
force the persuasions and expostulations of
former times ; yet the very night of his arri-
val, midst bones and muscles procured from
the hospital, he sat down to his studies in
inflexible determination ; and day by day, de-
spite interrupiions, scoldings, reproaches, he
pursued his task, and slowly progressed in
knowledge and skill. But still he was un-
happy, for with all his enthusiasm, he was
not insensible to those tender and dutiful
emotions of the soul which are more enno-
bling to their possessor than refinement or
delicacy of taste. That man is incomparably
above all others who appreciates correctly
the beautiful both in nature and in morals.
One morning he strolled forth to muse on
Mount Edgcumbe, the early sun adorning
the scene with its softened glories, and here
he brought his struggles to an end. He re-
turned, told his father that if he wished it he
would stay, but only on a principle of duty,
as most certainly he should event unlly leave
him. His father was affected, and replied
that his mind abo was made up— to gratify
his invincible passion, and support him till
he could support himself. Haydon was
t6
386
BENJAKIN ROBERT HATDOV.
[Not.
overjoyed, wrote to Fuscli and Jackson, and
in a few weeks, with the good wishes of all
his family and friends, prepared to start a
second time. Jackson had written — '* There
is a raw, tall, pale,, queer Scotchman come,
an odd fellow, out there is something in him ;
he is called Wilkie."
Haydon was soon in town. The term had
commenced, his friends welcomed him back,
and the next day he went to draw. An
hour after he entered the room, Wilkie came.
Was he going to be an historical painter ?
thought Haydon, and he grew fidgetty.
They glanced over each other's drawings,
but not a word passed between them, 'iiie
next day Wilkie was absent, but the day
fallowing that he was there, asked Haydon
a question, which was answered ; they be-
gan to talk, to argue, and went out to dine
together. This was the beginning of a cor-
dial intimacy. Unlike each other in many
points of character, sometimes rather rivals
than friends, and often quarrelling for a
while, they nevertheless maintained to the
end of life a mutual regard that was too deep
to be shaken by transient feeling or varying
circumstances. They visited one another,
took meals together, and went in company
to places of resort. Barry was l^ing in
state at the Adelphi, with his paintmgs for
his escutcheon. Wilkie had tickets of ad-
mission, and the two students determined to
go. But a black coat was, of course, an es-
sential at a funeral ceremony. Wilkie had
not one, so he borrowed one of Haydon, neither
adverting to their difference of figure. The
Academy was the place of meeting, whence
all the artists were to go together. They
waited, and at the eleventh hour Wilkie ar-
rived ; he caught Haydon's eye, and held up
his finger entreating silence, as if painfully
conscious of his awkward position — the
sleeves half way up his arms, his broad
shoulders stretching and cracking the seams,
and the waist buttons most marvellously ex-
alted above the humble station their maker
designed them to occupy ! Wilkie, how-
ever, had a commission — there was a good
time coming — and many a hearty laugh
could he afford over this misfortune. The
Exhibition of 1806 arrived. "The Village
Politicians " was finished, and capitally
hung. On the private day people crowded
about it ; and folks read in the news, '' A
young man, by the name of Wilkie, a Scotch-
man, has a very extraordinary work." Jack-
son and Haydon hastened to congratulate
their friend. " I roared out," writes the lat-
ter, *' Wilkie, my boy, your name's in the
paper !" " Is it rea-al-ly ?" said David. I
read the puflf; we huzzaed, and taking
hands, all three danced round the table un-
til we were tired ! By those who remember
the tone of Wilkie's * rea-al-ly,' the following
will be relished. Eastlake told me that Cal-
cott said once to Wilkie, * Do you not know
that every one complains of your continual
rea-al-Iy V Wilkie mused a moment,
looked at Calcott, and drawled out, 'Do
they rea-al-ly?' 'You nr.urt leave it oflE.'
' 1 will rea-al-ly.' ' For Heaven's sake don't
keep repeating it,' said Calcott ; ' it annoys
me. Wilkie looked, smiled, and in the most
unconscious manner said, ' Rea-al-ly.' "
One of the trio then had won distinc^on ;
his table was covered with the cards of peo-
ple of all ranks ; and his companions were
eager to obtain similar honors. Lord Mul-
grave was Jackson's patron, and when the
season ended, he and Wilkie were amongst
the fashionable departures. They were in-
vited to Mulgrave Castle to meet 8ir George
Beaumont, the friend of Sir Joshua Rey-
nolds, and a party, to paint and spend the
time delightfully. Haydon, too, went out of
town, to the rippling shore ; but in the
midst of his luxurious ramblings came a let-
ter from Wilkie, dated Mulgrave Castle,
Sept. 9, 1806. He read, and how were his
spirits elated on discovering that it contained
a commission for a grand historical picture ;
Dentatus the subject. In imagination ail
trouble was forever gone, and the Plymouth
folk, when they heard, believed his fortune
unmistakeably made. Ere the expiration of
the month, he was back to town, again
amidst its mighty whirl, and surrounded by
every variety of pabsion and thought — ^its
very smoke, *' the sublime canopy that
shrouds the City of the World," inspiring
him with energy no other spectacle could
produce. The canvas was ordered for his
first picture, of " Joseph and Mary resting
on the road to Egypt;" and "on Oct. 18,
1806," he says, "setting my palette, and
taking brush in hand, 1 knelt down and
prayed God to bless my career, to grant me
energy to create a new era in art, and to
rouse the people and patrons to a just esti-
mate of the moral value of historical paint-
ing." Religiousness was a predominant ele-
ment in Haydon's character. Night and
morning he bowed the knee before the Dei-
ty ; and during the day, in the fervor of
conception, occasionally asked a blessing on
his designs. But it was a fahe and fatal re-
ligion, the essence of which was selfishness-—
a religion which invested its victim with a de-
1363.]
BEETJAION BOBERT HAYDON.
887
ceitful glare, and, where "Glory to God in
the highest," should have heen engraven,
cherished ambition and pride. Its tendency
was to beget belief in a *' divinity within ;*' a
result productive perhaps of energy and de-
cision, but fraught with multiibrm dangers,
and usually consummated by disasters tre-
mendously awful. Haydon's object was
glorious, his art had often borne the epithet
divine, he perceived the sublimity of truth —
his imagination supplied the place of lowly
faiih, and his ardent feelings bore him
upward in lofty aspiration ; but whatever the
form of his petitions, their aim was in reality
the glory of his art as connected with him-
self. The grandest principles in the universe
were thus disregarded, and the will of the
crealure enthroned where Heaven only had
the right to reign, and while He even was
called to witness and to consecrate the usur-
pation. Haydon's religion in his better mo-
ments was a fine enthusiasm, which struck in
harmony all the sweetest chords of his na-
ture ; at other times, it was a romantic su-
perstition, fascinating yet inconsistent ; but it
was always a religion rather of ignorance
than knowledge, of admiration than obe-
dience.
In November, Sir George and Lady Beau-
mont paid the artist a visit, and invited him
to dine with him a few days after. The hour
arrived, and after dressing, Hnd brushing, and
shaving, and so forth, and many an anxious
study before the glass, he sallied forth ac-
companied by Willie, to make his debut in
high life. The ordeal was easily passed, the
conversation was enjoyed, no blunders were
made, and yet all was not satisfaction ; he
was paid attention to as a novelty, before he
had done anything to deserve it. In Febru-
ary, Lord Mulgrave arrived in London, and
invitations of this sort sooii became quite the
fashion ; and at dinner it was — when all of
superior rank had gone off — " Historical
painters first — Haydon, take so and so."
The Exhibition of 1 807 brought him before
the world ; and his first picture was considered
an extraordinary work for a student. This
gave encouragement to him, and he imme-
diately made arrangements for the commence-
ment of Dentatus. Before their completion
he was summoned again to Plymouth by the
illness of his father, who once more recovered.
He found his mother unwell, the victim of a
dsease in the heart. She had resolved to
return with him to consult a physician in
London, when death overtook her at an inn
by the wayside. Oh ! the pang of separa-
tion from a MoTBKa. " It is," said the sod.
"as if a string of one*s nature had been
drawn out and cracked in the drawing, leaving
the one-half of it shrunk back, to torture you
with the consciousness of having lost the
rest." He saw her buried in the family vault,
stole from the mourners thither, and stretch-
ing himself upon the coffin, lay long and late,
musing on the dead ; then on his knees by
her Side he prayed for a blessing on his
actions, and rose prepared for the battle of
life.
The following months found him in Marl-
borough street, occupied upon Dentatus.
Wilkie proved a capital companion ; they
shared their criticisms, their amusements,
their dinners together. JBut now came an
epoch in Haydon's life. They had obtained
an order to see the Elgin Marbles, and went
to Park Lane without delay. There, in a
dirty pent house, lay before them the relics
of the most tasteful people the world ever
produced. Haydon's anatomical studies ren-
dered him able at once to appreciate ; he
saw the essential detail of actual life com-
bined with the most heroic style of art, and
then, when no one wofild believe him, declared
that these " would prove the finest things on
earth — that they would overturn the faKe
beau-ideal, where nature was nothing, and
would establish the true beau-ideal, of which
nature alone is the basis." He was in a fever
of excitement, went home, dreamed of the
marbles, arose, talked of them every-where,
and at last secured an order to draw from
them, on condition his drawings were not en-
graved. For three months he had uninter-
rupted admission, and often was he there,
morn, noon, and night, ten, fourteen, or
fifteen hours at a time. The study of these
noble specimens of antique sculpture at this
juncture was of great value. On their "ever-
lasting principlet^," the picture of Dentatus
was carefully painted ; as this approached
completion, people of rank thronged to see it,
and were lavish in encomiums — a great his-
torical painter had at last arisen ! In March,
1809, it was finished, after fifteen months of
actual toil. With what exultation was it
taken down ! With what care was it taken
to the Academy ! Leigh Hunt was with the
artist, torturing him all the way : ** Wouldn't
it be a delicious thing now, for a lamp-lighter
to come round the comer, arid put the two
ends of his ladder into Dentatus'^ eyes ? Or,
suppose we meet a couple of dray horses
playing tricks with ,a barrel of beer, knocking
your men down and trampling your poor Den-
tatus to a mummy ?" Hay don was so nervous
that, in his anxiety, he tiipped up a cora^'
388
BKNJAHIN ROBERT HATDON.
FNOT.,
man, and as near as possible sent Dentatus
into the gutter. However, it reached its
destination, and then came the hanging.
Academicians thought differently of its merits
to those without ; it was hung ultimately in
the ante-room, where deoent light was want-
ing for a great work. This was a bitter dis-
appointment. The more polite regretted (?)
the picture could not be placed where it de-
served to be ; but this mode of condemna-
tion was mortifying in the extreme. After
so many flatteries, to find one*s painting room
deserted ; after such brilliant anticipations
of imofiediate success to find,
'^ What seemed corporal, melted
As breath into the wina" —
who could calmly bear it ? Haydon sank, a
curse seemed resting over him, but it was
only for a moment. Lord Mulgrave, then of
the Admiralty, seemed to feel for him, and
procured him the benefit of a trip in a cutter
from Portsmouth to Plymouth, for the sake
of change. Wilkie went with him, and once
more among old scenes and faces, his spirits
revived, and he could forget the past in the
amusements of the present. They tariied
by the sea for five weeks, then visited Mr.
Canning's mother at Bath, and after a few
days in London, set out again for Coleorton,
the seat of Sir George Beaumont, where
they passed a fortnight as pleasantly as it
^as possible for painters to do, reveling in
their art, with the productions of Claude,
Rembrandt, and Rubens about them as sour-
ces of inspiration — pictures now the 4lite of
our national collection.
'* Macbeth was the subject of the next
sketch, for which Sir George had given a
commission, but an unfortunate disagreement
or mbundersianding as to the size arose be-
tween the patron and the painter. An un-
pleasant correspondence ensued, which the
latter, relying on the justice of his own state-
ments, had the indelicacy to show. The
fiacts were soon generally known, and the
exposure brought matters to a crisis; but
if Haydon*s pnde was gratified, his interests
were injured. He enlarged the canvas as he
felt inclined, and Sir George allowed him to
go on with the picture for him, on the con-
dition that if he did not like it, he should not
be obliged to take it, but be considered en-
gaged for a smallf r one. Meantime he began
to feel the want of money ; his father had
generously supplied him hitherto, but as yet
no means of return had presented themselves
save portrait^paintiog, which he despised as
infringing on his time and leading him from
his design — the improvement of Hi^h Art.
Just at this period the directors of the Brit-
ish Gnllery offered a prize of one hundred
guineas for the best historical picture. Lord
Mulgrave's permission was obtuined, and
Dentatus sent to the institutibn. It was
placed at the head of the great* room, and
May I7th, 1810, Haydon was declared the
victor almost unanimously. He now resumed
woik with fresh vigor, taking casU> from
nature, dissecting, poring over the Elgin
Marbles beside ** ihe lantern dimly burning,"
and then ilhistratinc in his own figures the
principles he had learnt. His resolutions,
however, were suddenly shocked by a letter
from his father, sajring that he could not
longer maintain him. What was to be done ?
His expenses were necessarily many, but his
habits were not extravagant. His diligence
was undoubted ; would that his success i\as
equally so I But he had won the prise for
Dentatus, why not with Macbeth win the
threO' hundred guineas now offered by the
same Institution ? Thus reasoning, he bor-
rowed, and here began obligation and trouble.
This one step involved him in perplexity the
remainder of his years. He should have
stooped to anything rather than have thrown
him>elf on contingencies. We have no right
to draw on tlie future for the debts of the
present. The future supplies incentives, and
to attempt the trnnsfurmation of these into
means is as ruinous as it would be absurd
to substitute hope for experience.
Haydon this year put down his name for
admission to the Academy, but had not a
single vote. Nothing, however, could check
his enthusiasm. Thoughts streamed through
his mind day and night. He read Shakspenre
and the poets to bring his fancy into play,
that his whole being might be in harmony
with the subject engaging his attention.
This thoroughness of feeling was one charac-
teristic of the man : when painting Dentatus
he had pondced over the glowing concep-
tions of Homer, Virgil, and Dante, and now
he was resolved that Macbeth should want
neither the 6re of imagination nor the chas-
tened excellencies of judgment. This picture
was completed by the end of 1811 ; Sir
George Beaumont declined purchasing, but
offered the artist £100 as a compensation for
his trouble in commencing ii, or to paint
another picture of a different size, bo h which
offers he refused. It was exhibited at the
Institution ; and he was waiting with an.xiety
the awaid of the picniiums, wiien to his in*
dignation he learnt that they were withdrawn
1868.]
BENJAMIN ROBERT HATDON.
880
to Assist in the purchase of an indifferent
picture which had appeared on the scene,
and was voted by the jealous Academi nans,
and every coterie that owned their influence,
to be the only historical painting England
had produced! Haydon had in a measure
brought upon himself this unpleasant result.
Just at the time of the appearance of Mac-
beth before the public, he had made an
attack in the ** Examiner'' on Pnyne Knight,
a powerful patron and the prince of the
dilettanti; and not content with exposing
aome of his sophisms, had the following
iveek assailed the Academy itself. This step
was decidedly impolitic ; it incensed many,
and made violent opponents of those who
would at least have been indifferent Had
he thus thrown down the gauntlet, actuated
by a pure love of art, however disastrous the
consequences, his boldness must have been
applauded. There are no patents of nobility
in the regions of art, no ipse dixit can create
a connoisseur or a genius, nor can circum-
stantials long uphold a despotism there.
But he was exasperated by neglect, tormented
by debt, fearful of the future ; he wrote, and
" walked about the room as if revenged and
better."
Affairs were becoming desperate. Never-
theless the canvas came home for another
picture — the Judgment of Solomon. En-
thusiasm and energy, combined with a con-
sciousness of power that inspired hope, led
him onward. He commenced; but having
lost 500 guineas, the price for Macbeth, and
300, the expected prize, it was necessary to
pause and reflect. He was £600 in debt.
Should he sell all and retire into obscurity ?
That were apparent cowardice. No, he
would never yield! People of fashion had
entirely deserted him; Wilkie even had
ffrown cool through fear of the issue ; but the
Hunts remained firm, and there were friends
of another class at hand. The resolution was
taken to make the most of his actual situa-
tion. Here let us transcribe his own graphic
words : — ** I went to the house where I had
always dined intending to dine without pay-
ing that day. I thought the servants did
not offer me the same attention. I thought
I perceived the company examine me; I
thought the meat was worse. My heart
sank as I said falteringly ' I will pay you to-
morrow V The girl smiled and seemed in-
terested. As as I was escapin^r with a sort
of lurking horror, she said, 'Mr. Haydon,
Mr. Haydon, my master wishes to see you.'
Thought I Mt is to tell me he can't trust!'
In I walked like a culprit. 'Sir, I beg your
pardon but I see by the papers you have been
ill-used ; I hope you won't be angry — T mean
no offence ; but — you won't be offended — I
just wish to say, as you have dined here
many years and always paid, if it would be
a convenience during your present work, to
dine here until it is done — you know — ^so that
you may not be obliged to spend your money
here, when you may want it — I was going to
say you need be under no apprehension —
hem 1 for a dinner.' My heart really filled.
I told him I would take his offer. The good
man's forehead was perspiring, and he seemed -
quite relieved. From that hour the servants
eyed me with a lustrous regret, and redoubled
their attentions. The honest wife said, if 1
were ever ill she would send me broth or any
such little luxury, and the children used to
cling round my knees and ask me to draw a
face." And now there was the landlord, al-
ready a creditor for £200. Haydon returned,
and called him up. '* I said, ' Perkins, I'll
leave you if you wish it, but it will be a pity,
will it not, not to finish such a beginning?'
Perkins looked and muttered, ' It's a grand
thingr—how long will it be before it is done,
sir? *Two years.* 'What, two years
more, and no rent?' 'Not a shilling.'
He rubbed his chin and muttered, ' I should
not like ye to go— it's hard for both of us ;
but what I say is this, you always paid me
when you could, and why should vou not
again when you are able ?' ' That's what
I say.' ' Well, sir, here is my hand,' (and a
great fat one it was,) 'I'll give you two
years more, and if this does not sell,' (affec-
ting to look very severe,) ' why, then, sir,
we'll consider what is to be done ; so don't
fret, but work.' " And Hayden did work, aa
vigorously as though nothing had happened,
till his health began to fail. This was an in-
terruption, but a short excursion from town
speedily restored him. 1812 passed away
and not a person of rank came nigh him ; but
he found some congenial spirits, whose society
was far more valuable and valued than all he
had lost. Wilkie, Jackson and the Hunts had
remained faithful throughout, and to these
were added Hazlitt, Lamb, Barnes of the
" Times," and others. Necessities were grow-
ing meanwhile ; his watch had long gone, and
now he began to part with his clothes and
with book after book ; yet he was constant
at his work ; and thus passed another year.
In it he lost his father; when the letter
came that announced his death, he was paint-
ing a head, and so intensely occupied that the
news made no impression for the time. When
he had done, he saw and felt his loss. A*
800
BENJAMIN BOBBET HATBON.
[Not.,
the end of February, 1814, the Solomon was
finmbed ; and sent to the Water- Color So-
ciety for exhibition. First came, on the
private day, Payne Knight and the Princess
of Wales; iJuy condemned. Then came the
nobility and then the mass. It had not been
fairly open to the public, without distinction,
half an hour, before £500 were offered for it.
This was refused, but the same party in a
few hours agreed to the price, 600 guineas.
The third day Sir George Beaumont and Mr.
Hoi well Carr came, deputed to buy it for the
Gallery; but it was too late, "sold*' was
put up. Sir George was delighted. And
•hook bands with the painter before a crowd-
ed room. In walked Lord Mulgrave and
General Phipps : " Haydon, you dine with us
to day, of course" He bowed. Who has
bought it ? was now the question. *' 0, a
couple of Devonshire friends," was said with
a sneer. *' That may be/' he replied ; ** but,
as Adrian said, is a Devonshire guinea of less
value than a Middlesex one ? does it smell V*
The tide of fortune seemed to have turned,
and suddenly reached its full. Visitors came
in shoals. The victory was complete; and
what was equally gratifying, the money was
in hand. £500 went easily the first week,
and then not half the debts were paid — it
was sufficient to establish credit.
Paris was now the most interesting place
on earth, -llie allied armies were there, and
Napoleon was on the way to Elba. Wilkie
and Haydon secured passports, and alike
from sincere gratulations and shallow flatter-
ies, hurried away to the Louvre. A month
or two in the capital of France passed speed-
ily by. Everywhere there were signs of
memorable struggles, everywhere objects of
excitement and mterest; the whole scene
was full of details worthy the artist's re-
gard, and then there were the cartoons of
Raffaetle and the rich collections of art that
victor armies had gathered.
Haydon, on returning to England, found
that the British Institution had voted him
100 guineas as a mark of admiration for the
Judgment of Solomon ; and shortly after, in
honor of the same, he received the freedom
of his native town. Not one commission,
however, followed all this 6clat. Stimulated
by the past and full of aspiration for the fu-
ture, he commenced his Entry into Jerusa-
lem : succeeding months found him occupied
upon it in his accustomed manner. In June,
the victory of Waterloo caused a slight in-
terruption. He was greatly excited, for with
all bis devotion to painting, his mind was
too vigilant and excursive to be uninterested
by transactions around. Soldiers were
amongst his models, &Qd many a conversa-
tion did he have, and many an anecdote did
he glean, respecting this famed fight. Ru-
mors in the interim begun to circulate in dis-
paragement of the Elgin Marbles, in behalf
of which he had always proved himself a
zealous advocate. In November, he obtained
permission to take casts from some of them,
still ardent in admiration. The same month
Canova visited both him and them, and Hay-
don was delighted to hear him say, "ces
statues produiront nn ffrand changement dans
les arts." His opinion, boldly expressed,
and his sympathy in general, were very ac-
ceptable to the still struggling artist. In
December came a letter from Wordsworth,
whose friendship ho bad won, and with it
three sonnets, one specially relating to him-
self, and concluding —
«
And oh, when nature shrink^ as weU she may.
From long-lived pretBure of obecnre dietreae^
Still to be strenaoos for the bright reward,
And in the soul admit of no decay,
Brook no continuance of weak-mlndedni
Great is the glory, for the striie ia bard."
In February of the next year, the Com-
mittee met which had been appointed by
Government to survey the Elgin Marbles.
Haydon was not called for examination ;
Lord Elgin's friends were soon dismissed,
and witnesses inimical to the Marbles ques-
tioned at length. Pay lie Knight had said
that they were Roman, of the time of Adrian,
and then, driven from his position, declared
them the work of mere journeymen. The
impetuous Haydon was annoyed ; he retired
to his painting-room, dashed down his
thoughts, and the result was a spirited arti-
cle, appearing both in the " Examiner" and
" Champion, — " On the Judgment of Con-
noisseurs being preferred to that of Profes-
sional men. The Elgin Marbles, dec.'* There
was much truth in this paper ; he showed
that it was the union of nature with ideal
beauty that ranked these marbles above all
other works of art ; but he was severe upon
the patrons and nobility, upon Mr. Knight in
particular. " It has saved the Marbles,"
said Lawrence, "but it will ruin you." The
Committee proceeded, and the result every-
body knows.
Notwithstanding public applause and re-
cent success, the artist's neces^ities became
dreadful and harassing. He had anticipated
the fruit of his labor, and was treading a
perilous path. He was without commissions,
employment, or money; but his will was
1853.]
BENJAMIN ROBERT HAYDON.
391
fixed ; Le must borrow at any per centage ;
nothing should prevent his devotion to art,
or stay his attempts to raise the taste of the
country. This was the infatuation of an
earnest spirit, but it was not unmixed with
pride. He had taken pupils with a desire
to form a school of paintmg, but it was as
their instructor and friend, and without the
thought of gain, for he took not a shillin^^
from them. Amongst these were the Land-
seers, Eastlake, Bewicke, Harvey, Chatfield,
and Lance, all afterwards eminent.
About this time commenced a periodica]
work entitled "The Annals of Art." Of
this the editor gave him full use, and quarter
after quarter his favorite views were there
vigorously advocated, and the Academy and
all foes as vigorously assaulted by any and
every weapon. He had already not a few
distinguished friends. Horace Smith, Shel-
ley, and Keats were additions to the circle.
From Keats he received a sonnet, com-
mencing,
•' Gi:eat spirits now on earth are sojournir.g,"
and of course he was one.
C(
-whose stedfastness would never take
A meaner sound than Raffaelle's whispering?.*'
There is a capital account of a dinner in
the painting room at Lisson Grove, with the
unfinished Jerusalem towering up as a back-
ground. Wordsworth, Keats, and Lamb
were the attractions of the party. " In the
morning of this delightful day," writes Hay-
don, " a gentleman, a perfect stranger, had
called on me. He said he knew my friends,
had an enthusiasm for Wordsworth, and
begged I would procure him the happiness
of an introduction. He told me he was a
comptroller of stamps, and often had cor-
respondence with the poet. I thought it a
liberty ; but still, as he seemed a gentleman,
I told him he might come. When we retired
to tea, we found the comptroller. In intro-
ducing him to Wordsworth, 1 forgot to say
who he was. After a little time the comp-
troller looked down, looked up, and said to
Wordsworth, " Don't you think, sir, Milton
was a great genius ?" Keats looked at me ;
Wordsworth looked at the comptroller.
Lamb, who was dozing by the fire, turned
round and said, *' Pray, sir, did you say
Milton was a great genius V " No, sir, I
a.sked Mr. Wordsworth if he were not?"
*• Oh," said Lamb, " then you are a silly
fellow." *' Charles, my dear Charles," said
Wordsworth ; but Lamb, perfectly innocent
of the confusion he had created, was off
again by the fire. After an awful pause, the
comptroller said, " Don't you think Newton
a great genius ?" I could not stand it any
longer. Keats put his head into my books.
Ritchie squeezea in a laugh. Wordsworth
seemed asking himself, " Who is this ?"
Lamb got up, and taking a candle, said
" Sir, will you allow me to look at your phre-
nological development ?" He then turned
his back on the poor man ; and at every
question of the comptroller he chaunted
** Diddle diddle dumpling, my son John
Went to bed with bis breeches on."
The man in office, finding Wordsworth did
not know who he was, said in a spasmodic
and half' chuckling anticipation of assured
victory, " I have had the honor of some cor^
respondence with you, Mr. Wordsworth."
•'With me. sir?" said Wordsworth. "Not
that I remember." ** Don't you, sir ? I'm a
comptroller of stamps." There was a dead
silence ; the comptroller evidently thinking
that was enou^^h. While we were waiting
for Wordsworth's reply. Lamb sung out,
^ Hey diddle diddle.
The cat and the fiddle !"
" My dear Charles," said Wordswcrth-
** Diddle diddle dumpling, my eon John,"
chaunted Lamb ; and then rising exclaimed,
" Do let me have another look at that gentle-
man's organs." Keats and I hurried Lamb
into the painting room, shut the door, and
gave way to inextinguishable laughter.
Monkhouse followed, and tried to get Lamb
away. We went back, but the comptroller
was irreconcilable. We soothed and smiled,
and asked him to supper. He stayed, though
his dignity was sorely affected. However,
being a good-natured man, we parted all in
good humor, and no ill effects followed."
In 1817, when the Grand Duke Nicholas
was in England, Haydon was introduced to
him by a Russian artist. The place of meet-
ing was in the British Museum, before the
Elgin Marbles, at which ** the distinguished
historical painter" was especially delighted ;
and, as it happened, he had ample opportu-
nity to explain and extol these i^orks studied
by him in a damp and dusky penthouse, but
now deemed worthy of a visit by a royal
pei"sonage. In the beginning of the succeed-
mg year, perhaps partially as a consequence
of this interview, he was chosen by the im-
perial Academy of St. Petersburgh to sel^
SOS
BENJAMIN ROBERT HATIK)N.
[Nov.,
easts for Russia, and to appoint whom he
pleased to transmit them. Jn the autumn of
the same year he was informed, through a
friend at the Foreign Office, that. if he had a
mind to go to Italy free of expense, he could
be accommodated with a bag of dispatches
for Naples, which would allow him to take
his own time. He had suffered much for
High Art in England ; public interest was
now excited ; ihmgs seemed coming to a
crisis ; he reflected, and then determined not
to leave the battlefield while the fight hung
in the balance.
In 1820, after six years of painful effort,
the Jerusalem was finished. The Egyptian
Hall was secured for its exhibition ; it was
removed, put up and ready for glazing ; then
came a halt — there was no money to buy
hangings and begin fittings*. This difficulty
was surmounted to be followed by another
species of excitement. The first day was
successful. Mrs. Siddons entered with her
tragic and majestic step, and pronounced
decidedly in favor; and when the people
found admittance, the enthusiasm reached
its height. Sir Walter Scott came to town
just then ; he saw the picture and approved.
Haydon was invited to meet him at a dinner,
and thus began their intercourse. The clear
profit of this exhibition amounted to £1,208
12s., every shilling of which had been paid
away. But now, when creditors knew that
money, was at hand, the least delay, though
thoroughly explained, was followed by a
lawyer s letter.
It was proposed to purchase the painting
by subscription: but the attempt ultimately
failed. Haydon therefore resolved on an
excursion into Scotland into the very midst
of the Blackwood Tories ; and away he went,
sending round his picture by sea. His re-
ceipts there, were about £3,000. He was
thoroughly well treated, too, by ScoLt, Wil-
son, Kaeburn, and such like men. They
hunted, dined, and talked together, and the
pseudo-cockney returned flushed with tri-
umph. And yet withal he w;is still in debt ;
and, what made matters worse, he had for
some time been deeply in love with a charm-
ing young widow with two children, and
every month made him more eager to be
married.
John Scott, the editor of the *' Champion"
and of the " London Magazine," and Keats,
were the first of his friends that died ; the
former was shot in a duel. About the same
time he made the acquaintance of Belzoni,
by whose good sense and unconquerable
spirit he was much struck. There was al-
ways a deep sympathy between him and
such characters : in their daring and extra-
ordinary undertakings, their struggles and
successes, he saw himself reflected, or dis-
covered incitements to renewed exertion.
Thus Nelson was almost an idol with him :
and " Victory or Westminster Abbey" often
his own motto ; and, indeed, in determination,
in impetuosity and frankness of nature they
resembled each other. Napoleon was an-
other whose genius excited him; all me-
moirs relating to him were fascinating in the
extreme. Readmg them, he said, " was like
dram-drinking. To go to other things after-
wards is like passing from brandy to water."
Through 1821, he worked at his new pic-
ture of Lazarus, as circumstances permitted ;
but difficulties thickened around, he frequent-
ly had not a shilling, and how to« escape
arrest was a problem not easily solved. At
length, in June, the moment long expected
and often skilfully postponed, arrived, and
he was arrestt-d. Ihe bailiff was requested
to walk into the painting room while his vie-
dm prepared to go. He did so, and when
Haydon came down,, he found him perfectly
agitated before Lazarus. ** Oh, sir,' said he,
" I won't take you. Give me your word to
meet me at twelve at the attorney's, and I
will take it." He did so, went, explained the
matter, and appointed the evening finally to
arrange. ** But you must remain in the
officer's custody," said the attorney. *' Not
he," said the bailiff; "let him give me his
word, and I'll take it, though I am liable to
pay the debt." The word was given, and
this man, who had never seen him before,
left him free till night, when all was settled ;
such was the influence of the painting upon
him.
The next month, Mary, his betrothed, was
in town, and Haydon all joy. They went to
the coronation together, and in October their
marriage took place. This change of rela-
tionship exerted a deUghtful influence over
the artist's life. It soothed his irritations,
gave buoyancy to his hopes, tempered his
ambition ; and now, where the enjoyment of
his art had been his only refuge, he had an-
other and unfailing one in the love of his
wife. Happy would it have been for him
could he have thrown off the burdens of the
past ; they still hung heavily about him; and
if his Mary's affection could lighten, she alas !
must now share his troubles. For a while
he went quietly on with his picture, but not
many months passed before it was again re-
quisite to use every means for the satisfac-
tion of creditors. Days were lost.in battling
185S.]
BSNJAMIH BOBKBT HATIX)N.
398
and. pleading with them, in ninniDg from
lawyer to lawyer, in begging aid from one
friend and another. In December, 1822, his
obligations to efifort were increased by the
birtb of a son. In the January succeeding,
Lazarus was finished, and forthwith exhibited ;
its success was considerable, and receipts
corresponded ; but these were already en-
eulphed ; all expedients were failing, and at
length, on the 13th of April, an execution
was put in on the picture. On the 22nd. he
begins an entry in his journal, beaded,
" King's Bench," thus : *' Well, I am in
prison. So were Bacon, Raleigh, and Cer-
vantes. Vanity ! Vanity ! Here's a conso-
lation!" He appears to have had peculiar
views of his relation to creditors, to have be-
lieved that, as the champion of High Art,
people were almost bound to support him ;
that he was a martyr to ingratitude, forget-
ting that no man is at liberty to tax society
for his opinions, however correct or enno-
bliDg. While here he received information
of his election as a member of the Imperial
Academy of Russia, an honor strangely con-
trasting with his present position. All at-
tempts at arrangement failing, he had to face
the insolvent court, and not one out of 150
creditors appearing against him, he was dis-
charged on the 2oth of July. Meantime
friends bad given tokens of substantial sym-
pathy—Walter Scott, Miss Mitfoid, Sir 'Ed-
ward Codrington, Brougham, &c. The last
named presented from him a petition to the
House of Commons, praying for public en-
couragement to historical painting, and the
employment of distinguished artists (himself,
of course, included) in the decoration of na-
tional buildings. This was the 6rst step in a
long career of unsuccesful agitation. No
sooner was he free, than he again urged upon
Sir Charles Long this measure, and the pro-
priety of beginning by decorating the great
room of the Admiralty. He laid before him
a plan, but in vain. From this date he was
incessant in his application to parties in pow-
er— to Mr. Vansittart, Mr. Robinson, the
Duke of Wellington, Lord Grey, Sir Robert
Peel, Lord Melbourne. Much of his journal
is occupied with this correspondence ; no soi t
of reply could dishearten him. He pertina-
ciously continued his assaults, too pertina-
ciously, perhaps, when we reflect that his
own interests and his own vanity were not
unfrequeutly the impelling principles. He
maintained that the character of a nation was
elevated by the influence of art, and that
never would art in England assume its true
and high position till,-by the public employ-
ment .of artists, they were rendered indepen-
dent of a capricious patronage, and of party
jealiiusies. These doctrines he was the first
to advocate, and though unpalatable then»
their truth has since been recognized, and in
the new Houses of Parliament his designs
have been partially realized.
He now found it absolutely necessary to
curb his inclination for the heroic, and paint
portraits and smaller subjects. Few sitters,
however, came ; and when they did, the oc-
cupation was very distasteful. His great
pictures had been sold to creditors for prices
far below their value ; and want stared him
in the face. 1824 came. His journal opened
with the motto —
** Nor stony tower, nor walla of beaten brass.
Nor airless dungeon, nor strong links of iron,
Can be retentive to the strength of apirit."
But before the year was passed, there were
entries that told of the inward struggle, like
this : — " Alas I I have no object in life now
but my wife and children, and almost wish I
had not them, that I might sit still, and med*
itate on human ambition and human gran-
deur till I died. I really am heartily weary
of life. I have known and tasted all the
glories of fame, and distinction, and triumph ;
all the raptures of love and affection, all the
sweet feelings of a parent. And what then ?
The heart sinks inwardly, and longs for a
pleasure palm and eternal, majestic, un-
changeable. I am not yet forty, and can
tell of a destiny melancholy and rapturous,
bitter beyond all bitterness, afflicting bt^yond
all affliction, cursed, heart-burning, heart-
breaking, maddening. . . . The melan-
choly demon has grappled my heart, and
crusjied its turbulent beatings in its black,
bony, clammy, clenching fingers." In Octo-
ber, Mr. Kersey, his legal adviser yet warm
friend, came to his aid, and offered him a
year's peace at four per cent, and under
certain conditions as to the dimensions and
prices of the pictures painted in the interim.
Thus in a measure freed from embarrassment,
he became comparatively happy. Commis-
sions that would once have been refused,
were now welcomed, and he worked regular-
ly on. Towards the end of 1825. another
subject approached completion, Pharaoh dis-
mi^sing the Israelites. But, December 18th,
he records his '' fits " — fits of work, fits of
idleness, fits of reading, fits of walking, fits
of Italian, fits of Greek, fits of Latin, fits of
Napoleon, <fec. &c. : " My dear Mary's lovely
face is the only thing that has escaped a fit
904
BENJAMIN BOBKRT HAYDON.
[Not.,
that never varies." In February, 1826, he
sent another petition to the House of Com-
mons. In April, his Venus and Anchises
was also finished, and this, after some delib-
eration, he resolved to send to the Academy
for exhibition. He would concede nothing,
yet longed for reconciliation ; and, encour-
aged by the gratification this first step gave
to many, afterwards went round to curry
favor with the principal members. In May,
he received fiom Lord Egremont a commis-
sion to paint Alexander taming Bucephalus ;
and this was followed in November, by an
invitation to his lordship's seat at Petworth,
which was accepted, ana the visit thoroughly
enjoyed. Yet he finished the year '* more
harrassed that ever;" and on the 31st of
December wrote, " For want of a veiit, my
mind feels like a steam-boiler withoui a valve,
boiling, struggling, and suppressing^, for fear
of injuring the interests of five children and a
lovely wife."
1827 opened with an execution in the
house, and an arrest was only averted by
the prompt interference of friendship. Never-
theless, before the end of June, Hay don was
again in the Ring's Bench prison. While
there, he saw the mock election, a subject of
which he afterwards made good use. In
Julvy a public meeting was called for the ex-
ammation of his affairs, when it appeared
that his embarrassments in part arose from
anxiety to discharge those debts from which
the law had exonerated him, and that he
was in general entitled to sympathy. The
consequence was his release. Working more
expeditiously than of yore, he bt ought his
picture of the Mock Election to a finish by
the end of the year: This the king ultimately
)urchased. He next painted a kindred sub-
ect — the Chairing of the Member ; and then
Sucles was placed upon the easel, a classical
and beautiful design. At the end of 1828,
he was actively engaged in writing on the
old topic — public patronage for art — and re-
quested permission to dedicate a pamphlet
upon it to the Duke of Wellington, but even
this token of approbation he could not obtain.
Punch was the subject of his next picture —
he had alighted on a comic vein ; and then
he began Xenophon and the Ten Thousand
at the first sight of the sea. Portraits and
smaller pictures he painted whenever oppor-
tunity offered; but, notwithstanding, his
wants were still pressing. Many a day was
spent in running to and fro ; and many an
exorbitant demand was met, to prevent a
third aiTest. Expenses, too, by these pro-
ceedings were greatly increased. He nad
borrowed of the future, and now, as years
rolled on, it was exacting from him com-
pound interest at an ever-growing and enor-
mous rate. From September 1829 to May
1830, he paid as much as £93 law costs con-
nected with the settlement of small bills.
In the month last named the King's Bench
prison again closed its doors behind him.
Then came the trial, and then another ac-
quittal.
It is mournful to follow the man through
the details of his latter years ; to see his dis-
tress which, great as it was, could not quench
his ardor as an artist ; to find him craving
employment of the great, and, when refused,
writing letters to one and another, begging
for money. In 1831 he painted Napoleon
Musing, for Sir Robert Peel. Wordsworth
sent him a sonnet upon it, but the exhibition
was a failure, owing to political excitement at
the time. In this, however, Haydon largely
shared, he even wrote letters to the " Times, *
on the subject of Reform; whatever influ-
ence he had was given to the cause. In
18S2 he was thrown into contact with the
leaders of the Trades Unions at Birmingham ;
and made an unsuccessful attempt to raise
a subscription for a picture of their meeting
at Newhall HiU. This failed; but he was
commissioned by Earl Grey to paint a picture
of the Reform Banquet in Guildhall. This
work kept him long employed, elevated his
hopes, and gave him opportunities, which be
dia not neglect, of impressing his views of
art upon many of influence and power. All
the leading men of the Liberal party sat to
him, and he felt not a little flattered by the
access thus gained to ministers and noble-
men. This period was outwardly one of the
gayest of his life. Dinners, routs, charade
parties, <&c., enlivened the months ; but while
visiting at mansions, and conversing freely
with fashionables, he had behind the scene
the same troubles to encounter. Pecuniary
matters were harrassing in the extreme, eie-
cutions often threatened. Sir Richard Steele
turned the bailiffs in his house into footmen ;
Haydon sometimes made them serve as
models while he painted.
In 1834, the burning of the Houses of
Parliament gave him fresh room to hope that
an opportunity would be given for the public
employment of artists. He renewed his
appeals. He was too especially gratified by
the appointment of Mr. Ewart's select com-
mittee of inquiry into the means of extending
a knowledge of the arts and principles of
design, including an inquiry into the cons^titu-
tion of the Royal Academy, and the effects
1868.]
BENJAMIN KOBERT HAYDOK.
305
produced by it. There can be do doubt but
that his efforts were mainly instrumental in
bringing about this result ; and with the day
of examination came the long-coveted mo-
ment for impressing his opinions on others
disposed to listen. Prospects in thb direc-
tion seemed to brighten. He now commenced
lecturing, and thus another channel was
opened for communication with the public
on his favorite art. That things at home
were still dark, this extract from his journal/
referring to the night of his first effort, is
evidence sufficient — " I took my dress coat
out of pawn, to lecture at the Mechanics'
Institution." But the fact was publicly
announced by his being for the fourth time
thrown into the Bench, in September, 1836.
As before, however, he was liberated by the
Court. Law costs are the millstones that
sink a man, once in a sea of debts, deeper and
deeper. Here is an illustration: Haydon
incurred
From 1820 to 1823, law costo, £377 0 0
From 1823 to 1830, ditto, 460 0 0
From 1830 to 1836, ditto, 303 8 6
Altogether £1,130 8 6
We have already referred to his great
error of anticipation ; perhaps also there was
a degree of improvidence, yet his large and
growing family, and the kind of provision
their station seemed to require, should be in
justice remembered.
Through 1837 he was principally em-
ployed in lecturing in London, Liverpool,
Manchester, Birmingham, and other large
towns. These lectures gave him the means
of support, and were everywhere well re-
ceived. They have since been published.
His enthusiasm, his easy delivery, and pic^
turesque expression, and the skill with which
he would sketch an illustration when needed,
gave him power over his audience, while his
well known name and unmerited sufferings
enlisted their sympathy. These tours ac-
complished much towards the elevation of
the general taste and feeling in matters of
art ; as one consequence, schools of design
were proposed, and several established. The
chief point in Haydon*8 theory was the mak-
ing the figure the basis of all study.
From Liverpool he received two com-
missions, one of 400 guineas, for a picture
of Christ blessing little Children; and the
other, for a picture of Wellington revisiting
Waterloo. This last subject had been once
begun, but relinquished on account of the
Duke refusing to lend his clothes. Some
considerable delay occurred now through the
pressure of public business upon his Grace,
but of this Haydon made use by crossing to
the Continent and visiting Waterloo for the
purpose of informing and arousing his imagi-
nation. Soon after came an invitation to
Walmer, where he passed several most
agreeable days in company with the hero
whom he had always revered. The Duke
sat to him as he pleased, but would not see
the picture, which he deemed to be solely a
concern of •' the Liverpool gentlemen."
Wordsworth wrote a sonnet on this, as he
had done on Napoleon. These things cheer-
ed the buffeted painter ; but nothing more
than the success with which, about this date,
he delivered his lectures at Oxford — " a day-
dream of my youth."
In 1841, his picture of the Anti- Slavery
Convention, which had introduced him to
Clarkson and others, was finished. He was
comparatively free from pecuniary harass ;
but other grievances were at hand. This
year the Fine Arts Committee for the
decoration of the new Houses of Parliament
' sat and examined witnesses ; but he was not
summoned. He felt this severely ; it gave
him a presentiment of coming disappoint-
ment. Another blow was the death of Sir
David Wilkie, for whom he still entertained
a strong affection. Amongst the paintings
completed in the following year were the
Battle of Poictiers, the Maid of Saragossa,
Curtius leaping into the Gulf, Alexander the
Great encountering and killing a Lion, and
Wordsworth on Helvellyn, on which last
Miss E. B. Barrett (now Mrs. Browning) sent
him a sonnet. Through 1842, the Fine Arts
Commission was sitting. In April then*
notice was issued of the conditions for the
cartoon competition, by which it was intend-
ed to test the capabilities of artists for the
decoration of the New Houses of Parlia-
ment. Haydon exulted in this advance to-
wards the achievement of the great object
of all his labors ; but not without painful
forebodings that the victory was not for him.
He ascribed the adverse tendency of things
exclusively to his enemies ; but to others it
was evident that his obstinate self-assertion
and incessant intrusion of his views upon
public men and bodies were in part the
cause; and that, moreover, the power of
earlier days was not so vii^ib!e in his paintings
now, for mainifold anxieties had shaken tne
man. He, however, at once began to exer-
cise himself in fresco ; and by the time ap-
pointed, June, 1843, he had safely lodged
896
BBNiAMIK KOBERT HAYDON.
LNoY.
two cartoons in Westminster Hall, where
thirty years before he had drawn a gigantic
limb on tlie wall with the end of his umbrella,
and said to Eastlake, bis companion, ** This
is the place for art." His subjects were —
the Curse pronounced against Adam and
Eve, and ihe Black Prince entering London
in triumph with the French King prisoner.
In July the prizes were declared, and Hay-
don's hopes as regarded himself in that quar-
ter for ever blighted. That in the very
triumph of those principles to which his
energies had through life been devoted, he
himself should fall disgraced,
" This was the most unkindest cut of all.'*
It caused a severe pang, but he recovered,
and resolved to retrieve his character before
an impartial public ; arrests threatened, still
he lectured, still he painted; and then he
commenced a series of cartoons to illustrate
what is the best government. These were
to be six in number ; the first showing the
injustice of democracy — "The Banishment
of Aristides with his Wife and Children;"
the second showing the heartlessness of des-
potism— ^' Nero playing his lyre while Rome
is burning ;*' the third and fourth exhibiting
the consequences of Anarchy and the cruel-
ties of Revolution ; the fifth and sixth the
blessings of Justice and Freedom under a
limited Monarchy. This had for many years
been a cherished conception ; the plans had
been before many a minister ; and now he
determined, since patronage failed, to execute
it independently and prove his competence
to the world. The two first of the series
were completed, and on Easter Monday,
1846, the exhibition opened at the Egyptian
Hall. To show the overweening confidence
his habits of prayer and thouijrht had begot-
ten, we may extract from his diary, dated
May 25th, 1845, written when he began
these pictures : — " O God ! I am again with-
out any resource ; but in thy mercy enable
me to bear up and vanquish, as I have done,
all difficulties. Let nothing however des-
perate or overwhelming stop me from the
completion of my six designs. On these my
country 8 honor rests, and my own fame on
earth. Thou knowest how for forty-one
years I have struggled and resisted— enable
me to do so to the last gasp of my life.''
The exhibition proved a complete failure.
On the private day, only Jerrold, Bowring,
Fox Maule, and Hobhouse went. It rained ;
but twenty-six years before rain would not
have prevented. On the Monday he writes :
it
Receipts, 1849, .^1 Is. 6d. Aristides.
Receipts, 1820, £10 Ids. Jsrusalem.
In God I trust. Amen.'*
Each day told a similar story. The exhi-
bition closed. May 23rd, we read : *' There
lie Aristides and Nero, imasked for, unfelt
for, rolled up. Aristides, a subject Raphael
would have praised and complimented me
on ! and £ill lis. 5d. loss by showing it!"
This was a fearful blow ; he seemed con-
demned and despised at %vqtj tribunal. Em-
barrassments were thickening, yet he tried to
proceed with the third of bis series. Sir
Robert Peel came generously to his assist-
tance, but the battle was nearly over. Here
are the closing entries of his journal : —
" June 20th. — ^O God bless us all through
the evils of this day. Amen.
" 21st. — Slept horribly. Prayed in sor-
row, and got up in agitation.
22od. — God forgive me. Amen.
FINIS
of
B. R. HAYDON,
' Stretch me no longer on this rough
world.' — Lear,
End of Twenty -sixth volume.^
•««
t»
This last entry was made between half-
past ten and a quarter to eleven on the
morning of Monday, the 22nd of June, 1846.
Before eleven, the hand that penned it was
cold in death. He had been out early in the
morning, and came back apparently fatigued.
At ten, he entered his painting -room, soon
after saw his wife, embraced her fervently,
and returned to bis room. About a quarter
to eleven a report of fire-arms was heard,
which was supposed to proceed from the
troops then reviewing in the neighborhood.
About an hour after, his daughter entered
the painting-room ; and there before her lay
her father— dead, in front of his unfinished
picture of Alfred and the first British Jury —
his white hairs stained with blood, a half-
open razor, smeared with gore beside him, in
his throat a fearful gash, and a bullet wound
in his skull !
The coroner's jury found that the suicide
was in an unsound state of mind when he
committed the act. His debts amounted to
£3,000 ; but the assets were considerable.
On his table were found " these last
thoughts of B. R. Haydon, half-past ten : —
*' No man shoud use certain evil for prob-
able good, however great the object. Evil
is the prerogative of the Deity.
1868.]
THE DUKFB DTTilCMMA.
897
" I create g^ood — I create — J, the Lord,
do theee things.
^* Wellington never used evil if the good
wajs not certain. Napoleon had no such
scruples ; and, I fear, the glitter of his ge-
nius rather dazzled me ; but had I been en-
couraged, nothing but good would have
come from me, because, when encouraged,
I paid everybody. God forgive the evil for
the slike of the good. Amen."
So perished Benjamin Robert Haydon, in
the 61st year of his age. His story tells its
own moral. As an artist, he was powerful
m execution, and bold in design — more sue-
cessfttl in the diffusion of correct sentiments j
than in the attainment of reward^ As a
writer, he was clear, graphic, and vigorous ;
as a speaker, enthusiastic and earnest. As a
man, he was conscious of genius, and there-
fore self-reliant ; imaginative and resolute,
and therefore anguine. His principles were
in general pure, and his objects lofty ; but
he knit too closely the glory of himself with
the glory of his art. He was frank and gen-
erous, yet depreciated his opponents. His
religion whs fuel to his ambition, when it
should have been the harmonizer of his pas-
sions. He lacked the sublime consolations
of a holy faith, and hence his terrible and
m<5urnful end.
»»<
Vrom Blmckwood'i Mftgftiine.
THE DUKE'S DILEMMA.
* A CHRONICLE OF NIESENBTEIN.
Thb close of the theatrical year, which in
France occurs in early spring, annually
brings to Paris a throng of actors and ac-
tresses, the disorganized elements of provin-
cial companies, who repair to the capital to
contract engagements for the new season.
Paris is the grand centre to which all dra-
matic stars converge — the great bazaar
where managers recruit their troops for the
summer CHmpaign. In bad weather the
mart for this human merchandise is at an
obscure coffee-house near the Rue St.
Honor6 ; when the sim shines, the place of
meeting is in the garden of the Palais Royal.
There, pacing t(f and fro beneath the lime-
trees, the high contracdng parties pursue
their negociations and make their bargains.
It is the theatrical Exchange, the histrionic
Bourse. There the conversation and the
company are alike cuiioiis. Many are the
strange discussions and original anecdotes
that are there heard ; many the odd figures
there paraded. Tragedians, comedians, dingers,
men and women, young and old, flock thither in
quest of fortune and a good engagement.
The threadbare coats of some say Tittle in
favor of recent success or present prosperi-
ty ; but only hear them speak, and you are
at once convinced that they have no need of
broadcloth who are so amply covered with
laurels. It is delightful to hear them talk
of their triumphs, of the storms of applause,
the rapturous bravos, the boundless enthusi-
asm, of the audiences thev lately delighted.
Their brows are oppressed with the weight
of their bays. The south mourns their loss :
if they go west, the north will be envious
and inconsolable. As to themselves — north,
south, east, or west — they care little to
which point of the compass the breeze of
their destiny may waft them. Thorough
gypsies in their habits, accnstomed to make
the best of the passing hour, and to take
small care for the future so long as the pre-
sent is provided for, like soldiers, they heed
not the name of the town so long as the
quarters be good.
It was a fine morning in April.. The sun
shone brightly, and, amongst the numerous
loungers in the garden of the Palais Royal
were several groups of actors. The season
was already far advanced ; all the companies
were formed, and those players who had not
secured an engagement hud but a po^
898
THK DUJUTB DTLRMMA.
[Nov.,
chance of finding one. Their anxiety was
legible upon their countenances. A man of
about fifty years of age walked to and fro,
8 newspaptfr in his hand, and to him, when
he passed near them, the actors bowed — re-
spectfully and hopefully. A quick glance
was his acknowledgement of their salutation,
and then his eyes reverted to his paper, as if
it deeply interested him. When he was out
of hearings the actora, who had assumed
their most picturesque attitudes to attract
his attention, and who beheld their labor
lost, vented their ill-humor.
"Balthasar is mighty proud," md one;
'* he has not a word to say to us."
•' Perhrtps he does not want anybody,"
remarked another ; " I think he has no
theatre this year."
" lliat would be odd. They say he is a
clever manager."
"He may best prove his cleverness by
keeping aloof. It is so difficult nowadays to
do goc^ in the provinces. The public is so
fastidious ; the authorities are so shabbv, so
unwilling to put their hands in their pocKets.
Ah ! my dear fellow, our art is sadly fallen."
Whilst the discontented actors bemoaned
themselves, Balthasar eagerly accosted a
young man who just then entered the garden
by the passage of the Perron. The coflfee-
house keepers had already begun to put out
tables under the tender foliage. The two
men sat down at one of them.
" Well, Florival," said the manager, "does
my o£fer suit you ? Will you make one of
US ? I was glad to hear you had broken off
with Ricardin. With your qualifications you
ought to have an engagement in Paris, or at
least at a first-rate provincial theatre. But
you are young, and, as you know, mnnagers
prefer actors of greater experience and es-
tablished reputation. Your pnrts are gener-
ally taken by youths of five and forty* with
wrinkles and grey hairs, but well versed in
the traditions of the stage — with damaged
voices but an excellent style. My brother
managers are greedy of great names ; yours
still has to become Known — as yet you have
but your talent to recommend you. I will
content myself with that ; content yourself
with what I offer you. Times are bad, the
season is advanced, engagements are hard to
find. Many of your comrades have gone to
try their luck beyond seas. We have not
so far to go ; we shall scarcely overstep the
boundary of our ungrateful country. Ger-
many invites us; it is a pleasant land, and
Rhine wine is not to be disdained. I will
tell you how the thing came about. For
many years past I have mansffed theatres in
the eastern departments, in Alsaiia and Ijor-
raine. Last summer, having a Utile leisure,
I made an excursion to Baden-Baden. As
usual, it was crowded with fashionables.
One rubbed shoulders with princes and trod
upon highnesses' toes; one could not walk
twenty yards without meeting a sovereign.
All these crowned heads, kings, granddukes,
electors, mingled easily and affably with the
throng of visitors. Etiquette is banished
from the baths of Baden, where, without
laying aside their titles, great personages
enjoy the liberty and advantages of an in-
cognito. At the time of my visit, a compa-
ny of veiy indifferent German actors were
playinff. two or three times a week, in the
little theatre. They played to empty bench-
es, and must have starved but for the assist-
ance afforded them by the directors of the
gambling-tables. 1 often went to their per-
formances, and amongst the scanty specta-
tors I soon remarked one who whs as assidu-
ous as myself. A gentleman, very plainly
dressed, but of agreeable countenance and
aristocratic appearance, invariably occupied
the same stall, and seemed to enjoy the per-
formaoce, which proved that he was easily
pleased. One night he addressed to me
some remark wit4i respect to the play then
acting ; we got into conversation on the sub-
ject of dramatic art ; he saw that I was
specially competent on that topic, and after
the theatre he asked me to take refreshment
with him. I accepted. At midnight we
parted, and, as I wms going home, 1 met a
gambler whom 1 slightly knew. * I con-
gratulate you,' he said ; ' you have friends
in high places !' He alluded to the gentle-
man with whom I had passed the evening,
and whom I now learned whs no less a per-
sonage than his Serene Highness Prin-.e Le-
opold, sovereign ruler of the Grand Duchy
of Niesenstein. I had had the honor of
passing a whole evening in famili ir inter-
course with a ci-owned head. Next day,
walking in the park, I met his Highnes-:. I
made a low bow snd kept at a respectful
distance, but the Grand Duke came up to
me and asked me to walk with him. Before
accepting, I thought it right to inform him
who I was. ' 1 guessed as much,' said the
Prince. • From one or two things that
last night escaped you, I made no doubt you
were a theatrical manager.' And by a ges-
ture he renewed his invitation to accompany
him. In a long conversation he informed me
of his intention to establish a French theatrp
in his capital, for the performance of come
1858.]
THE DUKE^ DULBMMA.
899
dj, drama, vaudeville, and comic operas,
lie was then building a large theatre,
which would be ready by the end of the
winter, and he offered me its manage-
ment on very advantageous terms. I
had no plans in France for the present
year, and the offer was too good to be re-
fused. The Duke guaranteed my expenses
and a gratuity, and there was a chance of
very large profits. I hesitated not a mo-
ment ; we exchanged promises, and the af-
fair was concluded.
" Accordingto our agreement,! am to be
at Karlstadt, the capital of the Grand Duchy
of Niesenstein, in the first week in May.
There is no time to lose. My company is al-
most complete, but there are still some im-
portant gaps to fill. Amongst others, I
want a lover, a light comedian, and a first
Binger. I reckon upon you to fill these im-
portant posts."
" I am quite willing," replied the actor,
*' but there is still an obstacle. You must
know, my dear Balthasar, that I am deeply
10 love — seriously, this time — and I broke
off with Ricai'din solely because he would
not engage her to whom I am attached."
'^ Oho I she is an actress?"
" Two years upon the stage ; a lovely girl,
full of grace and talent, and with a charm-
ing voice. The Opera Comique has not a
singer to compare with her."
"And she is disengnged ?"
" Yes, my dear fellow ; strange though it
aeems, and by a combination of circumstan-
ces which it were tedious to detail, the fasci-
nating Delia is still without an engagement.
And I give you notice that henceforward I
attach myself to her steps ; where she goes,
I go ; I will perform upon no boards which
ahe does not tread. I am determined to win
her heart, to make her my wife."
" Very good 1" cried Balthasar, rising from
his seat ; " tell me the address of this prodi-
gy: I run, I fiy, I make every sacrifice ; and
we will start to-morrow."
People were quite right in saying that
Bathasar was a clever manager. None bet-
ter knew how to deal with actors, often ca-
pricious and diflicult to guide. He possess-
ed skill, taste, and tact. One hour after the
conversation in the garden of the Palais
Koyal, he had obtained the signatures of
Delia and Florival, two excellent acquisitions,
destined to do him infinite honor in Germa-
ny. That night his little company was com-
plete, and the next day, after a good dinner,
it started for Strasburg. It was composed
follows:
Balthasar, manager, was to play the old
men, and take the heavy business.
Florival was the leading man, the lover,
and the first singer.
Rigolet was the low comedian, and took
the parts usually played by Arnal and Bouff6.
Similor was to perform the valets in Mo-
liSre*s comedies, and eccentric low comedy
characters.
Anselmo was the walking gentleman.
Lebel led the band.
Miss Delia was to display her charms and
talents as prima donna, and in genteel comedy.
Mi&s Foligny was the singing chambermaid.
^iss Alice was the walking lady, and
made herself generally useful.
Finally, Madame Pastorale, the duenna of
the company, was to perform the old women,
and look after the young ones.
Although so few, the company trusted to
atone by zeal and industry for numerical de-
ficiency. It would be easy to find, in the
capital of the Grand Duchy, persons capable
of filling mute parts, and, in most plays, a few
unimportant characters might be suppressed.
The travelers reached Strasburg without
adventure worthy of note. There Balthasar
allowed them six-and-tbirty houi-s' repose,
and took advantaee of the halt to write to
the Grand Duke Leopold, and inform him of
his approaching arrival ; then they again
started, crossed the Rhine at Kehl, and in
thirty days, after traversing several small
German states, reached the frontier of the
Grand Duchy of Niesenstein, and stopped at
a little village called Krusthal. From this
village to the capital the distance was only
four leagues, bui means of conveyance were
wanting. There was but a single stage-
coach on that line of road ; it would not
leave Krusthal for two days, and it held but
six persons. No other vehicles were to be
had ; it was necessary to wait, and the ne-
cessity was anything but pleasant. The actors
made wry face? at the prospect of passing
forty-eight hours in a wretched village. The
only persons who easily made up their minds
to the wearisome delay were. Delia and Flo-
rival. The first singer was desperately in
love, and the prima donna was not insensible
to his delicate attentions and tender discourse.
Balthasar, the most impatient and perse-
vering of all, went out to explore the vil-
lage. In an hour's time he returned in tri-
umph to his friends, in a light cart drawn
by a strong horse. Unfortunately the cart
held but two persons.
"I will set out alone," said Balthasar,
** On reaching Karlstadt, I will go to th^
400
THE DUEE7S DILElfMA.
[Not.,
Grand Duke, explain our position, and I have
no doubt he will immediately send carriages
to convey you to his capital."
These consolatory words were received
with loud cheers by the actors. The driver,
a peasant lad, cracked bis whip, and the
stout Mecklenberg horse set out at a small
trot. Upon the way, Balthasar questioned
his guide as to the extent, resources, and
pros pet ity of the Grand Duchy, but could
obtam no satisfactory reply ; the youngr peas-
ant was profoundly ignorant upon all these
subjects. The four leagues were got over
in something less than three hours, which
18 rather rapid traveling for Germany. • It
was nearly dark when Balthasar entered
Karlstad t. The shops were shut, and there
were few persons in the streets ; people are
early in their habits in the happy lands on
the Rhine*8 right bank. Presently the cart
stopped before a good-sized house.
''You told me to take you to our prince's
palace," said the driver, •* and here it is."
Balthasar alighted and entered the dwelling
unchallenged and unimpeded by the sentry
who passed lazily up and down its front.
In the entrance hall the manager met a por-
ter, who bowed gravely to him as he passed ;
he walked on and passed through an empty
anteroom. In the tirst apartment, appropri-
ated to gentlemen-in-waiting, aids-de-camp,
equerries, and other dignitaries of various
degree, he found nobody ; in a second sa-
loon, lighted by a dim and smoky lamp, was
an old gentleman, dressed in black, with
powdered hair, who rose slowly at his en-
trance, looked at him with surprise, and in-
quired his pleasure.
" I wish to see his Serene Highness, the
Grand Duke Leopold," replied Balthasar.
" The pnnce does not grant audience at
this hour, ' the old gentleman drily answered.
" His Highness expects me," was the con-
fident reply of Balthasar.
" That is another thing. I will inquire if
it be his Highnesses pleasure to receive you.
Whom shall I announce ?"
" The manager of the Court theatre."
The gentleman bowed, and left Balthasar
alone.' The pertinacious manager already
began to doubt the success of his audacity,
when he heard the Grand Duke's voice, say-
ing, *' 8hr)w him in."
He entered. The sovereign of Niesenstein
was alone, scaled in a large arm-chair, at a
table covered with green cloth, upon which
were a confused medley of letters and news-
papers, an inkstand, a tobacco-hag, two wax-
ligbts, a sugar-bahin, a sword, a plate, gloves, I
a bottle, books, and a goblet of Bohemian
glass, artistically engraved. His Highness
was engrossed in a thoroughly national occu-
pation ; he was smoking one of those long
pipes which Germans rarely lay aside ex-
cept to eat or to sleep.
The manager of the Court theatre bowed
thrice, as if he had been advancing to the
foot-lights to address the public ; then he
stood still and silent, awaiting the prince's
pleasure. But, although he said nothing,
his countenance was so expressive that the
Grand Duke answered him.
" Yes," said he, " here you are. I recol-
lect you perfectly, and I have not forgotten
our agreement. But yon come at a very
unfortunate moment, my dear sir I"
" I crave your Highness 's pardon if I have
chosen an improper hour to seek an audi-
ence," replied Balthasar, with another bow.
" It is not the hour that I am thinking of,"
answered the prince quickly. " Would that
were all ! See, here is your letter ; I was
just now reading it, and regretting that, io-
stead of writing me only three days ago,
when you were half-way here, you had not
done so two or three weeks before starting."
" I did wrong."
'* More so than you think, for, had yov
sooner warned me, I would have spared yoa
a useless journey."
"Useless!" exclaimed Balthasar aghast,
" Has your Highness changed your mind ?"
" Not at all ; I am still passionately fond
of the drama, and should be delighted to
have a French theatre here. As far as that
goes, my ideas and tastes are in no way alter-
ed since last summer ; but, unfortunately, I
am unable to satisfy them. Look here,"
continued the prince, rising from his arm-
chair. He took Balthasar's arm and led him
to a window : '* I told you, last year, that I
was building a magni6cent theatre in my
capital."
'* Your Highness did tell me so."
" Well, look yonder, on the other side of
the square ; there the theatre is !"
"Your Highness, I see nothing but an
open space ; a building co-nrnenced, and as
yet scarcely risen above the foundalion."
" Precisely so ; that is the theatre."
''Your Highness told me it would be com-
pleted before the end of winter."
*' I did not then foresee that I should
have to stop the works for want of cash
to pay the workmen. Such is my present
position. If I have no theatre ready to
receive you, and if I cannot take you and
your company into my pay, it is because I
1853.]
THE BVKSS DILEMMA.
401
have not the means. The coffers of the
State and my privy purse are alike empty.
You are astounded! — Adversity respects no-
body— not even Grand Dukes. But I sup-
port ils assaults with philosophy : try to fol-
low my example ; and, by way of a begin-
ning,* take a chair and a pipe, fill yourself a
glass of wine, and drink to the return of ray
prosperity. Since you suffer for my misfor-
tunes, I owe jou an explanation. Although
I never had much order in my expenditure,
I had every reason, at the time I first met
with you, to believe my finances in a flourish-
ing condition. It was not until the com-
mencement of the present year that I dis-
covered the contrary to be the case. Last
year was a bad one; hail ruined our crops
and money was hard to get in. The salaries
of my household were in arrear, and my of-
ficers murmured. For the first time I order-
ed a statement of my affairs to be laiQ be-
fore me, and I found that ever since my ac-
cession I bad been exceeding my revenue.
My first act of sovereignty had been a con-
siderable diminution of the taxes pnid to my
predecessors. Hence the evil, which hAd
annually augmented, and now I am ruined,
loaded with debts, and without means of re-
pairing the disaster. My privy-councillors
certainly proposed a way ; it was to double
the taxes, raise extraordinary contributions —
to squeeze my subjects, in short. A fine plan,
indeed ! to make the poor pay for my im-
providence and disorder ! Such things may
occur in other States, but they shall not in
mine. Justice before everything. I prefer
enduring my difficulties to making my sub-
jects suffer. '
•• Excellent prince T' exclaimed Balthasar,
touched by these generous sentiments. The
Grand Duke smiled.
" Do you turn flatterer ?" he said. " Be-
ware ! it is an arduous post, and you will
h^ve none to help you. I have no longer
wherewith to pay flatterers; my courtiers
have fled. You have seen the emptiness of
my anterooms ; you met neither chamberlain
nor equerry upon your entrance. All those
gentlemen have given in their resignations.
The civil and military officers of my house,
secretaries, aides-de-camp, and others, left me,
because I could no longer pay them their
wages. I am alone ; a Tew faithful and pa-
tient servants are all that remain, and the
moat important personage of my court is
now honest Sigismund, my old valet- de-
chambre.
These last words were spoken in a melan-
choly tone, which pained Balthasar. The
VOL. XXX Ko. m.
eyes of the honest manager glistened. The
Grand Duke detected his sympathy.
'* Do not pity me," he said with a smile.
" It is no sorrow to me to have got rid of a
wearisome etiquette, and, at the same time,
of a pack of spies and hypocrites, by whom
I was formerly from morning till night be-
set."
The cheerful frankness of the Grand Duke's
manner forbade doubt of his sincerity. Bal-
thasar congratulated him on his courage.
" I need it more than you think !" replied
Leopold, " and I cannot answer for having
enough to support the blows that threaten
me. The desertion of my courtiers will be
nothing, did I owe it only to the bad state of
finances : as soon as I found mvself in funds
again I could buy others or take back the old
ones, and amuse myself by putting my foot
upon their servile necks. Then they would
be as humble as now they are insolent. But
their defection is an omen of other dangers.
As the diplomatists say, clouds are at the
political horizon. Poverty alone would not
have sufficed to clear my palace of men who
are as greedy of honors as they are of mon-
ey ; they would have waited for better days ;
their vanity would have consoled their avar-
ice. If they fled, it was because they felt the
ground shake beneath their feet, and because
they are in league with my enemies. I can-
not shut my eyes to impending dangers. I
am on bad terms with Austria*; Metternich
looks askance at me ; at Vienna I am con-
sidered too liberal, too popular: they say
that I set a bad example ; they reproach me
with cheap government, and with not making
my subjects sufficiently feel the yoke. Thus
do they accumulate pretexts for playing me
a scurvy trick. One of my cousins, a colonel
in the Austrian service, covets my Grand
Duchy. Although I say prand, it is but ten
leagues long and eight broad ; but, such as
it is, it suits me ; I am accustomed to it. I
have the habit of ruling it, and I should miss
it were I deprived of it. My cousin has the
audacity to dispute my incontestible rights ;
this is a mere pretext for litigation, but he
has carried the case before the Aulic Coun-
cil, and notwithstanding the excellence of my
right I still may lose my cause, for I have no
money wherewith to enlighten my judges;
My enemies are powerful, treason surrounds
me ; they try to take advantage of my finan-
cial embarrassments, first to make me bank-
rupt and then to depose me. In this critical
conjuncture, I should be only too delighted
to have a company of players to divert my
thoughts from my troubles — but I have nei-
26
402
THE BUEE^ DILEBftMA
[Not.,
ther theatre nor money. So it is impossible
for me to keep you, my dear manager, and,
believe me, I am as grieved at it as you can
be. All I can do is to give you, out of the
little I have left, a small indemnity to cover
your traveling expenses and take you back to
France. Come and see me to-morrow morn-
ing ; we will settle this matter, and you shall
(ale your leave."
fialthasar's attention and sympathy had
been so completely engrossed by the Grand
Duke's misfortunes, and by his revelations of
his political and financial difficulties, that bis
own troubles had quite gone out of his
thoughts. When he quitted the palace they
came back upon him like a thunder* cloud.
How was he to satisfy the actors, whom he
had brought two hundred leagues away from
Paris? What could be say to them, how
appease them ? The unhappy manager pass-
ed a miserable night. At aay break he rose
and went out into the open air, to calm his
agitation and seek a mode of extrication from
his difficulties. During a two hours' walk he
had abundant time to visit every corner of
Earlstodt, and to admire the beauties of that
celebrated capital. He found it an elegant
town, with wide straight streets cutting com-
pletely across it, so that he could see through
it at a glance. The houses were pretty and
uniform, and the windows were provided with
small indiscreet mirrors, which reflected the
passers-by and transported the street into the
drawing-room, so that the worthy Earlstadt-
ers could satisfy their curiosity without quit-
ting their easy chairs; an innocent recrea-
tion, much affected by German burghers. As
regarded trade and manufactures, the capital
of the Grand Duchy of Niesenstein did not
seem to be very much ocupied by either. It
was anything but a bustling city ; luxury had
made but little progress there ; and its pros-
perity was due chiefly to the moderate de-
sires and phlegmatic philosophy of its inhab-
itants.
In such a country a company of actors
had no chance of a livelihood. There is
nothing for it but to return to France, thought
Balthasar, after making the circuit of the
city: then he looked at his watch, and, deem-
ing the hour suitable, he took the road to the
palace, which he entered with as little cere*
mony as upon the preceding evening. The
faithful Sigisraund, doing duty, asgentleman-
in- waiting, received him as an old acquaint-
ance, and forthwith ushered him into the
Grand Duke's presence. His highness seem-
ed more depressed than upon the previous
day. He was pacing the room with long
I strides, his eyes cast down, his arms folded.
In his hand be held papers, whose perusal it
apparently was that had thus discomposed
him. For some moments he said nothing;
then he suddenly stopped before Baltbasir.
" You find me less calm," he said,*" than
I was last night. I have just received un-
pleasant news. I am heartily sick of these
perpetual vexations, and gladly would I re-
sign this poor sovereignty, this crown of
thorns they seek to snatch from me, did not
honor command me to maintain to the last
my legitimate rights. Yes," vehemently ex-
claimed the Grand Duke, '*at this momenta
tranquil existence is all I covet, and I would
willingly give up my Grand Duchy, my title,
my crown, to live quietly at Paris, as a pri-
vate gentleman, upon thirty thousand francs
a-year."
•" I believe so, indeed !*' cried Balthasar,
who, in his wildest dreams of fortune, had
never dared aspire so high. His artless ex-
clamation made the prince smile. It need-
ed but a trifle to dissipate his vexation, and to
restore that upper current of easy good
temper which habitually floated upon the
surface of his character.
" You think," he gaily cried, " that some,
in my place, would be satisfied with less, and
that thirty thousand francs a-year, with inde-
pendence and the pleasures of Paris, compose
a lot more enviable than the governmeni of
all the Grand Duchies in the world. My
own experience tells me that you are right;
for, ten years ago, when I was but hereditary
prince, I passed six months at Paris, rich,
independent, careless; and memory declares
those to have been the happiest days of my
life."
" Well ! if you were to sell all you have,
could you not realise that fortune ? Besides,
the cousin, of whom you did me the honor
to speak to me yesterday, would probably
gladly insure you an income if you yiMded
him your place here. Bnt will your High-
ness permit me to speak plainly ?"
" By all menns."
** The tranquil existence of a private gen-
tleman would doubtless have many charms for
you, and you say so in all sincerity of heart ;
but, upon the other hand, you set store by
your crown, though you may not admit it to
yourself. In a moment of annoyance it is
easy to exaggerate the charms of tranquility,
and the pleasures of private life; but a throne,
however rickety, is a seat which none willingly
quit. That is my opinion, formed at the
dramatic school: it is perhaps a reminiscence
of some old part, but truth is sometimes
185d.J
THE DUKirS DILEMMA.
408
found upon the stage. Since, therefore, all
things considered, to stay where you are is
that which best beconaes you, you ought
But I crave your Highnesses pardon,
I am perhaps speaking too freely ? "
" Speak on, my dear manager, freely and
fearlessly ; I listen to you with pleasure. I
ought — you were about to say ? "
*< Instead of abandoning yourself to despair
and poetry, instead of contenting yourself
with succumbing nobly, like some ancient
Roman, you ought boldly to combat the
peril. Circumstances are favorable; you
nave neither ministers nor state councillors to
mislead you, and embarrass your plans.
Strong in your good right, and in your sub*
jecta' love, it is impossible you should not
find means of retrieving your finances and
strengthening your position."
" There is but one means, and that is — a
good marriage."
"Excellent! I had not thought of it.
Tou are a bachelor I A good marriage is
salvation. It is thus that greart houses men-
aced with ruin, regain their former splendor.
You must marry an heiress, the only
daughter of some rich banker."
" You forget — it would be derogatory. /
am free from such prejudices, but what would
Austria say if I thus condescended? It
would be another charge to bring against me.
And then a banker's millions would not suf-
fice; I must ally myself with a powerful
family, whose influence will strengthen mine.
Only a few days ago, I thought such an alli-
ance within my grasp. A neighboring Prince,
Maximilian of Hanau, who is in high favor at
Vienna, has a sister to marry. The Princess
'Wilhelmina is youn^, handsome, amiable, and
rich ; I have already entered upon the pre-
liminaries of a matrimonial negotiation, but
two despatches received this morning, destroy
all my hopes. Hence the low spirits in
which you find me."
" Perhaps," said Balthasar, "your High-
ness too easily gives way to discouragement.
"Judge for yourself. I have a rival, the
Elector of saxe-Tolptlhausen ; his territories
are less considerable than mine, but he is
more solidly established in his little electorate
than I am in my grand-duchy."
"Pardon me your Highness; I saw the
Elector of saze-Tolpelhau8en last year at
Baden Badvn, and without flattery, he cannot
for an instant be compared with your High-
ness. You are hardly thirty, and he is more
than forty ; you have a good figure, he is
heavy, clumbsy, and ill-made; your counten-
ance is noble and agreeable, his common and
»i
displeasing; your hair is light brown, his
bright red. The Princess Wilhelmina is sUre
to prefer you."
" Perhaps so, if she were asked ; but she
is in the power of her august brother, who
will marry her to whom he pleases.*.
"That must be prevented."
" How ?"
" By winning the young lady's affections.
Love has so many resources. Every day one
sees marriages for money broken offhand re-
placed by marriages for love."
** Yes one sees that in plays —
" Which afford excellent lessons."
" For people of a certain class, but not for
princes."
*' Why not make the attempt ? If I dared
advise you, it would be to set out to-morrbw,
and pay a visit to the prince of Haynau."
" tlnnecessary. To see the prince and his
sister, I need not stir hence. One of these
despatches announces their early arrival at
Karlstad t. They are on tlieir way hither.
On their return from a journey into Prussia,
they pass through my territories and pause
in my capital, inviting themselves as my
gUests for two or three days. Their visit is
my ruin. What will they thmk of me when
they find me alone, deserted, in my empty
palace? Do yon suppose the Princess will
be tempted to share my dismHl solitude?
Last year she went to Saxe-Tolpelhausen.
The Elector entertained her well, and made
his court agreeable. He could place cham-
berlains and aides-de-camp at her orders,
could give concerts, balls, and festivals. But
I — what can /do? What a humiliation?
And, that no affront may be spared to me,
my rival proposes negotiating his marriage at
my own court ! Nothing less, it seems, will
satisfy him 1 He has just sent me an ambas-
sador, Baron Pippinster, deputed, he writes,
to conclude a commercial treaty which will
be extremely advantageous to me. The
treaty is but a pretext. The Baron's true
mission is to the Prince of Hanau. The
meeting is skilfully contrived, for the secret
and unostentatious conclusion of the matri-
monial treaty. This is what I am condemn-
ed to witness I I must endure this outrage
and mortification, and display before the
Prince and his sister, my misery and pov-
erty. I would do any thing to avoid such
shame !"
•* Means might, perhaps, be found," said
Balthasar, after a moment's reflection.
" Means ? Speak, and whatever ihey be,
I adopt them."
"The plan is a bold one!" continr
404
THE DUKEB DILEHMA.
[Nov.,
Balthasar, speaking half to the Grand Dake,
Rod ha)f to himself, aa if pondering, and
weighing a project.
" No matter ! I will risk everything."
" You would like to conceal your real po-
sition, to re- people this palace, to have a
court?"
" Yes." •
" Do you think the courtiers who have de-
serted you would return?"
" Never. Did I not tell you they are sold
to my enemies ?"
'* Could you not select others from the
higher classes of your subjects ?"
" Impossible I There are very few gen-
tlemen amongst my subjects. Ah ! if a court
could be got up at a day's notice ! though it
were to be composed of the humblest citizens
of KarlsUdt "
« I have better than that to offer you."
" You have ? And whom do you offer ?"
cried Duke Leopold, greatly astonished.
*< My actors."
" What 1 you would have me make up a
court of your actors ?"
*' Yes, your Highness, and you could not
do better. Observe, that, my actors are ac-
customed to play all manner of parts, and
that they will be perfectly at their ease when
performing those of noblemen and high offi-
cials. I answer for their talent, discretion,
and probity. As soon as your illustrious
guests have departed, and you no longer
need their services, they shall resign their
posts. Bear in mind, that you have no
other alternative. Time is short, danger at
your door, hesitation is destruction."
" But if such a trick were discovered!"
*< A mere supposition, a chimerical fear.
On the other hand, if you do not run the
risk I propose, your ruin is certain."
The Grand Duke was easily persuaded.
Careless and easy-going, he yet was not
wanting in determination, nor in a certain
love of hazardous enterprizes. He remem-
bered that fortune is said to favor the bold,
and his desperate position increased his cour-
age. With joyful intrepidity he accepted and
adopted Balthasar's scheme.
" Bravo !" cried the manager ; " you shall
have no cause to repent. You behold in me
a sample of your future courtiers ; and since
honors and dignities are to be distributed, it
is wdth me, if you please, that we will begin.
In this request I act up to the spirit of my
part. A courtier should always be asking
for something, should lose no opportunity,
and should profit by his rivals' absence to
obtain the best place. I entreat your High-
ness to have the goodness to name me prime
minister/'
" Granted 1" g^ily replied the prince.
"Your Excellency may immediately enter
upon your functions."
'' My Excellency will not fail to do so, and
begins by requesting your signature to a few
decrees I am about to draw up. But in the
first place, your Highness must be so good
as to answer two or three questions, that I
may understand the position of affairs. A
new-comer in a country, and a novice in a
minister's office, has need of instruction. If
it became necessary to enforce your com-
mands, have you the means of so doing ?"
" Undoubtedly."
" Your Highness has soldiers ?"
" A regiment."
" How many men ?"
*'One hundred and twenty, besides the
musicians."
" Are they obedient, devoted ?"
" Passive obedience, unbounded devotion ;
soldiers and officers would die for me to the
last man."
"It is their duty. Another question:
Have you a prison in your dominions ?"
" Certainly."
*' I mean a good prison, strong and well-
guarded, with thick walls, solid bars, stem
and incorruptible jailors ?"
" I have every reason to believe that the
Castle of Zwingenberg combines all those req-
uisites. The fact is, I have made very little
use of it ; but it was built by a man who un-
derstood such matters — by my father's great-
grandfather, Rudolph the Inflexible."
** A fine surname for a sovereign ! Your
inflexible ancestor, I am very sure, never
lacked either cash or courtiers. Your High-
ness has, perhaps, done wrong to leave the
state prison untenanted. A prison requires
to be inhabited, like any other building ; and
the first act of the authority with which yon
have been pleased to invest me, will be a
salutary measure of incarceration. I pre-
sume the Castle of Zwingenberg will accom-
modate a score of prisoners ?"
" What ! you are going to imprison twenty
persons ?"
*• More or less. I do not yet know the
exact number of the persons who composed
Jrour late court. They it is whom I propose
odging within the lofty walls constructed by
the Inflexible Rudolph. The measure is in-
dispensable."
" But it is illegal I"
*' I crave your Higbness's pardon ; you
use a word I do not understand. It seems
Id68.]
THE DUKETS DTTiKMMA.
405
to me that, in every good German govern-
ment, that which is absolutely necessary is
necessarily l^gal. That is my policy. More-
over, as prime minister, I am responsible.
"What would you have more? It is plain
that, if we leave your courtiers their liberty,
it will be impossible to perform our comedy ;
they will betray us. Therefore the welfare
of the state imperatively demands their im-
prisonment. Besides, you yourself have said
that they are traitors, and therefore they de-
serve punishment. For your own safety's
sake, for the success of your project — which
will insure the happiness of your subjects —
write the names, sign the order, and inflict
upon the deserters the lenient chastisement
of a week's captivity.**
The Grand Duke wrote the names, and
signed several orders, which were forthwith
intrusted to the most active and determined
officers of the regiment, with instructions to
make the arrests at once, and to take their
prisoners to the Castle of Zwingenberg, at
three-quarters of a league from Karlstadt.
" All that now remains to be done is to
send for your new court,** said Balthasar.
*'Has your Highness carriages?'*
*' Certainly ! a berlin, a barouche, and a
cabriolet."
"And horses?'*
'' Six draught and two saddle.'*
" I take the barouche, the berlin, and four
horses ; I go to Krusthal, put my actors up
to their parts, and bring them here this even-
ing. We instal ourselves in the palace, and
shati be at once at your HTghne68*s orders.'*
•* Very good ; but, before going, write an
answer to Baron Pippinstir, who asks an
audience."
" Two lines, very dry and official, putting
him oflf till to-morrow. We must be under
arms to receive him. . . . Here is the
note written, but how shall I sign it ? The
name of Balthasar is not very suitable to a
German Excellency.**
" True, you must have another name, and
a title ; I create you Count Lipandorf."
" Thanks, your Highness. I will bear the
title nobly, and restore it to you faithfully,
with my seals of office, when the comedy is
played out."
Count Lipandorf signed the letter, which
Sigismund was ordered to take to Baron Pip-
pinstir ; then he started for Krusthal.
Next morning, the Grand Duke Leopold
held a levee, which was attended by all the
officers of his new court. And as soon as
he was dressed, he received the ladies, with
infinite grace and affability.
Ladies and officers were attired in their
most elegant theatrical costumes ; the Grand
Duke appeared greatly satisfied with their
bearing and manners. The first compliments
over, there came a general distribution of
titles and offices.
The lover, Florival, was appointed aide-
de-camp to the Grand Duke, colonel of hus-
sars, and Count Reinsberg.
Rigolet, the low comedian, was named
grand chamberlain, and Baron Fidibus.
Similor, who performed the valets, was
master of the horse and Baron Kockembnrg.
Anselmo, walking gentleman, was pro-
moted to be gentleman-in-waiting and Chev-
alier Grillenfanger.
The leader of the band, Lebel, was ap-
pointed superintendent of the music and
amusements of the court, with the title of
Chevalier Arpeggio.
The prima donna. Miss Delia, was created
Countess of Rosenthal, an interesting orphan,
whose dowry was to be the hereditary office
of first lady of honor to the future Grand
Duchess.
Miss Foligny, the singing chambermaid,
was appointed widow of a general and Bar-
oness AUenzau.
Miss Alice, walking lady, became Miss
Fidibus, daughter of the chamberlain, and a
rich heiress.
Finally, the duenna, Madame Pastorale,
was called to the responsible station of mis-
tress of the robes and governess of the maids
of honor, under the imposing name of Bar-
oness Schicklick.
The new dignitaries received decorations
in proportion to their rank. Count Balthas-
ar von Lipandorf, prime minister, had two.
stars and three grand crosses. The aide-de-
camp, Florival von Reinsberg, fastened five
crosses upon the breast of his hussar jacket.
The parts duly distributed and learned,
there was a rehearsal, which went off excel-
lently well. The Grand Duke deigned to
superintend the getting up of the piece, and
to give the actors a few useful hints.
Prince Maximilian of Hanau, and his
august sister were expected that evening.
Time was precious. Pending their arrival,
and byway of practising his court, the Grand
Duke gave audience to the ambassador from
Saxe-Tolpelhausen.
Baron Pippinstir was ushered into the Hall
of the Throne. He had asked permission to
present his wife at the same time as his cre-
dentials, and that favor had been granted him.
At sight of the diplomatist, the new cour-
tiers, as yet unaccustomed to rigid decorum.
409
THBBUKSB J>JLEMilUL
[Not.,
had difficulty in keeping their conntenaoces.
The Baroa was a man of fifty, prodigiously
tall, singularly thin, abundantly powdered,
with legs like hop-poles, clad in knee breeches
and white silk stockings. A long slender
pigtail danced upon his flexible back. He
had a face like a bird of prey — little round
eyes, a receding chin, and an enormous
hooked nose. It was scarcely possible to
look at him without laughing, especially
when one saw him for the first time. His
apple-green coat glittered with a profusion
of embroidery. His chest being too narrow
to admit of a horizontal development of his
decorations, he wore them in two columns,
extending from his collar to his waist. When
he approached the Grand Duke, with a self-
satisfied simper and a jaunty air, his sword
by his side, his cocked hat under his arm,
nothing was wanting to complete the cari-
cature.
The Baroness Pippinstir was a total con-
trast to her husband. She was a pretty
little woman of five-and-twenty, as plump as
a partridge, with a lively eye, a nice figure,
and an engaging smile. There was mischief
in her glance, seduction in her dimples and
the rose*s tint upon her cheeks. Her dress
was the only ridiculous thing about her. To
come to court, the little Baroness had put on
all the finery she could muster ; she sailed
into the hall under a cloud of ribbons, spark-
ling with jewels and fluttering with plumes —
the loftiest of which, however, scarcely reach-
ed to the shoulder of her lanky spouse.
Completely identifying himself with his
part of prime minister, Balthasar, as soon as
this oddly -assorted pair appeared, decided
upon his plan of campaign. His natural
penetration told him the, diplomatist's weak
point. He felt that the Baron, who was old
and ugly, must be jealous of his wife, who
was young and pretty. He was not mistaken.
Pippinstir was as jealous as a tiger-cat. Re-
cently married, the meagre diplomatist had
not dared to leave his wife at Saxe-Tolpel-
hausen, for fear of accidents ; he would not
lose sight of her, and had brought her to
Karlstad t in the arrogant belief that danger
vanished in his presence.
After exchanging a few diplomatic phrases
with the ambassador, Balthasar took Colonel
Florival aside and gave him secret instruc-
tions. The dashing officer passed his hand
through his richly-curling locks, adjusted his
splendid pelisse, nnd approached Baroness
Pippinstir. The ambassadress received him
graciously; the handsome colonel had al-
ready attracted her attention, and soon she
was delighted with his wit and gallant
speeches. Florival did not lack imagination*
and his memory was stored with well-turned
phrases and sentimental tirades, borrowed
from stage- plays. He spoke half from in-
spiration, half from memory, and he was
listened to with favor.
The conversation was carried on in French
— for the best of reasons.
** It is the custom here," said the Grand
Duke to the ambassador ; " French is the
only language spoken in this palace ; it is a
regulation I had some difficulty in enforcing,
and I was at last obliged to decree that a
heavy penalty should be paid for every Ger-
man word spoken by a person attached to my
court. That proved effectual, and you will
not easily catch any of these ladiea and gen-
tlemen tripping. My prime minister. Count
Balthasar von Iiipandorf, is the only one who
is permitted occasionally to speak his native
language.''
Balthasar who had long managed theatres
in Alsace and Lorraine, spoke German like a
Frankfort brewer.
Meanwile, Baron Pippinstir's uneasiness
was extreme. Whilst his wife conversed in
a low voice with the young and facinating
aide-de-camp, the pitiless prime minister held
his arm tight, and explained at great length
his views with respect to the famous com-
mercial treaty. Caught in his own snare,
the unlucky diplomatist was in agony; he
fidgeted to get away, his countenance ex-
pressed grievous uneasiness, his lean legs
were convulsively agitated. But in vain did
he endeavor to abridge his torments, the re-
morseless Balthasar relinquished not his
prey.
Sigismund, promoted to be steward of the
household, announced dinner. The ambas-
sador and his lady had been invited to dine,
as well as all the courtiers. The aide-de-
camp was placed next to the Baroness, the
Baron at the other end of the table. The
torture was prolonged. Florival continued
to whisper soft nonsense to the fair and well-
pleased Pippinstir. The diplomatist could
not eat.
There was another person present whom
Florival's flirtation annoyed, and that person
was Delia, Countess of Rosenthal. After
dinner, Balthasar, whom nothing escaped,
took her aside.
" You know very well," said the minister,
*' that he is only acting a part in the comedy.
Should you feel hurt if he declared his love
upon the stage, to one of your comrades?
Here it is the same thing ; all this is but a
1858.]
THE DUKE'S DTTiKMMA.
407
play ; when the curtain falls, he will return
to you."
A courier annouuced that the Prince of
Hanau and his sister were within a league of
Earlbtadt. The Grand Duke, attended by
Count Reinsberg and some officers, went to
meet them. .It was dark when the illustri-
ous guests reached the palace ; they passed
through the great saloon, where the whole
court was assembled to receive them, and re-
tired at once to their apartments.
" The game is tairly begun," said the Grand
Duke to his prime minister ; " and now, may
Heaven help us!''
•' Fear nothing," replied Balthasar. " The
fflimpse I caught of Prince Maximilian's phys-
iognomy satisfied me that everything will pass
off perfectly well, and without exciting the
least suspicion. As to Baron Pippinstir, he
is already blind with jealousy, and Florival
will give him so much to do, that he will have
no time to attend to his master's business.
Things look well."
Next morning, the Prince and Princess of
Hanau were welcomed, on awakening, by a
serenade from the regimental band. The
weather was beautiful ; the Grand Duke pro-
posed an excursion out of town ; he was glad
of an opportunity to show his guests the best
features of his duchy — a delightful country,
and many picturesque points of view, much
prized and sketched by German landscape
painters. The proposal agreed to, the party
set out, in carriages and on horseback, for the
old Castle of Raubel'zell — magnificent ruins,
dating from the middle ages, and famous far
and wide. At a short distance from the castle,
which lifted its gray turrets upon the summit
of a wooded hill, the Princess Wilhelmina ex-
pressed a wish to walk the remainder of the
way. Every body followed her example. The
Grand Duke offered her his arm ; the Prince
gave his to the Countess Delia von Rosenthal ;
and, at a sign from Balthasar, Baroness Pas-
torale von Schicklick took possession of
Baron Pippinstir; whilst the smiling Baron-
ess accepted Florival's escort. The young
people walked at a brisk pace. The unfor-
tunate Baron would gladly have availed of
his long legs to keep up with his coquetish
wife ; but the duenna, portly and ponderous,
hung upon his arm, checked his ardor, and
detained him in the rear. Rrespect for the
mistress of the robes forbade rebellion or
complaint.
Amidst the ruins of the venerable castle,
the distinguished party found a table spread
with an elegant collation. It was an agree-
able surprise, and the Grand Duke had all
the credit of an idea suggested to him by
his prime minister.
The whole day was passed in rambling
through the beautiful forest of Rauberzelf.
The Princess was charming ; nothing could
exceed the high breeding of the courtiers, or
the fascination and elegance of the ladies;
and Prince Maximilian warmly congratulated
the Grand Duke on having a court composed
of such agreeable and accomplished persons.
Baroness Pippinstir declared, in a moment
of enthusiasm, that the court of Saxe Tol-
pelhausen was not to compare with that of
Niesenstein. She could hardly have said
anything more completely at variance with
the object of her husband's mission. The
Baron was near fainting.
Like not a few of her countrywomen, the
Princess Wilhelmina had a strong predilic-
tion for Parisian fashions. She admired
everything that came from France ; she spoke
French perfectly, and greatly approved the
Grand Duke's decree, forbidding any other
language to be spoken at his court. More-
over, there was nothing extraordinary in such
a regulation ; French is the language of all
the northern courts. But she was greatly
tickled at the notion of a fine being inflicted
for a single German word. She amused her-
self by tryiufir to catch some of the Grand
Duke's courtiers transgressing in this respect.
Her labor was completely lost.
That evening, at the palace, when con-
versation began to languish, the Chevalier
Arpeggio sat down to the piano, and the
Countess Delia von Rosenthal sang an air
out of the last new opera. The guests were
enchanted with her performance. Prince
Maximilian had been extremely attentive to
the Countess during their excursion; the
young actress's grace and beauty had capti-
vated htm, and the charm of her voice com-
pleted his subjugation. Passionately fond
of music, every note she sang went to his
very heart. When she had finished one
song, he petitioned for another. The amia-
ble prima dona sang a duet with the aide-de-
camp, Florival von Reinsberg, and then, be-
ing further entreated, a trio, m which Similor
— master of the horse, barytone, and Baron
von Kockemburg — took a part.
Here, our actors were at home, and their
success was complete. Deviating from his
usual reserve. Prince Maximilian did not dis-
guise his delight; and the imprudent little
Baroness Pippinstir declared that, with such
a beautiful tenor voice, an aide-de-camp
might aspire to anything. A cemetry, on a
wet day, is a cheerful sight, compared to the
408
THE DUEE^ DTTiRMMA.
[Nov^
Baron*8 eoantenance when fae heard these
words.
Upon the morrow, a hantiog party was
the order of the day. In the evening there
was a dance. It had been proposed, to in-
vite the principal families of the metropolis
of Niesenstein, but the Prince and Princess
begged that the circle might not be in-
creased.
•* We are four ladies/' said the Princess,
glancing at the prima donna, the singing
chambermaid, and the walking lady ; '' it is
enough for a quadrille.'*
There was no lack of gentlemen. There was
the Grand Duke, the aide-de-camp, the grand
chamberlain, the master of the horse, the
gentleman-in- waiting, and Prince Maximili-
an's aide-de-camp. Count Darius von Sturm-
haube, who appeared greatly smitten by the
charms of the widowed Baroness Allenzau.
" 1 am sorry my court is not more numer-
ous," said the grand Duke, " but, within the
last three days, I have been compelled to di-
minish it by one-half."
" How so ?" inquired Prince Maximilian.
" A dozen courtiers," replied the Grand
Duke Leopold, "whom I had loaded with
favors, dared conspire against me, in favor
of a certain cousin of mine at Vienna. I dis-
covered the plot, and the plotters are now in
the dungeons of my good fortress of Zwin-
genburg,"
•* Well done 1" cried the Prince ; " I like
such energy and vigor. And to think that
the people taxed you with weakness of char-
acter! How we princes are deceived and
calumniated."
The Grand Duke cast a grateful glance at
Batlthasar. That able minister, by this time,
felt, himself as much at his ease in his new
office, as if he had held it all his life ; he even
began to suspect that the government of a
grand- duchy is a much easier matter than
the management of a company of actors.
Incessantly engrossed by his master's inter-
ests, he manoBuvred to bring about the mar-
riage which was to give the Grand Duke
happiness, wealth, and safety ; but, notwith-
standing his skill, notwithstanding the tor-
ments with which he had 6lled the jealous
soul of Pippinstir, the ambassador devoted
Hhe scanty moments of repose his wife left
him, to furthering the object of his mission.
The alliance with the Saxe-Tolpelhausen was
pleasing to Prince Maximilian; it offered
him various advantages; the extinction of an
old law suit between the two states, the ces-
sion of a large extent of territory, and, 6nally,
the commercial treaty which the perfidious
Baron had brought to the court of Niesen-
stein, with a view of concluding it in favor of
the principality of Hanau. Invested with
unlimited powers, the diplomist was ready
to insert in the contract, almost any condi-
tions Prince Maximilian chose to dictate to
him.
It is necessary here to remark, that the
Elector of Saxe-Tolpelhausen was desper-
ately in love with the Princess Wilhelmina. *
It was evident that the Baron would carry
the day, if the prime minister did not hit
upon some scheme to destroy his credit, or
force him to retreat. Balthasar, fertile in
expedients, was teaching Florival his part in
the palace garden, when Prince Maximilian
met him, and requested a moment's private
conversation.
" I am at your Highness's orders," respect-
fully replied the minister.
" I will go straight to the point. Count Li-
pandorf," the Prince began. "I married
my late wife, a princess of Hesse Darmstadt,
from political motives. She has left me three
sons. I now intend to marry again ; but
this time, I need not sacrifice myself to state
considerations, and I am determined to con-
sult my heart alone."
" If your Highness does me the honor to
consult me, I have merely to say that you
are perfectly justified in acting as you pro-
pose. After once sacrificing himself to his
people's happiness, a prince has surely a
right to think a little of his own."
" Exactly my opinion ! Count, I will tell
you a secret I am in love with Miss von
Rosenthal." ^
" Miss Delia ?"
"Yes, sir; with Miss Delia, Countess of
Rosenthal; and, what is more, I will tell
you, that / know every ihingr
"What may it be that your Highness
knows ?"
** I know who she is."
" Ha !"
"It was a great secret !'*
"And how came jour highness to discover it."
" The Grand Duke revealed it to me."
" I might have guessed as much !"
" He alone could do so, and I rejoice that
I addressed myself directly to him. At first,
when I questioned hiui concerning the young
Countess's family, he ill concealed his em-
barrassment; her position struck me as
strange ; young, beautiful, and alone in the
world, without relatives or guardians — all
that seemed to me singular, if not suspicious*
I trembled, as the possibility of an intrigue
flashed upon me ; but the Grand Duke, to
1853.]
THE BUKK^ DILEMMA*
400
dissipate my unfounded suspicion, told me
all."
" And what is your Highness's decision ?
. . , After such a revelation "
*^ It in no way changes my intentions. I
shall marry the lady."
" Marry her ? . • . But no ; your
Highness jests.'*
*' Count Lipandorf, I never jest. What is
there, then, so strange in my determination ?
The Grand Duke's rather was romantic, and
of a roving disposition ; in the course of his
life, he contracted several left-handed allian-
ces— Miss von Rosenthal is the issue of one
of those unions. I care not for the illegiti-
macy of her birth ; she is of noble blood, of
a princely race — that is all I require."
'*Ye8," replied Balthasar, who had con-
cealed his surprise and kept his countenance,
as became an experienced statesman, and a
consummate comedian. " Yes, I now under-
stand ; aad I think as yoti do. Your High-
ness has the talent of bringing everybody
over to your way of thinking."
"The greatest piece of good fortune,"
continued the Prince, *' is that the mother
remained unknown ; she is dead, and there
is no trace of family on that side."
" As your hifirhness says, it is very fortu-
nate. And, doubtless, the Grand Duke is in-
formed of your august intentions with respect
to the proposed marriage ?"
" No ; I have, as yet, said nothing either to
him or to the Couptess. I reckon upon you,
my dear Count, to make my offer, to whose ac-
ceptance I trust there will not be the slight-
est obstacle. I give you the rest of the day
to arrange everything. I will write to Miss
von Rosenthal ; I hope to receive from her
own lips the assurance of my happiness, and
I will beg her to bring me her answer her-
self, this evening, in the summer-house, in
the park. Lover-like, you see — a rendez-
vous, a mysterious interview I But come.
Count Lipandorf, lose no time ; a double tie
shall bind me to your sovereign. We will
sign, at one anfkthe same titne, my marriage
contract and his. On that condition alone
will I grant him my sister's hand ; otherwise,
I treat, this very evening, with the envoy
from Saxe-Tolpelhausen."
A quarter of an hour after Prince Maxim-
ilian had made his overture, Balthasar and
Delia were closeted with the Grand Duke.
What was to be done? The Prince of
Hanau was noted for his obstinacy. He
would have excellent reasons to oppose to
all objections. To confess the deception that
had been practised upon him was equivalent
to a total and eternal rupture. But, upon
the other hand, to leave him in his error, to
suffer him to marry an actress ! it was a se-
rious matter. If ever he discovered the
truth, it would be enough to raise the entire
German Confederation against the Grand
Duke of Niesenstein.
** What is my prime minister's opinion ?*'
asked the Grand Duke.
"A prompt retreat. Delia must instantly
quit the town; we will devise an explana-
tion of her sudden departure."
" Yes ; and this evening Prince Maximilian
will sign his sister's marriage contract with
the Elector of Saxe-Tolpelhausen. My opin-
ion is, that we have advanced too far to re-
treat. If the prince ever discovers the truth,
he will be the person most interested to con-
ceal it. Besides, Miss Delia is an orphan —
she has neilher parents nor family. I adopt
her — I acknowledge her as my sister."
"Your Highness's goodness and conde-
scension— " lisped the pretty prima donna.
" You agree with me, do you not. Miss
Delia?" continued the Grand Duke. '* You
are resolved to seize the good fortune thus
offered, and to risk the consequences?"
** Yes, your Highness."
The ladies will make allowance for Delia's
faithlessness to Florival. How few female
heads would not be turned by the prospect
of wearing a crown ! The heart's voice is
sometimes mute in presence of such brilliant
temptations. Besides, was not Florival faith-
less ? Who could say whither he might be
led in the course of the tender scenes he
acted with the Baroness Pippinstir ? Prince
Maximilian was neither young nor hand-
some, but he offered a throne. Not only an
actress, but many an high-bom dame, might
possibly, in such circumstances, forget her
love, and think only of her ambition.
To her credit be it said, Delia did not
vield without some reluctance to the Grand
buke's arguments, which Balthasar back-
ed with all his eloquence ; but she ended by
agreeing to the interview with Prince Maxi-
milian.
•' I accept," she resolutely exclaimed ; " I
shall be Sovereign Princess of Hanau."
"And I," said the Grand Duke, "shall
marry Princess Wilhelmina, and this very
evening, poor Pippinstir, disconcerted, and
defeated, will go back to Saxe-Tolpelhausen."
" He would have done that in any case,"
said Balthasar ; " for, this evening, Florival
was to have run away with his wife."
"That is carrying things rather far," Delia
remarked.
410
THE BUSES DILEBIMA.
[Not.
"Such a scandal is unnecessary/* added
the Grand Duke.
Whilst awaiting the hour of her rendez-
vous with the prince, Delia, pensive and agi-
tated, WHS walking in the park, when she
came suddenly upon Florival, who seemed
as much discomposed as herself. In spite
of her newly* born ideas of grandeur, she felt
a pain at her heart. With a forced smile,
and in a tone of reproach and irony, she
greeted her former lover.
" A pleasant journey to you. Colonel For-
ival,'' she said.
" I may wish you the same," replied
Florival ; " for, doubtless, you will soon set
out for the principality of Hanau !*'
'* Before long, no doubt.**
" You admit it, then ?'*
"Where is the harm? The wife must
follow her husband — a princess must reign
in her dominions."
" Princess ! What do you mean ? Wife !
In what ridiculous promises have they in-
duced you to contide ?'
Fiorival's offensive doubts were dissipated
by the formal explanation which Delia took
malicious pleasure in giving him. A touch-
ing scene ensued ; the lovers, who had both
gone astray for a moment, felt their former
name burn all the more ardently for its par-
tial and temporary extinction. Pardon was
mutually asked and granted, and ambitious
dreams fled before a burst of affection.
"You shall see whether I love you or
not," said Florival to Delia. •* Yonder comes
Baron Pippinstir ; I will take him into the
summer-house ; a closet is there, where you
can hide yourself to hear what passes, and
then you shall decide my fate."
Delia went into the summer-house, and
hid herself in the closet. There she over-
heard the following conversation : —
" What have you to say to me. Colonel ?"
asked the Baron.
" I wish to speak to your Excellency of an
affair that deeply concerns you."
" I am all attention ; but I beg you to be
brief ; I am expected elsewhere.*'
" So am I."
" I must go to the prime minister, to re-
turn him this draught of a commercial treaty,
which I c nnot accept."
" And I must go to the rendezvous given
me in this letter.*'
" The Baroness's writing !"
" Yes, Baron. Your wife has done me
the honor to write to me. We set out to-
gether to-night; the Baroness is waiting for
me in a post-chaise.*'
" And it 18 to me you dare acknowledge
this abominable project ?**
" I am less generous than you think. You
cannot but be aware that, owing to an irregu-
larity in your marriage contract, nothing
would be easier than to get it annulled.
This we will have done ; we then obtain a
divorce, and I marry the Baroness. You
will, of course, have to hand me over her
dowry — a million of florins — composing, if I
do not mistake, your entire fortune."
The Baron, more dead than alive, sank in-
to an arm chair. He was struck speech-
less.
" We might, perhaps, make some arrange-
ment. Baron,*' continued Florivisl. '* I am
not particularly bent upon • becoming your
wife's second husband.**
"Ah, sir!" cried the ambassador, "you
restore me to life !'*
" Yes, but I will not restore you the Bar-
oness, except on certain conditions."
" Speak f What do you demand f *
"First, that treaty of commerce, which
you must sign just as Count Lipandorf has
drawn it up.
" I consent to do so."
" That is not all ; you shall take my place
at the rendezvous, get into the post-chaise,
and run away with your wife ; but, first,
you must sit down at this table, and write a
letter, in due diplomatic form, to Prince
Maximilian, informing him that, finding it
impossible to accept his stipulations, you are
compelled to decline, in your sovereign's
name, the honor of his august alliance.**
'' But, Colonel, remember that my instruc-
tions *'
" Very well, fulfil them exactly ; be a du-
tiful ambassador, and a miserable husband,
ruined, without wife and without dowry.
You will never have such another chance.
Baron! A pretty wife, and a million of
florins, do not fall to a man's lot twice in his
life. But I must take my leave of you. I
am keeping the Baroness waiting.'*
"I will go to her. . , . Give me paper,
a pen, and be sosood as to fictate. I am
so agitated .*
The Baron really was in a dreadful fluster.
The letter written, and the treaty signed,
Florival told his Excellency where he would
find the post-chaise.
" One thing more you must promise me,"
said the young man, " aud that is, that you
will behave like a gentleman to your wife,
and not scold her over-much. Kemember
the flaw in the contract. She may find
somebody else in whose favor to cancel the
186dO
THE DWSXA DILRHMA.
411
document. Suitors will not be wanting."
" What need of a promise !" replied the
poor Baron. " You know very well that my
wife does what she likes with me ? I shall
have to explain my conduct, and ask her
pardon."
Pippinstir departed. Delia left her hid-
ing-place, and held out her hand to Florival.
** You have behaved well," she said.
"That is more than the Baroness will
•ay."
" She deserves the lesson. It is your turn
to go into the closet and listen ; the Prince
will be here directly."
^' I hear his footsteps." And Florival was
quickly concealed.
" Charming Countess !" said the prince on
entering, *' 1 come to know my fate."
** What does your Highness mean ?" said
Delia, pretending not to understand him.
" How can you ask ? Has not the Grand
Duke spoken to you ?"
** No, your Highness."
** Nor the prime minister ?"
" Not a word. When I received your let-
ter, I was on the point of asking you for a
private interview. I have a favor — a service
— to implore of your Highness."
" It is granted before it is asked. I place
my whole influence and power at your feet,
charming Countess !"
"A thousand thanks, illustrious prince.
You have ah-eady shown me so much kind-
ness, that I venture to ask you to make a
communication to my brother, the Grand
Duke, which I dare not make myself. I
want you to inform him that I have been for
three months privately married to Count
Beinsberg."
" Good heavens !" cried Maximilian, falling
into the arm-chair in which Pippinstir had
recently reclined. On recovering from the
shock, the prince rose again to his feet.
"'Tis well, madam,* he said, in a faint
voice. "Tis well!"
And he left the summerhouse.
After reading Baron Pippinstir's letter^
Prince Maximilian fell a-thinking. It was
not the Grand Duke's fault if the Countess
of Rosenthal did not ascend the throne of
Hanau. There was an insurmountable ob-
stacle. Then the precipitate departure of
the ambassador of Saxe-Tolpelhausen was an
affront which demanded instant vengeance.
And the Grand Duke Leopold was a most
estimable sovereign, skilful, energetic, and
blessed with wise councillors; the Princess
Wilhelmina liked him, and thought nothing
could compare, for pleasantness, with his
lively court, where all the men were amia-
ble, and all the women charming. These
various motives duly weighed, the Prince
made up his mind, and next day was signed
the mar.Hage-con tract of the Grand Duke of
Niesenstein and the Princess Wilhelmina of
Hanau.
Three days later the marriage itself was
celebrated.
The play was played out.
The actors had performed their parts with
wit, intelligence, and a noble dis^interested-
ness. They took their leave of the Grand
Duke, leaving him with a rich and pretty
wife, a powerful brother-in-law, a serviceable
alliance, and a commercial treaty which could
not fail to replenish his treasury.
Embassies, fecial missions, banishment,
were alleged to the Grand Duchess as the
causes of their departure. Then an amnesty
was published on the occasion of the mar-
riage ; the gates of the fortress of Zwingen«>
berg opened, and the former courtiers re-
sumed their respective posts.
The reviving fortunes of the Grand Duke
were a sure guarantee of their fidelity.
418
MOORE¥( OPINIONB OF HIS OOTEMPORARIEB.
[Nor.
From the New Qaarterly Review.
MOORE'S OPINIONS OF HIS COTEMPOKARIES.*
In Boswe]r« ** Life of Johnson," the rao8t
unpopular personage with the reader is un-
doubtedly the author of the book. In Moore's
journal Moore himself threatens to become,
at the end of, say the fortieth volume, a con-
firmed bore. It already requires a constant
struggle to keep up a sentiment of respect
for a man who is unceasingly obtruding upon
us his little weaknesses. When the poet re-
peats to us every compliment that was ever
paid to him by a person of quality f ; chroni-
cles every night the plaudits that attended
upon his songs ; openly rejoices in an affec-
tionate phrase in a dedication from Lord
John — not because it was the warm expres-
sion of a man worthy of his friendship, but
because it was *' from a Russell | ;" — indig-
nantly denounces an unlucky person who had
dared to open his mouth when Moore was
singing ; records how constantly he was so
*' locked, barred, and bolted" by dinner en-
gagements that he had not a day to give to
a duchess ; and when all this is told, retold,
repeated, and re-repeated, we confess that,-
deeies repetita, it does not please. We be-
come conscious of a chronic state of vexation
that so very great a poet will take such enor-
mous pains to work into us the conviction
that he was a very little man. We could
readily forgive him the fact of having had his
head turned by the praises of all the fine
folks whom he amused, but we cannot so
well get over the entire absence of moral
dignity betrayed by his writing it all down
for the benefit of posterity.
* Memoirs, Journal^ and Corretpondenee of
Thomas Moore. Edited by the Right Honorable
liord John Rnaeell, M.P. Vols. 8 and 4.
f Here is one example from a thousand — " Lady
H. read me a letter from Lord William Raasell at
Spa, in which he mentione that the Grand Dacheae
or Russia is there, and that she always carries about
with her two copies of 'Lalla Rookb,* most splen-
didly bound, and studded with precious stones, one
of whi<3h he had seen."
X "Found a copy of Lord John's book, just ar-
rived by the amhsssador's courier from Longman's.
He calls himself in the dedication * my attached
friend.' This tribute from a Rossell gives me great
pleasure." Vol. 8. p. 178.
The great charm of the volumes is the
enormous quantity of tlible-talk they contain.
Madame de Coigny has a very bad voice.
She said once, " Je n'ai qu'une voiz contra
moi ; c'est la mienne."
The same lady, speaking of a dear friend
who had red hair, *' and dl its attendant ill
consequences," and of whom some one said
she was very virtuous, remarked, " Qui, elle
est com me Samson ; elle a toutes ses forces
dans ses cheveauz."
Sheridan used to tell a story of one of his
constituents saying to him, "Oh sir ! things
cannot go on in this "way ; there must be a
reform in Parliament ; we poor electors are
not properly paid at all."
Lord John mentioned that Sydney Smith
told him he had had an intention once of
writing a book of maxims, but never got fur-
ther Uian the following, "That generally
towards the age of forty women get tired of
being virtuous, and men of being honest.*'
Bonaparte said to one of his servile flat-
terers who was proposing to him a plan for
remodelling the Institute, " Laissans au
moins la Kepublique des lettres,'*
Voltaire, listening to an author who was
reading to him his comedy, and said, " Ici le
chevalier rit," exclaimed, " II est bien heu-
reux 1"
We have a little string of beads, gathered
one by one, by Moore from a note book of
the historic Duke of Buckingham.
** I can as little live upon past kindness as the
air can be wanned with the sunbeams of yester-
day." " A woman whose mouth ia like an old
comb with a few broken teeth and a great deal of
hair and dust about it" *' Kisses are like grains
of gold or silver found upon the ground, of no
value themselves, but precious as shewing that a
mine is ne<ir." "That man has not only a
long face, but a tedi9us one.*' **One can no
more judge of the true Value of a man by the im-
pression he makes on the public, than we can
tell whether the seal was ffold or brass by which
the stamp was made." ** Men's fame is like their
hair, which grows after they are dead, and with
just as little use to them. " A sort of anti-
black-amoor, every part of her white but her
1858.]
MOORSrS OPINIONB OF HIS COTEICFORARIBS.
413
teeth.'* ** A woman whoee face wae created witb-
oot the preamble of * Let there be light 7' ** How
few, like Danaa, have God and gold together?"
Moore laments " that Lord John shewed
to so little advantage in society from his
extreme taciturnity, and, still more, from his
apparent coldness and indifference to what is
taid by others;" and adds, "Several to
whom he was introduced had been much
disappointed in consequence of this manner.
I can easily imagine that to Frenchmen
such reserve and silence must appear •some-
thing quite oat of the course of nature."
But a great many of the best anecdotes
are nevertheless attributed to Lord John.
Thus—
Lord John mentioned of the late Lord Lans-
downe (who was remarkable for the sententious)
and speech-like pomposity of his conversations
that, in giving his opinion one day of Lord ,
he said, ** I have a high opinion of his lordship's
character. So remarkable do I think him for the
pore and unbending integrity of his principles,
tliat 1 look upon it as impossible that ne should
ever be guilty of the slightest deviation from the
line of rectitude, unless it were most damnably
worth his while."
Again —
Lord John told us of a good trick of Sheridan's
upon Richardson. Sheridan bad been driving
out three or four hours in a hackney-coach, when,
seeing Richardson pass, he hailed him, and made
him get in. He instantly contrived to Introduce a
topic upon which Richardson (who was the very
soul of disputatiousness) always differed with him,
and at la«t, affecting to be mortified at Richard-
son's arguments, said, " You really are too bad.
I cannot bear to listen to such things. I will not
stay in the same coach with you,*' and according-
ly got down and led him, Richardson hallooing
out triumphantlv after him, '*Ah, you're beat,
you're beat." Nor was it till the heat of his vic-
tory had a little cooled that he found out he was
left in the lurch to pay for Sheridan's three hours'
coaching.
Here are two more stories of Sheridan —
Sheridan told me that his father being a good
deal plagued by an old maiden relation of his al-
ways going out to walk with him, said one day
that the weather was bad and rainy, to which
the old lady answered that, on the contrary, it had
cleared up. ** Yes," says Sheridan, " it has clear-
ed up enough for one, bat not for two." He
mentioned, too, that Tom Stepney supposed al-
gebra to be a learned language, and referred to
bis father to know whether it was not so, who
said, ^ Certainly, Latin, Greek, and AlgebraJ'
**By what people was it spoken?" "By the
Algebrians, to be cure," said Sheridan.
Met Kenny with Miss Holcrofl, one of his
examen domus, a fine girl. By-the-bye, he told
me yesterday evening (having joined in our walk^
that' Shaw, having lent Sheridan near 500/, usea
to dun him very considerably for it; and one day,
when he had been rating Sheridan about the
debt, and insisting that he must be paid, the latter
having played off" some of his plausible wheed-
ling upon him, ended by saying that he was very
much in want of 26f, to pay ihe expenses of
a journey he was about to take, and he knew
Shaw would be good-natured enough to lend it to
him. '' 'Pon my word," says Shaw, " this is too
bad ; afler keeping me out of my money in so
shameful a manner, you now have the face to ask
me for more ; but it won't do : 1 must be paid my
money, and it is most disgraceful," &c. &c.
** My dear fellow," says Sheridan, " hear reason ;
the sum you ask me for is a very considerable
one, whereas I only ask you for five and twenty
pounds."
Sidney Smilh and LtMreU compared — Smith
particularly amusing. Have rather held out
against him hitherto, but this day he conquered
me, and 1 now am his victim in the laughing way
for life. His imaginatk>n of a dnel between two
doctors, with oil of croton on the tips of their
fingers, trying to touch each other's lips highly
ludicrous. What Rogers says of Smith very
true, that whenever the conversation is getting
dull he throws in some touch which makes it re-
bound and ritre again as light as ever. Ward's
artificial efforts, which to me are always painful,
made still more so by the contrast to Smith's
natural and overflowing exuberance. Luttrell,
too, considerably extinguished to-day ; but there
is this difference between Luttrell and Smith,
that after the former you remember what good
things he said, and after the latter you merely
remember how much you laughed.
Music and Painting — Sharpe mentioned a cu-
rious instance of Walter Scott's indifference to
f pictures, wlien he met him at the Louvre, not wil-
ing to spare two or three minutes for a walk to
the bottom of the gallery, when it was the first
and the last opportunity he was likely to have of
seeing the " Transfiguration," &.c. &c. In speak-
ing of music, and the difference there is between
the poetical and musical ear, Wordsworth said
that he was totally devoid of the latter, and for a
long time could not distinguish one tune from
another. Rogers thus described Lord Holland's
feelings for the arts, ** Painting gives him no
pleasure, and music absolute pain."
We continue our gleanings.
Coleridge — A poor author, on receiving from
his publisher an account of the proceeds (as he
expected it to be) of a work he had published, saw
among the items, " Cellarage, £3 10s 6d." He
thought it was a charge for the trouble of selling
the 700 copies, which he did not consider unreas-
onable; but, on inquiry, found it was for the
cellar-room occupied by his work, not a copy of
which had stirred from thence.
Sidney Smith—*' I shall see Allen," says Smith,
414
MOORFS OPimOm of his COrSMFORAItlEa
** some day with his tongue hanging out speech-
less, and shsll take the opportunity to stick a few
principles into hira."
Miraheau — Once, when Mirabeaa was answer-
ing a speech of Maury, he put him^^elf in a
reasoning attitude, and said, *' Je m'en vais ren-
fermer, M. Manry, dans un circle vicieux." Upon
which Maury started up, and exclaimed, ** Com-
ment! veux tu m'cmbrasser 7"
Jekyll—\n talking of cheap living he mentioned
a man who told him his eating cost him almost
nothing, " for on Sunday," said he, •* I always dine
with my old friend, and then eat so much th»it it
lasts until Wednewday, when I-buy some tripe,
which I hate like the very devil, and which accord-
ingly makes me so sick that 1 cannot eat any
more until Sunday again.'*
Rogers, on somelmdy remarking that Payne
Knight had got very deaf, said, " 'Tis from want
of practice. Knight was always a very bad
listener.*^
Scro*^ Davids called some person who had a
habit of puffing out his cheeks when he spoke
and was not remarkable for veracity, "The
iEolian lyre."
Hdl^rand — Bobus SmitW, one day, in conver-
sation with Talleyrand, having brought in some-
how the beauty of his mother. Talleyrand said,
*• C'ctait done votre pere qui tieta\t pas bien."
The Prince de Poix was stopped by a sentry,
and announced his name. " Prince de Poix !"
answered the sentry, " quand vous seriez le Roi
dea Haricots vnus ne panseriez pas par ici."
An old acquaintance — ^ Is your master at
home ?"— ♦* No, Sir, he's out." " Your mistress ?"
— " No, Sir, she's out." - Well, I'll just go in
and take an air of the fire till they come.'* —
•• Faith, Sir, that's out too."
Anotfier — A fellow in the Marshalsea having
beard his companion brushing his teeth the last
thing at night, and then, upon waking, at the
same work in the morning — ^** Ogh ! a weary
night you must have had of it, Mr. Fitzgerald."
Charge the Fourth gave a drawing-room. —
Rogers said that he was in himself a sequence —
KinsTi queen, and knave.
When E. Nagles came to George the Fourth
with the news of Bonaparte's death, he said, " 1
have the pleasure to tell your Majesty that your
bitterest enemy is dead." " No ! is she, by Gad ?"
said the King.
Oure far wve— Mrs. Dowdeli's husband used
to be a great favorite with the Pope, who always
called him " Caro Doodle." His first addresses
were paid to Vittoria Odescalchi, but he jilted her ;
and she had eix masses said to enable her soul to
get over its love for him.
Ibdleifrand—Xyne day, when Davonst excused
himself for being too late because he had met with
a " Pekin" who delayed him, Talleyrand bejrged
to know what ho meant by that word. " Nous
appellons Pekin,"flaye Davonst, ** tout ce qui n'est
pas militaire." " Oh, oui c*est commechez nou«*,"
replied Tiilteymnd, *' nous appellons iniiitaire tout
ce qw! n'e>t pan civil."
Ad(im Smith and Johnson — This account of
the meeting between Adam Smith am) Johnson is
[Nov.,
given by Smith himself. Johnson began by a^
tacking Hume. "I saw," said Smith, '* this was
meant at me', so I merely put him right as to a
matter of fact." " Well, what did he say ?"
" He said it was a lie.*' " And what did you say
to that ?*' ** I told him he was a son of a t)-^."
Good, this, between two sages.
Shtridan (when there was some proposal to lay
a tax upon milestones) — ** It is an unconstitutional
tax, as thev are a race that cannot meet to re-
monstrate.
Denon told an anecdote of a man who, having
been asked repeatedly to dinner by a person whom
he knew to be but a shabby Amphitryon, went at
last, and found the dinner so meagre and bad that
he did not get a bit to eat. When the dishes
were removing the host said, " Wei), now the ice
is broken, I suppose you will ask me to dine with
you some day?'' '* Most willingly." '^Name
your day, then." " Aujourd«hui, par exemple,"
answered the dinnerless guest. Lord Holland
told of a man remarkable for absence, who, din-
ing once at the same sort of shabby repast, fancied
himself in his own house, and began to apologise
for the wretchedness of the dinner.
Fielding told us that when Gouvion St. Cyr, in
the beginning of the Revolution happened to go
to some bureau (for a passport, 1 believe) and
gave his name Monsieur de St. Cyr, the clerk
answered, *« II n'y a pas de De. Eh bien ! M.
Saint Cyr. 11 n'y a pas de Saint. Diable ! M.
Cyr, done. II n'y a pas de Sire: nous avoDS
decapite le tyran.'
Cope mentioned a good specimen of Engliab-
Frencb, and the astonishment of the French
people who heard it, not conceiving what it could
mean — ** Si je fais, je fais ; mais si je fais, je suis
un Hollandais." " If 1 do, I do ; but if 1 do, Pm a
Dutchman."
Scott says, "Lord Byron is getting fond of
money. He keeps a box, into which he occasion-
ally puts sequins ; he has now collected about
300, and his great deligiit (Scott tells me) is to
open his box and contemplate his store.''
Scoit showed me a woman whom Bonaparte
pronounced to be the finest woman in Venice,
and the Venetians, not agreeing with him, call
her ** La Bella per Decreto," adding (as all the
decrees begin with Considerando), " Ma senza il
considerando."
Ghosts— TiiWing of ghosts, Sir Adam said that
Scott and he had seen one, at least : while thev
were once drinking. together, a very hideous fei.
low appeared suddenly between them, whom
neither knew any thing about, but whom both saw.
Scott did not deny il, but said they were both
" fou," and not very capable of judging whether
it was a ghost or not Scott said that the only
two men who had ever told him that they had
actually seen a ghost afterwards put an end to
themselves. One was Lord Castlereagh, who
had himself mentioned to Scott his seeing the
'• radiant boy." It was one night when he was
in barracks, and the face briolitened gradually
out of the fire-place, and appronclioc! him. Lord
Casilereagh stepped forwards lo it,and it receded
again, and faded into the same place.
1853.]
AN EVENT IN THE LIFE OP LORD BTKON.
415
It is fifenerally stated to have been an apparition
mttaclied to the family, and coming occasionally
to presage honors and prosperity to him before
whom it appeared ; but Lord Castlereagh gave no
0och account of it to Scott It was the Duke of
Wellington made Lord Castlereagh tell the story
to Sir Walter, and Lord C. told it without hesita-
tion, and as if believing in it implicitly.
These two volumes are a complete mine of
table talk. There Is abundance of the same ore id
the place whence we brought these specimens.
-♦♦-
-♦♦■
From Colburn's New Monthly.
AN EVENT IN THE LIFE OP LOKD BTRON.*
BY THE AUTHOR OF THE "<JNHOLY WISH."
I.
It was early on a summer's morning, many
years ago, that a party of five or six persons,
most of whom were in the bloom of youth,
Btood on the shores of the Adriatic Gulf,
about to embark in a four-oared gondola,
which was moored to its banks. Gondoliers
— boatmen, as we should call them — bustled
around. Some inspected the oars, some were
getting the gondola in rowing order, some
were standing guard over the provisions and
other articles about to be stowed away in it ;
and one, whose countenance wore a peculiar
expression, chiefly because it possessed but
one eye, stood close to the principal group,
waiting for orders.
It may be well to notice this group before
proceeding further. Foremost and most
conspicuous of it, was a man of distinguished
appearance, and noble, intelligent features.
He looked about thirty years of age, but be
may have been a year or two older, or young-
er. His personal characteristics need not be
more particularly described, since his fame
has caused them to be familiar to most class-
es. It was Lord Byron.
A little away from him stood an Italian
woman, young, and passably lovely. Her
I ■ M ■ 1 __M. ■!■■■ ^--^_--
* It is believed by the author of these pages, that
the incident they relate is scarcely, if at all, known
in Eoglaod. Yet this little episode in the cnreer
of Lord Byron is »urelv worthy of being recorded
in the poet*B own land, and in his native tongue.
It is pretty generally kaown abroad, not only iu
Italy : the author has heard it spoken of more than
once, and has also met with it^ minutely detailed,
in a French work. It occurred during the poet's
last Bojoarn abroad.
features were not classically beautiful, but
the dancing blue eyes that lighted them up,
and the profusion of fair ringlets that adorned
them, rendered the face more than pleasing.
There is no necessity for mentioning her
name here : it has been coupled with Lord
Byron's too long, and too publicly, for any
familiar with the records of his life to be at
a loss to supply the deficiency. To call her
Madame la Contessa, will be sufficient for us.
Her brother, the Count G., was standing
near her : but where was the old lord, her
husband ? Never you inquire where a lady's
liege lord may be, when referring to Italy;
be very sure that it is anywhere but by the
side of his wife. Two more gentlemen com-
pleted the assemblage : one was ttie Marquis
P.; the other a Frenchman, Monsieur H. ;
passing acquaintances of Lord Byron.
They had been staying for a few days at
one of the inhabited islands of the Adriatic.
It had been a suddenly-got-up little party of
pleasure, having started one fine rooming from
Ravenna, in the gondola, and had proceeded
by easy sails, now touching at one point, now
at another, to the place where they were for
the moment located. Their object this morn-
ing was to gain one of the uninhabited itsles,
spend the aay on it, and return back in the
evening. Some of these little solitary islands
were luxuriant and beautiful, well worth the
trouble of a visit, when within reach.
The gondoliers, the same who had accom-
panied them from Ravenna, continued their
preparations for departure, but so dreamily
and lazily, that only to look on would put a
Thames waterman into a fever. Lord Bvron
ft
was accustomed to Italian idleness and Ital-
416
AN BVSNT IN THE LIFE OF LORD BYRON.
[Not.,
ian manners ; neirertheless he would Bome-
times get impatient — as on this morning.
He leaped into the gondola.
" Do you think we shall get away to-day
if you go an at this pace ?" he cried, in Ital-
ian. " And who is going to be subjected to
the sun's force through your laziness ?"
" The sun's force is not on yet, signor,"
on of the men ventured to remonstrate.
'' But it will be soon," was the answer of
his lordship, with an Italian expletive which
need not be translated here. "Cyclops,
hand in that fowling-piece: give it me.
Mind the lines — don't you see you are get-
ting them entangled ? Madame la Contessa,
what has become of your sketch-book?"
She looked at him with her gay blue ejes,
and pointed to the book in question, which
he held in his hand. He laughed at his mis-
take, as he threw it down beside him in the
boat.
" You are forgetful this morning," she ob-
served.
« My thoughts are elsewhere," was his
reply ; " they often are. And more so to-
day than ordinary, for I have had news from
England."
" Received news to-day ! — here?" was the
exclamation.
^* Yes. I left orders at Ravenna that if
any thing came it should be sent on here."
At length the party embarked. Count G.
took his place at the helm, and the four
others arranged themselves, two on either
side.
*' Which isle is it the pleasure of the sig-
nor that we make for ?" inquired one of the
gondoliers, with a glance at Lord Byron.
He was buried in abstraction, and did not
answer, but the Frenchman spoke.
" Could we not push on to Cherso ?"
" Cherso !" reiterated the count, opening
his eyes to their utmost width. " Much you
know, my dear friend of the localities of
these islands. It would take us twelve
months, about, to get to Cherso in this gon-
dola."
" They were telling us about the different
merits of these isles last night. What do
you say, mi- lord ?"
'' I care nothing about it ; only settle it
between yourselves," was Lord Byron's list-
less reply.
** Dio I but you are polite, all of you !"
uttered the marquis. ** La Contessa present,
and you would decide without consulting
her r
•' If you ask me," rejoined the lady, " I
should say the wiser plan would be to leave
it to the men. They are much better ac-
quainted with the isles than we are."
The men laid on -their oars, and looked up.
"Where are we to steer to?"
" To whichever of the islands within reacli
you think best," replied Lord Byron ; and
their oars again struck the water.
" You say you have had news from Eng-
land," observed Count Q. to Lord Byron.
" Good, I hope."
*' Nothing but newspapers and reviews/'
" No letters ?"
" None. Those I left in England ax^
strangely neglectful of me. Forgotten thafe
I am alive perhaps. Well — why should they
remember it ?"
" The letters may have miscarried, or been
detained."
'* May! Out of sight, out of mind, G,
Yet there are some one or two from whom X
was fool enough to expect different conduct.*'
^' What do the newspapers say ?" inquired
the signora.
" I have scarcely looked at them. There's
the avarage dose of parliamentary news, I
suppose ; a quaniutn iuf. of police "
"No, no,'* she interrupted, "you know
what I mean. What do they say about you
— the reviews?"
<* Complimentary, as usual," was the po-
et's reply. " I wonder," he continued, with
a smile, half of sadness, half of mockery,
" whether my enemies will ever be convinced
that I am not quite a wild beast."
*' You are bitter," exclaimed the countess.
" Nay," he returned, *' I leave bitterness
to them. It is the epithet one of them hon-
ors me with, 'caged hyena.' Were it not
for a mixture of other feelings, that combine
to keep me away, I would pay old England
a speedy visit, and convince them that a
wild beast may bite, if his puny tormentors
go too far. By Heaven ! I feel at times half
resolved to go !"
** Would you take such a step ligh^y ?*'
inquired the countess.
" England and some of her children have
too deeply outraged my feelings for me light-
ly to return to them," he replied.
** How is it that they abuse you ? How is
it that they suffer you, who ought to be
England's proudest boast, to remain in ex-
ile ?"
" Bemain in exile 1" was his ejaculation :
'* they drove me into it."
" I have often thought," was her next re-
mark, "that they could not know you, as
you really are."
** None have known me," was his answer.
186d.J
AN EVENT IN THE LIFE OF LORD BYRON.
41?
** It is the fate of some natures never to be
understood. I never have been, and never
shall be."
Lord Byron could not have uttered a truer
word. Some natures never are and never can
be understood. The deeply imaginative, the
highly sensitive, the intellect of dreamy
power; a nature of which these combined
elements form the principal parts, can never
be comprehended by the generality of the
world. It knows its own superiority; it
stands isolated in its own conscious pride.
It will hold companionship with others, ap-
parently but as one of themselves, in care-
lessness, in sociality, in revelry : but a still
small consciousness is never absent from it,
whispering, even in its most unguarded mo-
ments, that for such a nature there kever
can be companionship on earth : never can it
be understood, in life, or after death. And
of such a one was Lord Byron's.
The lady by his side in the boat that day,
remarking that his own countrymen could
not have understood him, perhaps thought
that she did ; in fact, the observation would
seem to imply it. The noble poet could
have told her that she knew no more of his
inward nature, his proud sad heart, his
shrinking sensitiveness, than did those whose
delusion she deplored. Of such men — ^and
God in his mercy to themselves has vouch-
safed that they shall be rare — there are two
aspects, two natures ; one for themselves,
the other for the world : and they know that
in all the ways and realities of life, they are
appearing, involuntarily, in a false character.
You who are not of this few, who have been
blessed with a mind fitted to play its prac-
tical part in the drama of life, will probably
not understand this ; neither can you under-
stand the bitter feeling of isolation that forms
part of such a nature at knowing it can
never be understood, never be appreciated.
Madame la Contessa, in answer to Lord
Byron's last remark, spoke out with all the
heat and fervor of her native land. '* I should
bum with impatience, I should scarcely live
for fever," were the passionate words, ** until
I had convinced them of their error, and
shown them that you are one to be loved
and prized, rather than hated and shunned."
A sad smile passed over the celebrated
lips of Lord Byron. *' It is not my fate,"
he said, in a tone that told of irony. ** Love
— as you call it — and I, were not destined
by the stars to come into contact. Not one
human being has ever looked upon me with
an eye of love."
YOL. XXX. NO. m.
She interrupted him with a deprecatory
exclamation.
** Never," he persisted ; and if she could
have read the dark feeling of desolation that
his own words awoke within him, she would
have marvelled at his careless aspect, and
the light Italian proverb that issued from his
lips. *^ Bacio di bocca spesso cuor non
tocca."
" But these wicked men in England who
rail at, and traduce you," resumed the Count-
eas, " why don't you throw it back on their
own evil hearts? You have the power
within you."
•* / bide my time,*^ was his answer. "If
I live, they may yet repent of the wrong
they have done me."
" But if you die," cried the Italian, in her
passionate impatience — " if you die an early
" Then God's will be done 1" he answered,
raising his straw hat, and leaning barehead-
ed over the side of the gondola, as he looked
down at the water. They were much mis-
taken, those who accused Lord Byron,
amongst other heinous faults, of possessing
no sense of religion.
The gondoliers were applying themselves
vigorously to their oars, and the party gave
their minds up to the enjoyment of dreamy
indolence, as they quickly glided over the
calm waters of the Adriatic. At length
they reached the island, one especially lauded
by the men. The gondola was made fast to
the shore, and Lord Byron, stepping out,
gave his hand to the countess. It was in-
deed a lovely place. Scarcely half a mile in
length, and uninhabited, the green grass was
soft as velvet; tall bushes, and shrubs of
verdure, were scattered there, affording a
shade from the rays of the sun ; beautiful
flowers charmed the eye ; various birds flew
in the air ; a small stream of water, abound-
ing in fish, ran through the land, and all
seemed loveliness and peace.
The gondoliers proceeded to unload the
boat. Two good-sized hampers, one contain-
ing wine, the other provisions, lines for fish-
ing, guns, a book or two, the contessa's
sketch-book, crayons, <&o., were severally
landed. Added to which, there were some
warmer wrappings for the lady, lest the
night should come on before their return;
and there was also a large cask of spring
water, for although the island they landea
on contained water, some of the neighbor-
ing ones did not, and when they started, the
gondoliers did not know which they should
27
41S
A^ EVENT IN THE LIFE OF LORD BYRON.
[Nov.
inalse for. The cjondola was emptied of all,
save its oars, and was left secured to the
bank.
*' And now for our programme," exclaim-
ed Lord Byron. '* What is to be the order
of the day ?*'
" I shall have an hour's angling," observ-
ed Count G., beginning to set in order the
fishing-tackle. ** By the body of Bacchus,
though ! I have forgotten the bait."
"just like you, G. !" laughed Lord Byron.
"There is some bait here," observed one
of the gondoliers. ** My lord had it brought
down."
'* I am greatly obliged to you," said the
count to Lord Byron, joyfully taking up the
bait. " I remember now where I left it."
" Ay, I have to think for all of you," was
his observation. "Marquis, how do you
mean to kill time ?"
" In killing birds. H. and I propose to
have a shot or two. Will you join us?*'
" Not I," answered Lord Byron : " I have
brought my English papers* with me. You
must lay thd repast in the best spot you can
find," he continued to the men. " We shall
be ready for it soon, I suppose."
The party dispersed. Count G., with one
of the gondoliers, to the stream ; the mar-
quis and the Frenchman to the remotest
parts df the island, fully intending to kill all
they came in sight of; the countess seated
herself on a low bank, her sketch-book on
her knee, and prepared her drawing mater-
ials ; whilst the ill-starred English nobleman
opened a review, and threw himself on the
grass close by.
Do not cavil at the word " ill-starred :"
for, ill -starred he eminently was, in all, save
hb genius. It is true that compensates for
much, but in the social conditions of life, few
have been so unhappy as was Lord Byron.
It was a scene of warfare with himself or
with others, from the cradle to the grave.
As a child, he was not loved; for it is not
the shy and the passionate who make them-
selves friends. His mother, so we may
gather from the records left to us, was not a
judicious trainer; now indulging him in a rep-
rehensible degree ; now thwarting him, and
with fits of violence that terrified him. His
greatest misfortune was his deformity, slight
as it was, for it was ever present to his mind
night and day, wounding his sensitiveness in
the most tender point. An imaginative, in-
tellectual nature, such as his, is always a
vain one : not the vanity of a little mind, but
that of one conscious of its superiority over
the general multitude. Kone can have an
idea of the blight such a personal defect will
throw over the mind of its sufferer, render-
ing the manners, in most cases, awkward and
reserved. Before his boyhood was over,
came his deep, enduring, unrequited love for
Miss Chaworth — a love which, there is no
doubt, colored the whole of his future exist-
ence, even to its last hour. A few years of
triumph followed, when all bowed down to
his surpassing genius : a triumph which, how-
ever gratifying it may have been to his van-
ity, touched not his heart ; for that heart was
prematurely seared, and the only one whose
appreciation could have set it throbbing, and
whose praise would have been listened for as
the greatest bliss on earth, was, to him,
worse than nothing. Then came bis mar-
riage, and that need not be commented on
here : few unions have brought less happi-
ness. His affairs also became embarrassed.
None can read those lines touching upon this
fact, without a painful throb of pity : and, be
assured, that when he penned them, the
greatest anguish was seated in his heart. I
forget what poem the lines are in, neither can
I remember them correctly, but they run
something in this fashion —
And he, poor fellow, had enough to wound Ltro.
• ■•••■ •
It was a trying moment, that which found him
Standing alone beside his desolate hearth,
Whilst all bis household god:? lay shiver'd round
him.
They may be in " Childe Harold"— they
may be in " Don Juan" — they may be in a
poem to themselves : no matter : they refer
to a very unhappy period of his chequered
life. Abandoned by those he may have ex-
pected to cherish him ; abused and railed at
by the public, who took upon themselves to
judge what they knew nothing of; stung to
the quick by accusations, most of which were
exaggerated, and some wholly false, he once
more went into exile. A foreign land be-
came his home, and there, far from all he
cared for, be led a solitary and almost isola-
ted existence. His life had but one hope
that ever cheered it ; but one event to look
forward to, as a break to its monotonous out-
line, and that, was the arrival of letters and
news from England. Lord Byron, above all
others, required the excitement of fame to
sustain him : his vanity was constitutionally
great, and he had been brought, in many
ways, before the public. Only this one break
— and how poor it was ! — to fill the void in
his life and heart 1 He literally yearned for
1858.]
AN EVENT IN THE LIFE OF LORD B7R0N.
410
EnclRnd — he yearned to know what was
said, what thought of him — he yearned for
the hour that should set him right with his
accusers. It has been £aid that he met
abu^e with contempt, scorn with indiffer-
ence : yes, but'only to the world.
That an hour would come when he should
be compensated for his harsh treatment,
when England ,would be convinced he was
not the fiend she described him, Lord Byron
never doubted. But those dreams were not
to be realized. The unhappy nobleman lived
on, in that foreign country, a stranger amongst
strangers. There was nothing to bring him
eicitement, there was no companionship, no
appreciation: it was enough to make him
gnaw his heart, and die. He formed an ac-
quaintance with one, whom the world was
pleased to declare must have brought him all
the consolation he required. They spoke of
what they little understood. It may have
served to while away a few of his weary
hours* nothing more : all passion, all power
to love, had passed away in that dream of his
early life. A short period of this unsatisfac-
tory existence, and the ill-fated poet went to
Greece — to die. As he had lived, in exile
from his own land, where he had so longed
to be, so did he die. Could he have fore-
seen this early death, he probably would
have gone home long before — or not have
quitted it.
And there he reclined on the grass this
day, in that uninhabited island, poring over
the bitter attacks of the critics on his last
work — drinking in the remarks t^ome did not
scruple to make upon himself personally, and
upon the life he was le^iding. The lady
there, busy over her tsketching, addressed a
remark to him from time to time, but found
she could not get an answer.
At length they were called to dine. Ere
they sat down, all articles, not wanted, were
returned to the gondola. Guns, lines, books,
newspapers — every thing was put in order,
and placed in the boat, the sketch-book and
pencils of the signora alone excepted.
''What sport have you had?" inquired
Lord Byron, sauntering towards his shooting
friends.
•* Oh, passable — very passable."
" But Where's the spoil ?"
" Every thing's taken to the gondola," re-
plied the marquis, speaking very rapidly.
" I saw, borne towards the gondola, a bag
full of— emptiness," observed Count G. "I
hope that was not the spoil you bagged."
" What fish have you caught ?" retorted
the marquis, who, being a wretched sports-
man, was keenly alive to all jokes upon the
point.
" Not one," grumbled G. " I don't mind
confessing it. I have not had a single bite.
I shall try a different sort of bait next time :
thb is not good."
They sat down to table — if a cloth spread
upon the grass could be called such. A
party carri it might have been, for all the
interest Lord Byron seemed to take in it.
He often had these moody fits after receiving
news from England. But, as the dinner pro-
gressed, and the generous wine began to
circulate, he forgot his abstraction ; his spirits
rose to excitement, and he became the very
life of the table.
'*One toast 1" he exclaimed, when the meal
was nearly over — ** one toast before we re-
sign our places to the gondoliers 1"
'* Let each give his own," cried Count G.,
*'and we will drink them together."
" Agreed," laughed the party. " Marquis,
you begin."
" By the holy chair ! I have nothing to
grive. Well : the game we did not bag to-
day."
A roar of laughter followed. " Now H, ?"
*• Fj anco, la belle France, land of lands 1"
aspirated the Frenchman, casting the balls
of his eyes up into the air, and leaving visi-
ble only the whites, as a patriotic French-
man is apt to do, when going into raptures
over his native country.
" II diavolo," continued young G., in his
turn.
** Order, order," cried Lord Byron. ^ *
" I will give it," growled G., who had not
yet recovered his good humor. " I owe him
something for my ill luck to-day. II diavo-
lo."
'* And you ?" said Lord Byron, turning to
her who sat on his right hand.
'*What! am I to be included in your
toast-giving ?" she laughed. ** Better man-
ners to you all, then."
"G., you deserved that. We wait for
you, my lord."
" My insane traduoers. May they find
their senses at last." And Lord Byron
drained his glass to the bottom.
Tho party rose, quitted the spot, and dis-
persed about the island. The gentlemen to
smoke, and the lady to complete her sketch,
which wanted filling in. The gondoliers took
the vacated place:?, and made a hearty meal.
They then cleared away the things, and
placed them in the gondola, ready to return.
It may have been from one to two hours
afterwards, that Lord Byron and the French-
420
AN EVENT IN THE LIFE OF LORD BYRON.
[Not,
man were standing by the side of the con-
lessa, who wns dreamily enjoying the calm-
ness of an Italian evening. They were in-
quiring whether she was ready for departure,
for the lime was drawing on, when Count G.,
her brother, appeared in the distance, run-
ning, shouting, and gesticulating violently,
as he advanced towards them.
** Of all the events, great and small, that
can hfippen on this blessed world of ours,
what can have put an Italian into such a
fever as that ?" muttered Lord Byron.
" What's up now ?" he called out to G.
" The gondola 1 the gondola ! he stuttered
and panted ; and so great was his excite-
ment, that the countess, unable to compre-
hend his meaning, turned as white as death,
and seized the arm of Lord Byron.
" Well, what of the gondola ?" demanded
the latter, petulantly. ** You might speak
plainly, I think ; and not come terrifying the
countess in this manner. Is it sunk, or
blown up, or what ?"
" It's worse," reared the count. " It has
gone away — broken from its moorings. It
is a league and a half distant by this time."
Lord Byron took in the full meaning of
his words on the instant, and all that they
could convey to the mind — the embarrass-
ment of their position, its unpleasantness,
and — ay — perhaps its peril. He threw the
arm of the lady from him, with much less
ceremony than he would have used in any
calmer moment, and flew towards the shore,
the Frenchman and the Italian tearing after
him.
Oh yes, it was quite true. There was the
gondola, nearly out of sight, drifting ma-
jestically over the Adriatic. It had broken
its fastenings, and had gone away of its own
accord, consulting nobody's convenience and
pleasure but its own. The four gondoliers
stood staring after it, in the very height of
dismay. Lord Byron addressed then.
" Whose doing is this ? he inquired.
" Who pretended to fasten the gondola ?''
A shower of exclamations, and gestures,
and protestations interrupted him. Of course
** nobody" had done it: nobody ever does do
any thing. They had all fastened it; and
fastened it securely ; and the private opinion
of some of them was given forth, that no-
body had accomplished the mischief save,
il diavolo.
*' Just so," cried Lord Byron. '* You in-
yoked him, you know, G."
" It would be much better to consider
what's to be done, than to talk nonsense/'
retorted the count, who was not of the
sweetest temper.
And Lord Byron burst into an uncon-
trollable fit of laughter, not at him, but at
beholding how the false teeth of the mar-
quis chattered, when he now, for the first
time, was made acquainted with the calamity.
" We shall never get away again ! We
shall be forced to stop on this dreadful isl-
land for ever — and with nothing to eat !"
groaned the marquis. '* Mi-lurd, what is to
be done ?"
Lord Byron did not reply ; but one accus-
tomed to his countenance might have read
the deepest perplexity there ; for wild, un-
defined ideas of famine were flitting like
shadows across his own brain.
Their position was undoubtedly perilous.
Left on that uninhabited isle, without susten-
ance or means of escape, the only hope tbcj
could encourage was, that some vessel might
pass and perceive them : perhaps a pleasure
party, like their own, might be making for
the islands. But this hope was a very for-
lorn one, for weeks might elapse ere that
was the case. They had no covering, save
what they had on ; even the wrappings of
the countess were in the unlucky gondola.
" Can yoa suggest no means of escape ?"
again implored the marquis of Lord Byron,
to whom all the party, as with one accord,
seemed to look for succor, as if conscious
they were in the presence of a superior
mind. They thought that if any could de-
vise a way of escape, it must be he. But
there they erred. They had yet to learn
that for ail the practical uses of every-day
life, none are so entirely helpless as these
minds of inward pride and power. There
was probably not a single person then pres-
ent, who could Bot, upon an emergency,
have acted far more to the purpose then
could Lord Byron.
"There's nothing to be suggested," io-
terrupled one or two of the boatmen. *' We
cannot help ourselves: we have no means
of help. We must watch for a sail, or an
oar, passing, and if none see us, we must
stay here and die."
Lord Byron turned to the men, and spoke
in a low voice. " Do not be discouraged,"
he said : " if ever there was a time when
your oft-quoted saying ought to be practi-
cally remembered, it is now. *' Asutaio, e
Dio I'asutero."
The first suggestion was made by the mar-
quis. He proposed that a raft should be
constructed, sufficient to carry one person,
1863.]
AN EVENT m THE LIFE OF LORD B7&0N.
421
who might then go in search of assistance.
This was very good in theory, but when they
came to talk of practice, it was found that if
there had been any wood on the island suit-
able for the purpose, which there was not,
they had neither tools nor means to fashion
it.
" At all events," resumed the marquis,
" let us hoist a signal of distress, and then,
if any vessel should pass, it will see us/'
" It may, you mean," returned Lord By-
ron. " But what are we to do for a pole ?
Suppose, marquis* we tie a flag to you ; you
are the tallest."
*^ Where are you to 6nd a flag ?" added
the count, in perplexity. *' All our things
have gone off in that cursed gondola."
"Dio miol" uttered the half- crazed mar-
quis.
"I once," said Lord Byron, musingly,
" swam across the Hellespont. I might try
my skill again now, and perhaps gain one of
the neighboring isles."
And to what good if the signor did at-
empt it ?" inquired one of the gondoliers,
" smce the immediate isles are, like this, un-
inhabited. That would not further our
escape, or his."
" Can none of you fellows think of any
thing ?" asked the count, impatiently, of the
gondoliers,. "You should be amply re-
warded."
" The signor need not speak of reward,"
answered Cyclops, the one-eyed boatman :
and it may be stated that *' Cyclops" was
merely a name bestowed upon him by the
public, suggested by his infirmity. " We
are as anxious to escape as he is, for we
h«ve wives and families, who must starve,
if we perish. Never let the signor talk
about reward."
" The gondola must have been most care-
lessly fastened," growled the marquis.
'' Had it sunk, instead of floated, we should
have known it was caused by the weight of
your birds," cried Lord Byron.
" There was not a single bird in it,*' re-
joined the marquis, too much agitated, now,
to care for his renown as a sportsman.
" Then what in the world did you do with
them ? There must be a whole battue of
dead game down yonder."
" You are merry !" uttered the lady, re-
proachfully, to Lord Byron.
" What is the use of being sad, and show-
ing it ? was his answer. *' All the groans
extant won't bring us aid."
The night was drawing on apace, and the
question was raised, how were they to pass
it? The gentlemen, though a little extra
clothing would have been acceptable, might
have managed without any serious inconven-
ience ; but there was the lady I They
seated her as comfortably as circumstances
permitted, under shelter of some bushes,
with her head upon a low bank, and Lord
Byron took ofl^ his coat, a light summer one,
and wrapped her in it. She earnestly pro-
tested against this, arguing that all ought to
fare alike, and that not one, even herself,
should be aided at the inconvenience ot an-
other. And the last argument she brought
in was, that . he might catch his death of
cold.
** And of what moment would that be ?'
was his reply. ** I should leave nobody be-
hind to mourn or miss me."
Few of them, probably, had ever spent
such a night as that. Tormented by physi-
cal discomfort without, by anxious suspense
within, for the greater portion of them there
was no sleep. Morning dawned at last —
such a dawn ! It found them as the night
had left them, foodless, shelterless, and with
hope growing less and less. It was a mer-
cy, they said amongst themselves, that there
was water in the island. And so it was ; for
an unquenched thirst, under Italia's sun, is
grievous to be borne.
It was in the afternoon of this day, that a
loud, joyful cry from Cyclops caused every
living soul to rush towards him, with eyes
full of brightness, and hearts beating, for
they surely thought that a sail was in sight.
And there were no bounds to the anger and
sarcasm showered upon poor Cyclops, when
it was found that his cry of joy proceeded
only from the stupid fact of his having found
the water- cask.
" You are a fool, Cyclops," observed the
Count G., in his own emphatic language.
'* I supposed it had gone off in the gondo-
la," apologised Cyclops. " I never thought
of looking into this overshadowed little
creek, and there it has been ever since yes-
terday."
''And what if it has?" screamed the
Count. ** Heaven and earth, man ! are you
losing your senses ? We cannot eat that."
" And we can't get astride it and swim
off to safety," added the marquis* fully join-
ing in his friend's indignation. But the more
practical Frenchman caught Cyclops' hand :
'* My brave fellow 1" he exclaimed, "I see
the project. You think that by the help of
this cask you may be enabled to bring us
succor."
** I will try it/' uttered the man ; and the
422
AW EVENT IN THE LIFE OF LORD BYRON.
[Nor.
others comprehended, with some difficulty,
the idea that was agitating Cyclops' brain.
He though he could convert the cask into a
** sort of boat," he explained.
" A sort of boat !" ihey echoed.
" And I will venture in it," continued the
gondolier. *• If I can get to one of the in-
habited Isles, our peril will be at an end."
" It may cost you your life, Cyclops,"
said Lord Byron.
" But it may save yours, signor, and that
of all here. And for my own life, it is being
risked by famine now."
" You are a noble fellow !" exclaimed
Lord Byron. "If you can command the
necessary courage "
" I toill command it, signor," interrupted
the man. ** Which of you fellows," he con-
tinued, turning to the gondoliers, " will help
me to hoist this cask ashore ?"
" Stay I" urged Lord Byron. " You .will
have need of all your energy and strength,
Cyclops, if you start on this expedition ;
therefore husband them. You can direct, if
you will, but let others work."
And Cyclops saw the good sense' of the
argument, and acquiesced.
There were two large clasp-knives among
the four boatmen, and, by their help, a hole
was cut in the cask, converting it into —
well, it could not be called a boat, or a raft,
or a tub— converting it into a something
that floated on the deep. The strongest
sticks that could be found, were cut as sub-
stitutes for a pair of oars ; the frail vessel
was launched, and the adventurous Cyclops
hoisted himself into it.
They stood on the edge of the island, no-
bles and gondoliers, in agonizing dread, ex-
pecting to see the cask engulfed in the wa-
ters, and the man struggling with them for
his life. But it appeared to move steadily
onwards. It seemed almost impossible that
so small and frail a thing could bear the
weight of a man and live. But it did, and
pursued its way on, on ; far away on the
calm blue sea. Perhaps, God was prosper-
ing it.
Suddenly, a groan, a screaja, or something
of both, broke from the lips of all. The
strangely-constructed bark, which had now
advanced as far as the eye could well follow
it, appeared to capsize, after wavering and
struggling with the water.
" It was our last chance for life," sobbed
the countess, sinking on the bank in utter
despair.
" I do not think it went down, signorina"
observed one of the gondoliers, who was re-
markable for possessing a good eyesight
" The waves rose, and hid it from our view,
but I do not believe it was capsized."
*' I am sure it was," answered several de-
spairing voices. " What does the English
lord say ?"
" I fear there is no hope," rejoined Lord
Byron, sadly. " But my sight is none of
the best, and scarcely carries me to so great
a distance."
II.
The small, luxuriant island lay calm and
still in the bright moonlight. The gondo-
liers were stretched upon the shore sleep-
ing, each with his face turned to the water,
.as if they had been looking for help, and had
fallen asleep watching. Near to them lay
the forms of three of their employers ; and,
pacing about, as if the mind's restlessness
permitted not of the body's quietude, was
Lord Byron ; dreamily moving hither and
thither, musing as he walked, his brow con-
tracted, and his eye dark with care. Who
can tell what were his thoughts — the
thoughts of that isolated man ? Stealthily
he would pass the sleeping forms of his com-
panions; not caring so much to disturb
their rest, as that he might have no witness-
es of his hour of solitude. Had they been
sleepless watchers, the look of sadness
would not have been suffered to appear on
his brow. Not far off, reclined the contes-
sa, her head resting on the low bank. She
had fallen asleep in that position, overcome
with hunger and weariness, and her features
looked cold and pale in the moonlight. Lord
Byron hailed as he neared her, and bent
down his face till it almost touched hers,
willing to ascertain if she really slept. Not
a movement disturbed the tranquilHty of the
features, and, were it not for the soft breath-
ing, he might have fancied that life had left
her. There was no sound In the island to
disturb her sleep ; all around was still as
death ; when, suddenly, a sea-bird flew
across over their heads, uttering its shrill
scream. Her sleep at once became dis-
turbed : she started, shivered, and Anally
awoke.
" What was that ?" she exclaimed.
" Only a sea-bird," he replied. " I am
sorry it disturbed you, for you were in a
sound sleep."
** And in the midst of a delightful dream,"
she answered, " for I thought we were in
safety. I dreamt we were all of us back
again : not where we started from to come
1868.]
AN EVENT IN THE UFE OF LORD BTRON.
428
here, bat in your palace at Ravenna, and
there seemed to be some cause for rejoicing,
for we were in the height of merriment. And
Cyclops was sitting with us ; sitting with us,
as one of ourselves, and reading — don*t laugh
when you hear it — one of your great English
newspapers."
He did not laugh. He was not in a
laughing mood.
** Do you believe in dreams ?" she con-
tinued. '' Do you think this one is an omen
of good, or ill ? Will it come true, or not ?"
He smiled now. " Those sort of dreams
are no omens," he replied. "It was induced
only by your waking thoughts. That which
you bad been ardently wishing for, was re-
pictured in the dream.
" I have heard you say," she continued,
"that what influences the mind in the day,
influences the dreams in the night. Is it
so?"
" When the subject is one that has con-
tinued and entire hold upon us, most proba*
bly a sad one ; never absent from our heart,
lying there and cankering it ; never told to,
and never suspected by others: then, our
dreams are influenced by our waking
thoufirhts."
** You discovered this, did you not, in
early life ?" she asked.
" Ay, ay !" he answered, turning from her
sight, and dashing the hair from his troubled
brow. Need it be questioned whose form
rose before him, when it is known, though
perhaps by few, for the fact was never men-
tioned by himself but once, that his dreams
/or years had been of Mary Ann Chaworth.
" Oh, but it will be horrible to die thus of
famine I" she exclaimed, her thoughts revert-
ing to all the frightful realities of their posi-
tion.
" Do not despair yet," he replied. '* While
there is life, there is hope. That truth most
indisputably applies to our position here, if
it ever applied to any."
He resumed his restless pacing of the
earth, leaving the countess to renew her
slumbers, if she could. And stie endeavored
to do 80, repeating to herself, by way of con-
solation, the saying which he had uttered,
" L'ultima che si perde h la speranza."
The long night passed ; the first hours of
morning followed; and, still, the means of
escape came not. They had been more than
forty hours without food, and had begun to
experience some of the horrible pangs of
famine. The only one of all the party now
asleep, was Lord Byron. He was worn out
with fatigue and vain expectation. The re-
mainder of the unfortunate sufferers stood on
the edge of the isle, straining their eyes over
the waters, for the hundredth time.
Gradually, very gradually, a speck ap-
peared on the verge of the horizon. It
looked, at first, like a little cloud, bo faint
and small that it might be something, or it
might be delusion. The gondolier, he with
the quick sight, pointed it out. Then an-
other gondolier discerned it, then the third,
then Count G. Finally, they all distin-
guished it. Something was certainly there :
but what ?
A long time — or it seemed long — of ago-
nized doubt ; suspense ; hope ; and they saw
it clearly. A vessel of some sort was bear-
ing direct towards them. The lady walked
away, and aroused Lord Byron from his
heavy sleep.
** You have borne up better than any of
us," she said, "though I do believe your
nonchalance was only put on. But you must
not pretend now to be indifferent to joy."
•* Is anything making for the island ?" he
inquired. But he spoke with great coolness.
Perhaps that was ** put on" too.
" Yes.* They are coming to our rescue."
" You are sure of this ?" he said.
** Had I not been sure, you should have
slept on," was her reply. "A vessel of
some description is bearing direct towards us."
He started up, and, giving her his arm,
proceeded to join the rest.
It was fully in view now. And it proved
to be a galley of six oars, the gallant Cyclops
steering.
So he and his barrel were not turned over
and drowned then 1 No ; the distance and
their fears had deceived them. The current
had borne himself and his cask towards an
inhabited island, lying in the direction of Ra-
gusa. A terrible way off, it seemed to him,
but the adventurous gondolier reached it
with time and patience, greatly astonishing
the natives with the novel style of his em-
barkation. Obtaining assistance and pro-
visions, he at once proceeded on his return,
to rescue those he had left behind.
The galley was made fast to the shore —
faster than the gondola had been ; and Cy-
clops, springing on land, amidst the thanks
and cheers of the starving group, proceeded
to display the coveted refreshments. A
more welcome sight than any, save the gal-
ley, that had ever met their eyes.
** Oh God be thanked that we have not to
die here 1" murmured the countess to Lord
Byron. " Think what a horrible fate it would
have been — shut out from the world 1"
424
ORIGINAL ANECDOTES.
[Nov.,
" For me there may be even a worse in
store," he answered. " We were a knot of
us here, and should at least have died to-
gether. It may be that I shall yet perish a
solitary exile, away from alL^'
** Do put such ideas away," she retorted.
'* It would be a sad fate, that, to close a ca-
reer such as yours."
''Sad enough, perhaps: but in keeping
with the rest," was his reply, a melancholy
smile rising to his pale features, as he handed
her into the'boat, preparatory to their return.
Up to a very recent period, there was an
old man still living in Italy, a man who, in
hu younger days, had been a gondolier. His
name — at any rate, the one he went by — was
Cyclops. It was pleasant to sit by his side
in the open air, and hear him talk. He
would tell you fifty anecdotes of the generous
English lord, who lived so long, years ago,
at Ravenna. And if he could persuade you
to a walk in the blazing sun, would take you
to the water's edge, and display, with pride
and delight, a handsome gondola. It was
getting the worse for wear then, in the way
of paint and gilding, but it had once been
the flower among the gondolas of the Adri-
atic. It was made under the orders of Lord
Byron, and when presented to Cyclops was
already christened — Thb Cask.
>i ^ ti
From Bentley's Hiscellanf.
ORIGINAL ANECDOTES.
BT A DISTINGUISHED FRENCH AUTHORESS.
Talleyrand. — At a small private party
in Paris, one evening, some difficulty was
found in making up a whist table for the
Prince de Talleyrand. A young diplomat
present, who was earnestly pressed by the
hostess, excused himself on the grounds of
not knowing the game. " Not know how to
play whist, sir?" said the Prince, with a
sympathizing air; "then, believe me, you
are bringing yourself up to be a miserable
old man!"
The Vestris Family. — ^The pomposity of
the elder Vestris, the "diou de la danse,*^
and founder of the choregraphic dynasty,
has been often described. In speaking of
his son, Augustus, he used to say, " If that
boy occasionally touches the ground, in his
pas de zepht/r, it is only not to mortify his
companions on the stage."
When Vestris p^re arrived from Italy, with
several brothers, to seek an engagement at
the Opera, the family was accompanied by
an aged mother; while one of the brothers,
less gifted than the rest, officiated as cook
to the establishment. On the death of their
venerable parent, the diou de la danse, with
his usual bombastic pretensions, saw fit to
give her a grand interment, and to pro-
nounce a funeral oration beside the grave.
In the mfdst of his harangue, while appar-
ently endeavoring to stifle his sobs, he sud-
denly caught sight of his brother, the cook,
presenting a most ludicrous appearance, in
the long mourning cloak, or train, which it
was then the custom to wear. " Get along
with you, in your ridiculous cloak!" whis-
pered he, suddenly cutting short his elo-
quence and his tears. " G-et out of my
sight, or you will make me die with laugh-
ing."
A third brother of the same august family
passed a great portion of his youth at Ber-
lin, as secretary to Prince Henry of Prussia,
brother of Frederick the Great. He used to
relate that Prince Henry, who was a connois-
seur of no mean pretensions, but prevented
by his limited means from indulging his pas-
sion for the arts, purchased for his gallery at
Rheinsberg a magnificent bust of Antinous —
a recognized antique. Feeling that he could
not have enough of so good a thing. His
Royal Highness caused a great number of
plaster casts to be struck ofl*, which he
placed in various positions in his pleasure-
1863.J
ORIGINAL ANEODOTE&
425
grounds. When he received visits from illus-
trious foreigners, on their way to the court of
his royal brother, he took great pleasure in
exhibiting his gardens ; explaining their beau-
ties with all the zest of a cicerone. '* That
is a superb bust of Antinous/' he used to
say, *^ Another fine Antinous, — an unques-
tionable antique," A little farther on, •* An-
other Antinous — a cast from the marble."
'' Another Antinous, which you cannot fail to
admire." And so on, through all the three
hundred copies ; varying, at every new spec-
imen his phrase and intopation, in a manner
which was faithfully and most amusingly
portrayed by the mimicry of his ex- secretary.
Vestris used to relate the story in Paris, in
presence of the Prussian ambassador, who
corroborated its autheuticity by shouts of
laughter. Prince Henry of Prussia, how-
ever, in spite of this artistic weakness, dis-
tinguished himself worthily by his talents
and exploits during the Seven Years' War.
Lamartinb. — An eminent Royalist, still
living, unable to pardon one of the greatest
modem poets of France for having contrib-
uted, in 1848, to the proclamation of the
Republic, observed, on noticing his subse-
quent endeavours to calm down the popular
enthusiasm he had so much assisted to excite,
— "Ay, ay! an incendiary disguised as a
fireman !''
The Marquis de Ximbnks. — Some forty
years ago, one of the most assiduous frequen-
ters and shrewdest critics of the "Theatre
Francais" was a certain Marquis de Ximenes ;
a man considerably advanced in years, who
had witnessed the greatest triumphs of the
French stage, in tlfe acting of Le Kain,
Mademoiselle Clairon, and Mademoiselle
Dumesnil, and whose good word sufficed to
create a reputation. He had all the traditi-
ions of the stage at his fingers' end, and few
young actors ventured to undertake a stan-
dard part without previously consulting the
old Marquis. «
When Lnfond,* the tragedian, made his
dibut, he was extremely solicitous to obtain
an approving word from the Marquis do
Ximenes. One night, after playing the part
of Orosmane in Voltaire's tragedy of " Zaire,"
with undounded applause, the actor, not con-
tent with the enthusiasm of the public, ex-
pressed to the friends who crowded to his
dressing-room with congratulations, his anx-
iety to know the opinion of the high-priest
of theatrical criticism — " I must hurry down
* Who must not be confounded with the admi-
rable comediaui Lafont^ so popular at the St James's
Theatre.
to the Foyer^ said he. " The Marquis is
sure to drop in while the after-piece is per-
formed ; I long to hear what he says of my
reading of the part."
On entering the foyer^ the old gentleman
was seen to advance towards the lion of the
night ; and Lafond, highly flattered by this
act of graciousness, instantly assumed an aur
of grateful diffidence.
*' Monsieur Lafond," said the Marquis, in
a tone audible to the whole assembly, " you
have this night acted Orosmane in a style
that Le Kain never attained."
"Ah I Monsieur le Marquis," faltered the
gratified histrion.
'* I repeat, sir, — in a style that La Kain
never attained. — Sir, La Kain knew betterJ*^
Before Lafond recovered his command of
countenance, the malicious old gentleman
had disappeared.
Marie Antoinette. — ^The unfortunate
Marie Antoinette was one of the kindest-
hearted of human beings, as mi^ht be proved
by a thousand traits of her domestic life.
One evening, Monsieur de Chalabre, the ban-
ker of Her Majesty's faro-table, in gathering
up the stakes, detected by his great experi-
ence in handling such objects, that one of the
rouleaux of fifty louis d'or, was factitious.
Having previously noticed the young man
by whom it was laid on the lable, he quietly
placed it in his pocket, in order to prevent
its getting into circulation or proving the
means of a public scandal.
The movements of the banker, meanwhile,
were not unobserved. The Queen, whose
confidence in bis probity had been hitherto
unlimited, saw him pocket the rouleau ; and
when the company assembled round the play-
table were making their obeisances previous
to retiring for the night, Her Majesty made
a sign to Monsieur de Chalabre to remain.
** I wish to know, sir," said the Queen, as
soon as they were alone, '' what made you
abstract, just now, from the play-table, a
rouleau of fifty louis ?"
"A rouleau, Ma«lam?" faltered the
banker.
" A rouleau," persisted the Queen, " which
is, at this moment, in the right-hand pocket
of your waistcoat."
" Since your Majesty is so well informed,'*
replied Monsieur de Chalabre, " I am bound
to explain that I withdrew the rouleau be-
cause it was a forced one."
" Forged 1" reiterated Marie Antoinette^
with surprise and indignation, which were
not lessened when Monsieur de Chalabre
produced the rouleau from his pocket, and.
426
ORIGINAL ANECDOTEa
[Nov.
tearing down a strip of the paper in which
It was enveloped, proved that it contained
only a piece of lead, cleverly moulded to
simulate a rouleau.
" Did you notice by whom it was put
down ?'' inquired the Queen. And when
Monsieur de Chalabre, painfully embarrassed,
hesitated to reply, she insisted in a tone that
admitted of no denial, on a distinct answer.
The banker was compelled to own that it
was the young Count de C , the rep-
resentative of one of the first families in
France.
" Let this unfortunate business transpire
no further, sir," said the Queen, with a heavy
sigh. And with an acquiescent bow, Mon-
sieur de Chalabre withdrew from his audi-
ence.
At the next public reception held in the
apartments of the Queen, the Count de
C , whose father was Ambassador
from the Court of Versailles to one of the
great* power? of Europe, approached the
play- table as usual. But Marie Antoinette
instantly advanced to intercept him.
'* Pardon me Monsieur le Comte," said she
*' if I forbid you again to appear at my faro-
table. Our stakes are much too high for so
young a man. I promised your mother to
watch over you in her place, during her ab-
sence from France, and preserve you, as far
as lay in*hiy power, from mischance."
The Count, perceiving that his misdeeds
had been detected, colored to the temples.
Unable to express his gratitude for so mild a
sentence of condemnation, he retired from
the assembly, and was never again seen to
approach a card- table.
Charles the Tenth. — ^When Martignac
was first proposed as Prime Minister to
Charles the Tenth ; " No !" said the King,
" Martignac would never suit me. He is a
verbal coquette, who holds, above all things,
to the graceful symmetry of his sentences.
To secure a well-turned phrase, he would
sacriGce a royal prerogative. A minister
should not hold too jealously to the success
of his prosody."
La Place.— La Place, the celebrated geom-
etrician and astronomer, was passionately
fond of music ; but he preferred the school
to which he had been accustomed from his
youth. During the feud between the Gluck-
ists and Piccinists, he sided warmly with
Piccini ; and ever afterwards retained a strong
partiality for Italian music. In latter years,
he rarely attended the theatre ; but was
tempted by the great reputation of the
Freischutz, produced at Paris under the
name of the " Robin des Bois," to witness
the performance. As a peer of France, the
author of the Mecanique CeU&te was entitled
to a seat in the box, set apart, at the Odeon,
for the members of the Upper House ;
which, unluckily, happened to be situated
near the brass instruments of the orchestra.
At the first crash, the brows of La Place
were seen to contract. At the second bray,
he rose from his seat, and seized his hat. —
** Old as I am, thank Ood I am not yet deaf
enough to endure that !'' said he ; and quietly
slipped out of the theatre.
The Comtesse de D . — Madame la
Comtesse de D , one of the wittiest wo-
men in Paris, had a daughter, who by fast-
ing, and an over- strict exercise of the duties
of the Catholic religion, seriously injured her
health.
'* My dear child," said her mother, " you
have always been an angel of goodness.
Why endeavor to become a saint ? Do you
want to sink in the world ?"
The Due de Berbi. — The unfortunate
Due de Berri was, in private life, a kindly-
affectioned man. The servants of his house-
hold were strongly attached to him, for he
was an excellent master. He used to encour-
age them to lay up their earnings and place
them in the savings bank ; and even supplied
them with account-books for the purpose.
From time to time, he used to inquire of
each how much he had realized. One day,
on addressing this question to one of his
footmen, the man answered that he had no-
thing left ; on which the Prince, aware that
he had excellent wages, evinced some db-
pleasure at his prodigality.
*' My mother had the misfortune to break
her leg, monseigneur," said the man. " Of
course I took care to afiford her proper pro-
fessional attendance."
The Prince made no answer, but instituted
inquiries on the subject ; when, finding the
man's statement to be correct, he replaced
in the savings bank the exact sum his serv-
ant expended.
Trifling acts of beneficence and gracious-
ness often secure the popularity of Princes.
Garat, the celebrated tenor, was one of the
most devoted partisans of the Due de Berri
The origin of his devotion was, however, in-
significant. The fSte, or name-day of the
duke, falling on the same day with that of
Charles the Tenth, he was acccustomed to
celebrate it on the morrow, by supping with
his bosom friend, the Count de Yaudreuil.
After the Restoration, Madame de Yaudreuil
always took care to arrange an annual /^^
1858.]
ORIGINAL ANEODOTBEL
421
such as was most likely to be agreeable to
their royal guest. On one occabidn, know-
ing that his Royal Highness was particularly
desirous of hearing Qarat, who had long re-
tired from professional life, she invited him
and his wife to come and spend at her hotel
the evening of the Saint Charles. Oarat,
now both old and poor, was thankful for the
remuneration promised : and not only made
his appearance, but sang in a style which the
Due de Berri knew how to appreciate. He
and his wife executed together the celebrated
duet in '* Orph^e," with a degree of perfec-
tion which created the utmost enthusiasm of
the aristocratic circle.
The music at an end, the Duke perceived
that Garat was looking for his hat, prepara-
tory to retiring. *' Does not Garat sup with
us ?'' he inquired of Madame de Vaudreuil.
" I could not take the liberty of inviting him
to the same table with your Royal Highness,*'
replied the Countess. " Then allow me to
take that liberty myself/' said the Duke,
good-humoredly. " You are not hurrrying
away, I hope, Monsieur Garat?" said he to
the artist, who, having recovered his hat,
was now leaving the room. "Surely you
are still much too young to require such early
hours? And as we must insist on detaining
Madame Garat to sup with us, I trust you
will do me the favor to remain, and take care
of your wife."
From early youth, the Duke had been
united by ties of the warmest friendship with
the Count de la Ferronays. Nearly of the
same age, the intercourse between them was
unreserved; but the Count, a man of the
most amiable manners, as well as of an ex-
cellent understanding, did not scruple to af-
ford to his royal friend, in the guise of pleas-
antry, counsels which the Duke could not
have done more wisely than follow to the
letter. Every day monseigneur repeated to
his friend that he could not live a day apart
from him. Such, however, was the impetu-
osity of the Due de Berri's character, that
storms frequently arose between them ; and
on one occasion bis Royal Highness indulged
in expressions so bitter and insulting, that
Monsieur de la Ferronays rushed away from
him to the apartments he occupied on the
attic story at the Tuileries, resolved to give
in his resignation that very night, and quit
France for ever.
While absorbed in gloomy reflections aris-
ing from so important a project, be heard a
gentle tap at his daor. '* Come in !" said
he ; and in a moment the arms of the Duo de
Berri were round his neck.
" My dear friend," sobbed his Royal High-
ness, in a broken voice ; " I am- afraid that
you are very wretched ! that is, if I am to
judge by the misery and remorse I have my-
self been enduring for the last half hour 1"
An atonement so gracefully made effected
an immediate reconciliation.
Louis XVIII. — Monsieur, afterwards Louis
XVIIL, perceiving that his brother, the Count
d'Artois, and the chief members of the youth-
ful nobility, distinguished themselves by their
skill at tennis, took it into his head to become
a proficient in the game ; though the etnbon"
point which he had attained even at that
early age, rendered the accomplishment of
his wishes somewhat difficult of attainment.
After taking a considerable number of
lessons from the master of the royal tennis
court at Versailles, he one day challenged his
royal brother to a match ; and after it was
over, appealed to the first racquet boy for a
private opinidn of his progress. '* It is just
this here," said the gargon : •• if your Royal
Highness wasn't quite so grassier, and had a
little better head on your shoulders, you'd
do nearly as well as Monseigneur the Count
d'Artois. As it is, you make a poor hand
of it."
Talma. — Talma used to relate that, once,
on his tour of provincial engagements, having
agreed to give four representations at the
Theatre Royal at Lyons, he found the line of
p^re noble characters filled by a clever actor,
whom Madame Lobreau, the directress of
the company, unluckily found it impossible
to keep sober. On learning that this indi-
vidual was to fill the part of the high priest
in the tragedy of Semiramis, in which he was
himself to personify Arsace, Talma waited
upon him in private, and spared no argument
to induce him to abstain from drink, at least
till the close of the performance.
A promise to that effect was readily given ;
but alas 1 when the curtain was about to
draw up, to a house crammed in every part,
the high priest was reported, as usual, to be
dead drunk ! Horror-struck at the prospect
of having to give back the money at the
doors, Madame Lobreau instantly rushed up
(o his dressing-room, and insisted on his
swallowing a glass of water to sober him,
previous to his appearance on the stage.
The unhappy man stammered his excuses ;
but the inexorable manageress caused him to
be dressed in his costume, and supported to
the side-scenes, during which operation.
Talma was undergoing a state of martyrdom.
At length the great Parisi'in actor ap-
peared on the stage, followed by the high
438
ORIGINAL ANEGDOTEa
[Nov.
priest, and was as usual overwhelmed with
applause. But to his consternation, when it
came to the turn of the high priest to reply,
the delinquent tottered to the footlights, and
proceeded to address the pit.
" Gentlemen/' said he, " Madame Lobreau
is stupid and barbarous enough to insist on
my going through my part in the state in
which you see me, in order that the perform-
ance may not be interrupted. Now I appeal
to your good seose whether I am in a plight
to personify Orsoes? No, no! I have too
much respect for the public to make a fool
of myself ! — Look here, Arsace !" he con-
tinued, handing over to Talma with the ut-
most gravity the properties it was his cue to
deliver to him in the fourth act. '' Here's
the letter, — here's the fillet, — here's the
sword. — Please to remember that Madame
Semiramis is your lawful mother, and settle
it all between you in your own way as you
think proper. For my part, I am going
home to bed."
A class of men who— luckily, perhaps —
have disappeared from the Parisian world, is
that of the mystifieateura, or hoaxers, created
at the period of the first revolution, by the
general break-up of society, so destructive to
true social enjoyment. To obviate the diffi-
culty of entertaining the heterogeneous circles
accidentally brought together, it became the
fashion to select a butt, to be hoaxed or mys-
tified by some clever impostor, for the amuse-
ment of the rest of the party. Among the
cleverest of the mystificateurs were three
painters, who had proved unsuccessful in
their profession — Musson, Touzet, and Le-
gros. The presence of one of these, at a
small party or supper, was supposed to en-
sure the hilarity of the evening. Sometimes
the hoaxer was satisfied to entertain the com-
pany by simple mimicry, or by relating some
humorous adventure; but in circles where
he was personally unknown, he usually as-
sumed the part of a fictitious personage — a
country cousin, an eccentric individual, or a
foreigner. Musson, the best of his class,
exhibited, in these impersonations, the viz
comica in the highest degree.
One day, having been invited to meet, at
dinner, Picard, the dramatist, to whom he
was a stranger, he made his appearance as a
rough country gentleman, come up to Paris
to see the lions. Scarcely were they seated
at table, when he began to discuss the thea-
tres, of one of which (the Odeon) Picard was
manager. Nothing, however, could be more
bitter and uncompromising than the sarcasms
leveled at the stage by the bumpkin critic ;
to whom, for some time, Picard addressed
himself in the mildest tones, endeavoring to
controvert his heterodox opinions. By de-
grees, the intolerance and impertinence of
the presumptuous censor became insupport-
able ; and, to his rude attacks, Picard was
beginning to reply in language equally vio-
lent, to vthe terror and anxiety of the sur-
rounding guests, when their host put an end
to the contest by suddenly exclaiming, —
*' Musson, will you take a glass of wine with
me ?" — on which, a burst of laughter from
Picard acknowledged his recognition of the
hoax so successfully played off upon him ;
and, contrary to the proverb, the ** two of a
trade" shook hands,and became friends for life.
JuLBS Janin. — In the height of the quarrel
between the Homoeopathists and the Faculty
of Paris, the editor of a medical journal,
having somewhat severely attacked the dis-
ciples of Hahnemann, was called out by one
of the tribe. " Rather hard," said he, " to
have to risk ones's life for pointing out the
impoteoce of an infinitesimal dose !" — " No
great risk, surely 1" rejoined Jules Janin, who
was present at the discussion, " such a duel
ou^ht, of course, to represent the principles
of nomoBopathic science — the hundredth part
of a grain of gunpowder to the thousandth
part of a bullet 1"
1853.]
LTTEBABY lOSClBLLANIBa.
429
LITERARY MISCELLANIES.
Thb pablications of the month hare not been
namerouB, and a majority of these, perhaps, are re-
prints of American works.
Mr. Bbntlet pabllshes Mr. Eliot's ** History of the
Early ChrisUans^** in 2 Tols., 87o.
Mr. Chapmax, Rev. Dr. Hickok's "System of
Moral Science ;*' Theodore Parker's " Theism, Athe-
ism and the Popular Theology'* — "Ten Sermons on
Religion;*' "Poem by Anna Black welV And "The
Public Function of Woman.**
Clarke; Bcbton 4e Co. republish Mr. Hildreth*s
" Theory of Politics^" origioally published by Hae*
FEB A Brothxbs. The Literary Gazette speaks
highly of it:
"This treatise on political philosophy, though
amall in size, is rich in theoretical and practical
truth. Of the origin, principles; and forms of goT-
emment^ the author treats with clearness and force,
illustrating his statements by historical references
ftnd examples. On various political questions there
is room for diversity of opinion, and Eoglish read-
ers will make allowance for what they wi& consider
American prejudices. But there are some subjects
on which the citizens of the Slates hare attained a
position far ahead of the people of older countries;
and in which their experience may be profitably
studied. The general education of the people, and
the position of the clergy in relation to the civil
institutions of the country, may be specified as ex-
amples."
KmoQT <b Co. republish Rev. Mr. Barnes' " Notes
Criiical, Explanatory and Practical, on the Book of
Daniel," edited by Dr. Henderson. It was origi-
nally published by Ltavitt & Allen, and is thus
noticed by the Literary Gazette :
"Of all modern commentators on the Bible
Albert Bamea; of Philadelphia, is deservedly the
most popular. Several English editions were pub-
lishea of the early volumes of his * Notes on the
lYew Testament ;* but^ for the author's sake, we are
glad that he has in his later publications taken ad-
vantage of the copyright law, and the present work
is al«o issued under his direct sanction. The Notes
on Daniel form a valuable companion work to those
on the Apocalypse, and are marked by the same
learned research, oritica) acumen, and sterling
sense. The introduetorjr dissertation presents an
historical and critical notice of the book of Daniel
Weakness of health and impaired sights induced by
his literary labors; have rendered the revision of
the work by an editor necessary, and it could not
have fallen into more capable and sympathizing
handsL Dr. Henderson, in his brief prefatory note,
justly praises the work as likely to prove *an
efficient aid to ministers in their preparation for
the exercises of the pulpit^ to teachers m the study
of their scriptural lessons; and to the Christian
public at large in their search after divine truth.' "
The "Napoleon Dynasty, by the Berkley Men,''
published by Lamport, Blaxxman A Law, has been
republished, and is thus regarded by the critic of
^ne Spectator :
"Thu American compilation is done upon the
principle of 'stump oratory,' with one considerable
exception. The stump orator is doubtless consist-
ent with himself; the matter and manner are con-
gruous. The compiler of The Napoleon Dynasty,
• gfctting up ' his book from various sources, has a
mixture of styles, French rhetoric or French senti-
ment alternates with the fustian of the far Wes!^
while ocasionally there is a contrasting flatness
which reminds one of the level style of Ancient
Pistol, It were absurd to look for critical care or
discrimination from the so-called Berkley Men.
There are facts so notorious^ or at least so easily as-
certainable, that iaporance respecting them is inex-
cusable. The book tells us that Sir Arthur Wellei;
ley was recalled to go to the Peninsula from India-
• where he had achieved all his fame hitherto, by a
career of robbery and crime, extortion, murder,
and the extinction of nations, compared with which
Napoleon 8 worst aoU of usurpation in the height of
his ambition paled into insignificance,' Aa Ac Sir
Arthur Welleslejr was not recalled at alL but re-
turned from Indu (in 1806) two years before the
French invaded Portugal (1807) and nearly three
years before Bonaparte seized upon Spain. Stogie
facts such as these involve attentive reading;
and though all the drcumstances would contra-
dict the assertion, with a man of any knowledge of
public events, a hasty and ignorant compiler might
fall into such a blunder. But what are we to think
of Borodino f — * Each foe commanded over 100,000
men and 500 cannon. » • • Each army withdrew
at night, and 100,000 dead men were left on the
field I' The idea of every other man being killed
in a modem battle I The slaughter at Borodino
was indeed terrible, but it was ^re and-twenty not
one hundred thousand men. Enough of ignorance
and impudence like this. In competent and criti-
cal hands, the lives of all the Bonaparte Family
would be a fair subject^ but rather curious than at-
tractive."
ScBiBiiKR A Co. republish Brantz Mayer's " Mexi-
00," which is esteemed by the Athenceum to be " by
far the most complete account of Mexico, historical
and descriptive, that has yet been published. It is
nearly half a century since the work of Baron
Humboldt first attracted general notice to the anti-
quities and the resources of this region of the new
world."
Rev. Mr. Laurie's « Life of Dr. Grant" has been
republished, and is thus noticed by the AtheneBum:
"America is famous for her miasionariea; and
among these Dr. Asahel Grant is certainly one of
the moet distinguished. His strength, however,
was not in his pen : he wrote verbcMely and mag-
niloquendy, — so that it is exceedingly tiresome to
read the record of his labors and his travels.
Otherwise, the story of an earnest lif« spent among
a littie-known people; under conditions touching
480
LTTBRABT IHSGELLAXIEB.
[Nov;,
the borders of romance, abounds in interest Dr.
Qrant deserves a better biographer than himself.**
Oatsall has renrintfed Mrs. Southworth's " Mark
Sutherland/' and is thus characterized in a long no-
tice in the Times :
"To judge of Mrs. South worth*s merit as a novel-
ist from the work before us^ she possesses an un-
common faculty for making fiction appear like
truth; for nobody who reads *Mark Sutherland'
will think of it as a mere Ule that is told, or, while
reading it, convince himself that it is a fiction and
not a fact, so natural are the ideas and sentiments,
and so natural are the characters and conversation
of the periK>nages introduced."
Mr. Matthew's "Moneypenny'' has likewise been
reprinted, and is thought by the AthewBum to re-
semble " nothing so much as a third class masquer-
ade, in which we find Jack Sheppards, Indian
queens, melo-dramatic women of mystery, charm-
ing young beauties, figuring in some animated and
vulgar dance, neither the fun nor the figure of
which can be relished by persons of taste. Mr.
Cornelias Matthews has made a better appearance
iu former literary essays, if we misUke not; but
he must not for that reason escape if he writes a
story like * Moneypenny,' in which all that is not
stupid is disagreeable."
Adventures in Australia in 1852 and '8, by Rev.
a Berkley Jones — is just out.
Letters of the Poet Gray, now first published,
edited by Rev. J. Mitford.
Leigh Hunt's " Religion of the Hearty a manual
of faith aud duty."
Miss Martineau's translation of Comte's "Posi-
tive Philosophy," u just out> in 2 vols., 8vo.
History of the Insurrection in China, with Noti-
ces of the Christianity, Creed, and Proclamations
of the Insurgents, by M. M. Callery and Yvan,
translated by John Oxenford. This is regarded as
a very authentic and timely work. The Literary
Oazette thinks that ** for a connected account of the
revolution from its commencement we are indebted
to the labors of the French authors, whose work is
now translated by Mr. Oxenford. M. Callery was
formerly a miasionary, and afterwards interpreter
to the French embassy, to which Dr. Yvan was at-
tached as physician. Some of the statements in
their work are corrected by more recent informa-
tion, but on the whole they have presented a faith-
ful and animated narrative of the insurrection. A
perusal of this work is necessary for intelligently
following the reports which are likely for some
time to be transmitted by each mail from China."
The Public and Domestic Life of Edmund Burke,
by Peter Burke. The Spectator thinks this work
supplies a deficiency, though it has '* not, indeed,
the nice felicity ot Washington Irving's Life of
Goldsmith, nor the skilful arrangement^ the varied
knowledge of the age, and the forceful rhetoric of
Mr. Forster's biography of the same author: neither
has it any striking characteristics of its own ; but it
tells in a readable manner what there is to be told
of Burke's private and literary life, as well as of
his public career. The leading features of that ca-
reer are exhibited by episodes^ and impress us with
the greatness of Burke as a guiding mind of the age,
alwas foremost and always influential even in nub-
ordinate office. The American War, official reform,
India, its gpovemment and abuses^ the impeachment
of Hastings, and the French Revolution, bear wit-
ness to his activity, ftom his first appearance in Par-
liament to his final retirement."
'History of France, from the Invasion of the
Franks under Clovis to the Accession of Louis
Phillippe, by Emile de Bonnechose. This summary
history of France, written during the reign of Louis
Phillippe, has been received with much approba-
tion in France, and adopted in several public insti-
tutions. In a certain sense, it is worthy of this
favor. It gives as dear a narrative of events as is
compatible with the space of a single volume how-
ever bulky, and the resumes of particular periods
are sufficient, if not very new. It is the best
"abridgement" of the history pf France extant.
Essays on some of the Forms of Literature, by
Thomas I. Lynch. — ^These four essays contain the
substance of four lectures originally delivered at the
Royal Institution, Manchester. The subjects are, —
first, Poetry, its Sources and Influence; second.
Biography, Autobiography, and History ; third.
Fiction and Imaginative Prose; fourth. Criticism
and Writings of the Day. The Aiheju£ym^ in notic-
ing it^ says:
**The most quintessential of lecturers who could
characterixe a century by an epithet^ demolish a false
philosophy by an epigram, and * put a girdle ' round
a whole world of thought and fancy in the * forty min-
utes ' allotted to him by an audience eager to receive
instruction homcsopathically, or in the amallest
imaginable space, would be puxzled to do justice to
the table of contents drawn out above within the
limits accepted. Mr. Lynch does his best to get
through his task by trying to say deep things in a
few words ; but his aepth, if really profound, is
not dear ; hb Blnglish, though poetical, sometimes
is confused ; and his illustrations, intended to be
novel and original, are often injudiciously selected.'*
Popular Errors on the subject of Insanity Ex-
amined and Exposed, by James F. Duncan, M.D.
The Spectator regards this ** a well considered and
sensibly- written treatise on insanity, chiefly in re-
lation to erroneous opinions which are entertained
on the subject. For example, suicide is examined,
in order to combat the prevailing notion, not only
entertained by the general public, but bhown in the
verdict of juries^ that self-destruction is a proof of
mental derangement, as well as to draw the distinc-
tion between suicide from insanity and by a sane
person. Criminal jurisprudence as connected with
mania is considered at length, the true difiTerences
between sanity and insanity being pointed out, and
a suggestion advanced that accountability la the
main iseue^ since a^ lunatic may in some oases be
really as accountable as a sane man. A variety of
other topics are handled by Dr. Duncan, from all of
which the reader will receive judicious if not d-
ways new ideaa^ as regards insanity and the treat-
ment of the insane."
Sketches in Ultramarine, by James Hannay, em-
braces a series of papen on nautical subjects^ some
of which were formerly published in the *' United
Service Magazine." **Some of his sketchee," says
the Literary Ocucette, " give a tolerable idea of the
naval life of our own &y, but there is too much
straining after effect in the literary delineation.
Some of the best scenes are spoiled by the style in
which they are described.*'
1863.]
LTTERARY MISCELLAKIEBL
431
Tlie Character of the Dake of Wellington, apart
from his Military Talents, by the Earl Gre^. "Al-
thonghy" says the Oritie, ** the Earl deems it an act
of justice tu the great warrior to pat together some
ofaaerTatioDs upon his priyate feelings and princi-
ples. Hti informs us^ however, that he had no pro-
rasaional or private connexion with the Dake, and
that only from dispatches has he in thi& The volume
contains nothing that every body did not already
know of the Duke. It will be a source of gratiflca
tion to have in a compact form a thousand proof
of the amiability and kindliness of a general who
\ once popularly known only as the Iron-hearted.*i
Sea Nile, the Desert^ and Nigritia, described bT
Joseph U. Ghuri. The ^ihencenm commences its
review of this work thus :
" Here at least is a literary novelty. The Nil^
and the Desert^ the City of the Kast^ the mosque
the cataract and the pyramid, are known to us by a
thousand interpretations: — but how few of these
are native I The German studejit has carried with
him to Philoe the scholarship and mysticism of Hei-
dleberg; the French novelist has reproduced at
Cairo aud Alexandria the gaieties of his own boule-
Yard ; the American Howadji, uoconcious of the
poetry of his own lakes and mountains^ of the inter-
eat attaching to the past greatness and forgotten
avilizations which exist around him, has placed his
amaranth on gilded minaret and solemn pyramid ;
the English tourist has been poetical, learned, indif-
ferant^ sneering, and statistical, as agreed with his
digestion or chimed in with the prevailing mood of
his mind : — but a picture of the East by an Eastern
is a rare effort^ and will command attention. Signor
Churl is a Maronite * of Mount Lebanon.' What an
address to give: — Signor Churi of Mount Le-
hanonr*
Miss Bremer's new work, " The Homes of the
Kew World: Impressions of America" — the first
volume of which the Harpers have republished,
does not seem to have taken well. The Critic ex-
claims:
Thirteen hundred and thirty pages, full tale, on
America I In the present instance, had a thousand
pages been deducted, we should still have had a
pleasant^ instructive volume. If by some literary
cookery the three volumes could have been boiled
down into one, Miss Bremer's new work would
have had more readers, and the story of her travels
"Wonld have been told more effectively. For, we
must say — and we say it very reverently — that in
these thi*ee volumes there is a considerable amount
of unmitigated twaddle." The Spectator calls it
personal, and thinks there was no excuse for its
publication. The Athencgum thinks the ** book will
not increase Mm Bremer's reputation. The topics
of which it treats^ and the manner of that treat-
ment^ are not suiteil to the habits and character of
her mind. Nor wera the circumstances under
which Miss Bremer acquired her knowledge of
America, and of what she calls the Homes of the
Kew World, favorable to her object of writing a
book." ''A considerable part^ however, of each of
the three volumes ought never to have been print-
ed,— perhaps never to have been written. We al-
lude to those numerous passaij^es occupied wholly
in dilating on the characters and capacities of the
private persons with whoni, as a gtiest prineipally,
HiM Bremer became aequainted.''
Akrrioan Books.
The Meesra Cartkr have recently published
several Biblical works which have more than ordi-
nary value. A compilation of Scripture texts espe-
cially arranged, entitled **The Law and Testi-
mony,'* made by the author of Wide, Wide World,
is an invaluable manual for the readers of the Sa-
cred volume. It carefully arranges the several pas-
sages of Scripture which relate a given subject un-
der one head, carefully quoting the whole passage,
and its context^ and designating that which relates
to the topic in hand by large and perspicuous type.
It is a work of great labor and evinces a nice per-
ception of the meaning of the inspired t«xt.
The Sufferings and Glory of the Messiah, is A
volume of expository lectures, by the Rev. Dr.
Brown, on the 18th Psalm, in connection with Isa.
62: 13, Ac — an admirable specimen of expository
and preaching, accurate learning, sound judgment*
and ingenious method, characterise all of Dr.
Brown's writings.
A new work of Dr. Cheevers, entitled '*The
Powers of the World to Come," treats with the au-
thor's accustomed vividness of imagery and force of
expression, the great themes of man's future life.
A new and very neat edition of the immortal Ex-
position of Matthew Henry, in six volumes—a work
which, for pith and copiousnera of thought^ quaint
beauty of style and fervent piety, has no equal in
the language.
History of the Westminster Assembly of Divine^
by Dr. Hetherington, succinctly recounts the pro-
ceedings and characterizes the personages of the fa-
mous Calvinistio Synod, to wnich the Catechism
owes its origin.
An instructive history of religious enterprise in
Africa is furnished in a little work, entitled ** Abbe-
okuta, or Sunrise in the Tropics^" Many a work of
large pretensions does not possess the real merits of
this unpretending volume.
Items.
A literary pension of 100/. a year has been con-
ferred on Sir Francis Head, the popular author of
" Bubbles from the Brunnen," and other popular
works; and another of 100/. on the widow ot Mr,
M. Moir, of Musselburgh — well known in the world
of letters as the ** Delto" of SlackwootPa Magazine.
A pension of 80/. a year has been given to the Rev.
William Hickey, the popular agricultural writer,
under the well-known name of '* Martin Doyle."
A University for Australia has been founded and
endowed by the local legislature at Sydney ; and
the latest tidings from that colony speak of a pro-
ject being on foot to establish a new college, in con
nexion with the University there, for educating
Ministera of the English Church.
■
The Scotsman newspaper reports a serious ac#
dent to Sir William Hamilton, Professor of Logic
from a fall. The hurt is not, however, supposed to
be dangerous.
The first Congress of Statists haa been recently
held in Brussels. The meetings were well attended
by Eogli^ French, Germans^ and others^ and eon
■iderable interest was excited by their proceedings
among the inhabitanto of that gay and pieturesque
432
» LITERART MISCELLANIES.
[Nov., 1863.]
capital. Among the frequent YiBitore at the vari-
ous Sections were King Leopold and his two sons,
the Duke of Brabant and the Duke of Flanders;
and the diatinguiehed members of the Congress were
more than once invited to partake of the royal hos-
pitalities.
Our obituary contains the name of Dr. Lyming-
ton, of Paisley, Professor of Divinity to the Re-
formed Presbyterian Synod.
Science and the Arts, says the Journal de9
Dihats, have sustained a serious loss in the person
of M. Depping, the Senior Member of the Society
of Antiquaries in France, and member of various
other Academiea He is the author of many works,
among which may be mentioned a " Historv of the
Commerce of Europe with the Levant;'' "The
Jews in the Middle Ages f a " History of Norman-
dy under William the Conquerer ;'* and "Adminis-
trative Correspondence under Louis the Four-
teenth.**
At a r-ublio dinner lately given him, Mr. Row-
land Hill, the Post Office Reformer, gave some ac-
count of the extent of i,he reform obtained through
his exertions. The year after the penny post stamp
was issued, the number of letters, said he, doubled :
last year, they had increased to nearly five times
the ante reform number. The net income for the
year ending the 6th of January, 1888, amounted to
1,662,424/. 7». 7 id, while that of the year ending
Mme date in 1868 was 1,090,419/. 18». 6li. The
gross a/nount of income for the year 1889 was
2,846,278/., and for 1868, 2,484,326/.
Paganini, who died so many years back, has not
yet been buried. The clergy of Nice refused him
Christian sepulture, because he neglected to receive
the sacrament in his last moments. W» nej'hew
and heir applied to the ecclesiastical douJ* for an
order for them to proceed to the burial. After im-
mense delay, his application was rejected. He
therefore appealed to the archie pisoopal court of
Genoa. After more long delay, a judgment was
given, quite recently, to the effect that the inter-
ment should take place in the ordinary cemetery.
But against this decision, the ecclesiastical party has
presented an appeal to a superior jurisdiction, and
Heaven only knows when it will be decided. In
the meantime the remains of the great violinist are
left in an unconsecrated garden.
The confession of Balthazar Gerard, the assassin
of William the Taciturn, Prince of Orange, in 1684,
has just been added to the archives of Belgium. It
is a very interesting historical document It is en-
tirely in the handwriting of the murderer, occupies
three pages, contoins few erasures, and gives a de-
tailed account of the motives of his crime, and of
the measures he took for executing it
An obeervatorv is about to be built at Utrecht
The King of Holland laid the first stone of it a few
days ago.
M Thiers is on the point of finishing his history
of the Consulate and Empire.
M. de Remusat has resumed the editorship of the
Revue dea Deux Mondee.
A posthumous work of Balzac is announced to
appear in the Oonstitutionnel,
Mr. Thorp, the editor of variouB Anglo-Saxon
and other works connected with early Northern
literature, is preparing for the press a new edition
and translation of Beowulf, founded on a ooUation
of the Cottonian MS.
A correspondent of the Literary Gazette states
that Proudhon, the Socialist^ has written a work on
political philosophy, but in all Paris he <^nnot find
a printer who has the courage to print it Yet it
is said, like all that emanates from him, to be ad-
mirably written and profoundly thought ; it is said
to contain nothing objectionable to the powers that
be ; and it is said that he is willing to submit it^ to
the strictest examination, and to erase anything
that can by any possibility be considered offensive.
All is vain, however; notoneof the eighty licensed
printers in Paris dare touch the manuscript
The Paris correspondent of the Journal of Orwi-
merce says: — "The Academy of Inscriptions has
just issued the twenty-second quarto volume of the
Ilistory of France, a work begun by the Benedic-
tine Monks nearly a century and a half ago, and
continued by members of the Institute. This^om«
is nearly of a thousand pages^ and though the
twenty-second, descends no later than the thirteenth
century. The disquisitions are erudite ; the eeleo-
tions^ valuable, rare, or curious; and the contents,
altogether, adapted to the import and scope of the
tiUe."
Alexander Yon Hnmboldt accomplished hii
eighty-fourth year on the 18th nit The illustrious
philosopher is in the full enjoyment of health and
vigor.
Among the papers of Mrs. Gibbon, the aunt of
the historian, were f^ilipd, after her decease, several
letters to her from her nephew, Edward Gibbon, the
historian, and his friend Lord Sheffield, from which
it would appear that the religious views of the for-
mer had, at least from the year 1788, undergone
considerable chaoge. In one of these intereetinff
letters- Gibbon says : — ^Whatever you have been tola
of my opinions, I can assure you with truth, that I
consider religion as the best guide of youth, and
the best support of old age ; that I firmly believs
there is less real happiness in the business and
pleasures of the world, than in the life which yoa
have chosen of devotion and retirement"
Monsieur Gabriel Surenne has just returned from
a literary tour in France and England, undertaken
for the purpose of discovering the residences, ceme-
teries, and various historical circumstances in con-
nection with the royal house of the Bruoes, from
the first baron to the eighth inclusive. His anti-
quarian researches have been crowned with suooeaa
The discovery of the lost Regalia has caused
much satisfaction in Hungary. The crown, sword,
sceptre, orb, cross, and mantle, were buried in an
island of the Danube for security during the war
of independence.
Mr. Parker, the celebrated Oxford publisher, has
recently extended his agencies in the principal cities
abroad, for the purpose of making the numeron
and learned works issued by the University known
on the continent.
Mr. W. Brown, M.P. for South Lancashire, has
placed at the disposal of the town council of Liver-
pool the munificent gift of 6000/. for the erection
of a free library, if the corporation will provide a
suitable site, in a central part of the town.
[i/iuJiktJ^x^J:
a^S^
•
• 0
A.
^.
r
»0
I
* LouU XVIL, 8a Vie, tan Jganie, »a Mori ;
Capiiviti de la Famille RoyaU au Temple^ cuvrage
tnrichi <P Avtoaraphet, de PorlraiUf el de Plant,
Pat M. a. de BMQohesne. 2 vols. PariB. 1862.
VOL. XXX. NO. IV.
Angoul^me, who were inmates of the
Temple, and in the MemoirU Hiiipriquu of
M. Eckard, which is a judicious and interest-
28
u/luJiLulux*^
A-,v'.. •-,■;■:' /■'■v;' ;.--:,'^ '
ECLECTIC MAGAZIIE
FOREIGN LITERATURE, SCIENCE, AND ART.
DECEMBER. 1853.
LODIS XTII."
Tea deep obecariLy that oovered the last
eighteen months of the life of the son of
Louis XVI., and the mystery io which his
death and burial were so strangely, nad, as
it seemed, ao studiously involved, gare to the
general sympathy that his fate naturally ex-
cited na additional and somewhat of a more
romantic interest. Of the extent of this
feeliog, we have evidence more conclusive
than respectable in the numerous pretenders
that have successively appeared to claim
identity with him. We really forget how
many there have heen of these " FauxBatt-
j^ins," but Four — of the names of Herva-
gault, Bruneau, Naundorf, and Richemont —
played their parts with a degree of success
that con6rms the observation that, however
great the number of Icnavet in the world
may be, they are always sure to find an
ample proportion ot fooli and dupei. Not
one of ifaoee cases appeared to us to have
reached even the lowest degree of probabili-
ty, nor would they l>e worth menljoning, but
that they seem to have stimulated the zeal
* Zouii XVII.. SaVii,i>m Agoni*. ta Mart ;
Ot^titili Ja la Famillt Boj/alt ou Temple, oumgt
tHrieki J' Autographet, dt Portrailt, tt dt Flan*.
Far H. A. dfl BaauDhesDe. t vols. FWw. ISCS.
TOL. XXX. NO. IV.
of U. A. de Beauchesne to coUeot all the
evidence that the fury of the revoliitio& and
the lapse of time might have spared, as to
the authentic circumstances of bis life and
death in the Tower of the Tempk.
M. de Beauchesne states that a great part
of his own life has been dedicated to this
object. He has — he tells us — made himself
familiar with all the details of that mediievel
prison-house; he has consulted all the ex-
tant records of the public offices which had
any connexion with the service of the Temple
— he has traced out and personally oommu-
nioated with every surviving indiridoal who
had been employed there, and be has even
sought secondhand and hearsay information
from the ootogeDarian neighbors and acquain*
tances of those who were no more. This
statement would lead us to expect more of
novelty and orieinalily than we have found
— for, in truth, M. de Beauchesne baa added
little — we may almost say nothing essential —
to what bad been already so copiously de-
tailed in the respective memoirs of ISli.
Hue, C16ry, and Turgy, and the Dncheas d'
Angoul^me, who were Inmates of the
Temple, and in the MemoirU SitUmguet of
M. Eckard, which is a judicious and iaterect-
434
LOUIS XVU.
fDec.»
ing summary of all the fore-named authori-
ties. From these well-known works, M. de
Beauchesne borrows full three-fourths of his
volumes ; though he occasionally cites them,
he does not acknowledge the extent of his
obligations — particularly to M. Eckard — as
largely as we think he should have done.
An ordinary reader is too frequently at a
loss to distinguish what rests on M. de Beau-
chesne's assertions from what he copies
from others. This uncertainty — very incon-
venient in a historical work — is seiiously
increased by his style of writing, which is so
ampoule and rhetorical as sometimes leaves
us in doubt whether he is speaking literally
or metaphorically ; for instance, in detailing
the pains be has taken, and his diligent ex-
amination of persons and places from which
he could hope any information, he ex-
claims : —
** For twenty years I shut myself up in (hat
Tower — I lived in ii — traversed all its stairs and
apartments, nay, pried into every hole and corner
about it." — p. 4.
Who would suppose that M. de Beau-
chesne never was in the Tower at all — per-
haps never saw it ! — for it was demolished
by Bonaparte, and the site built over, near
fifty years ago. He only means that his
fancy has inhabited the Tower, <kc., in the
same sense that he afterwards says, —
** I have repeopled it — I have listened to the
•ighs and sobs of the victims — I have read from
the writinffs on the walls the complaints, the par-
dons, the farewells ! — I have heard the echoes re-
peating these wailings." — lb.
Such a style may not be, we admit, incon-
sistent with the truth of his narrative, but it
renders it vague and suspicious, and contrasts
very disagreeably with the more interesting
simplicity of the original works to which we
have referred.
M. de Beauchesne flatters himself that he
is neither credulous nor partial. We think
he is somewhat of both, but we entertain no
doubt of his sincerity. We distrust his
judgment, but not his good faith. Indeed,
the most valuable of his elucidations are the
documents which he has copied from the
revolutionar}' archives, and which speak for
themselves ; and, on the whole, the chief
merit that we can allow to his work is, that
it collects and brings together — with some
additional explanation and confirmation — all
that is known — ^all perhaps that can be
known — of that melancholy, and, to France,
disgraceful episode in her history — the cap-
tivity of the Temple, and especially of the
life and death of Louis XVII.
Louts Charles, the second son and fourth
child of Louis XVI. and Marie Antoinette,
was bom at Versailles on the 27th of March,
1 785, and received the title of Duke of Nor-
mandy. On the death of his elder brother,
(who was born in 1781, and died in 1789, at
the outset of the Revolution) he became heir-
apparent to the Throne, but, in fact, heir to
nothing but persecution, misfortune and
martyrdom. Less partial pens than M. de
Beauchesne's, describe the child as extreme-
ly handsome, large blue eyes, delicate fea-
tures, light hair curling naturally, limbs well
formed, rather tall for his years, with a
sweet expression of countenance not wanting
in either intelligence or vivacity — to his fami-
ly, he seemed a little angel — to the Court a
wonder — to all the world a very fine and
promising boy. We not only forgive, but
can assent to M. de Beauchesne's metaphori-
cal lament over him as a lily broken by a
storm and withered in its earliest bloom.*
Within two hours after the death of the
first Dauphin, (on the 4th of July, 1789)
the Revolution began to«xhibit its atrocious
disregard of not merely the Royal authority
but of the ordinary dictates of humanity
and the first feelings of nature. The Cham-
ber of the Tiers Etat (it had not yet
usurped the title of National Assembly)
sent a deputation on business to - the King,
who had shut himself up in his private apart-
ment to indulge his sorrows. When the
deputation was announced, the King answer-
ed that his recent misfortune would prevent
his receiving it that day. They rudely in-
sisted on their right of audience as represen-
tatives of the people : the King still request-
ed to be spared : the demagogues were ob-
stinate— and to a third and more peremptory
requisition, the unhappy father and insulted
monarch was forced to yield, with, however,
the touching reproof of asking — " Are there,
then, no fathers among them V*
A month later the Bastile was taken, and
on the 6th of October, another insurrection
stormed the Palace of Versailles, massacred
the Guards, and led the Royal family in
captivity to Paris. We pass over the three
years of persecution which they had to en-
dure in the palace prison of the Tuileries (ill
* Thif image had b«en before prodneed on e
medal struck in 1S16, bv M. Tirolier, under the
auspices of M. de ChateaubriADd, which repreeeoted
a lUy broken by the atorm^ with the legend (keidit
ut /lo9,^2\tryy, 814.
IB52.]
LOUIS xvn.
435
the more tremendous insurrectioD and massa-
cre of the 10th of August swept away even
the mockery of monarchy, and sent them
prisoners to the Temple — an ancient fortress
of the Knights Templars, built in 1812, into
the dungeons of which, uninhabited for ages,
and less fit for their decent reception than
any common prison, they were promiscuously
hurried.
Of this edifice, and its internal divisions
and distributions for its new destiny, M. de
Beauchesne has given us half-a-dozen plans,
somewhat larger, but hardly so satisfactory
as we already possessed in Clary's work. It
was a huge and massive tower, not unlike
" the tower of Julius, London's lasting
shame,*' and stood hke it in a large inclosure
of inferior and more modern constructions.
One of these, though called the Palace, was
in truth only the " Hotel" of the Pnor of
the Order, in right of which nominal office it
had been for several years the abode of the
penultimate Prince de Conti, and is frequent-
ly mentioned in the letters of Walpole and
Madame du Deffand, and all the memoirs of
the time. It was latterly the town residence
of the Comte d'Artois. Here the Royal
family arrived at seven in the evening- of
Monday, the ^th of August, and supposed
they were to be lodged — the King even ex-
amined the apartments with a view to their
future distribution ; but this would have been
too great an indulgence, and when bedtime
came they were painfully surprised at being
transferred to the more inconvenient, rigor-
ous, and above all, insulting incarceration of
the Tower,
The Tower was so surrounded by its own
appurtenances and by the neighboring houses
that it was not easily visible from the adjoin-
ing streets, and it may be doubted whether
any of its new inhabitants (unless perhaps
the King) had ever set eyes upon it. M.
Hue tells us that when he was conducted to
it that night to prepare a bed for the King,
he had no idea what it was, and was lost in
wonder at the dark and gigantic object, so
diU'erent from anything he had seen before.
Though appearing to be one, and general-
ly called the Tower, it was composed of
two distinct parts. The greater of the two
was a massive square, divided into five or six
stories, and above 150 feet high, exclusive of
a lofty pyramidal roof, and it had at each of
its four angles, large circular turrets with
conical roofs, so sharp that M. Hue at first
mistook them for steeples. This tower had
been of old the keep — the treasury and arse-
nal of the knights, and was accessible only
by a single small door in one of the turrets,
opening on a winding stone staircase. The
door was so low that when the Queen, after
the King's death, was torn from her children,
and dragged through it to her last prison in
the Conciergerie, she struck her forehead
violently against it. On being asked if she
was hurt, she only said, " Nothing can hurt
me now,** This portion of the tower had in
latter tiroes merely served as a depository
for lumber. The second division of the
edifice, called, when any distinction was made,
the Little Tower, was attached, but without
any internal communication, to the north side
of its greater neighbor ; it was a narrow ob-
long, with smaller turrets at its salient angles.
Both the towers had in a marked degree the
dungeon character of their age, but the lesser
had been subdivided into apartments for the
residence of the Keeper of the archives of
the Order. It was into this »ide of the build-
ing, scantily supplied by the modest furniture
of the archivist, that the Royal family were
offensively crowded during two or three
months, while internal alterations — wholly
inadequate for comfort or even decency, and
ridiculously superflous as to security — were
in progress in the large tower, destined for
their ultimate reception. The Gothic dun-
geon was not, however, thought sufficiently
secure; bars, bolts, and blinds additionally
obscured the embrasure windows — doors of
ancient oak were made thicker or reinforced
with iron, and new ones were put up on the
corkscrew stairs already difficult enough to
mount. The Abb6 Edgeworth, who attend-
ed the King in his last moments, thus des-
cribes the access to his apartment : —
" I was led across the conrt to the door of the
tower, which, though very narrow and very low,
was 80 overcharged with iron bolts and bars that
it opened with a horrible noise. I was conduct-
ed up a winding stairs so narrow that two persons
would have difficulty in getting past each other. At
f>hort distances these stairs were cut across by
barriers, at each of which was a sentinel — ^these
sentinels were all true Bane cuhtieBf generally
drunk — and their atrocious acclamations, re-
echoed bv the vast vaults which covered every
story of the tower, were really terrifying."
Considerable works were also undertaken
for external security. The Towers were
isolated by the destruction of all the lesser
buildings immediately near them, and the
walls round the whole inclosure were strength-
ened and raised. The execution of the plans
was intrusted, as a boon for his revolutionary
zeal, to a mason who had acquired the dis-
tinctive appellation of the Patriot PaUay by
486
LOUIS XVIL
[Dec.,
the noisy activity which he displayed in the
removal of the ruins of the Bastile, for
which he had obtained a contract. On the
subject of these works, a remark of the
young Prince is related by M. de Beauchesne,
which may be taken as one example out
of many of the caution with which his anec-
dotes must be received. When told that
Pallay was the person employed to raise the
walls, the Prince is reported to have observ-
ed that " it was odd that he who had become
90 famous for levelling one prison should he
employed to build another*** The observation,
though obvious enough, seems to us above a
child of that age, and, moreover, we find it
made by M, Hue as his own in a note in his
memoirs, and he certainly cannot be suspect-
ed of pilfering a bon mot from the Dauphin.
The selection of this dungeon for the
Royal family, and the wanton and almost in-
credible brutality with which from first to
last they were all treated by their various
jailers, constitute altogether a systematic
aeries of outrages which we have never seen
eatisfactorily, nor even probably, accounted
for. The heads of the King, Queen, and
Madame Elizabeth fell, we know, in the des-
perate struggle of Brissot, Roland, Danton,
and Robespierre to take each other's and to
save their own* But why these royal vic-
tims, and after them the two children, should
have been deprived of the common decen-
cies and necessaries of life — why they should
have been exposed to the most sordid wants,
to the lowest personal indignities, to the vul-
gar despotism of people taken (as it were
for the purpose) from the lowest orders of
society — that is the enigma ; and this is our
conjectural explanation.
The National Assembly which had sent
the King to prison, and its successor, the
Convention, which deposed him, seemed to
the eyes of the world sufficiently audacious,
tyrannical, and brutal, but there was a power
which exceeded them in all such qualities,
and under which those terrible Assemblies
themselves quailed and trembled — the com-
mit is worth observing that at the taking the
Battile on the 14th July, 1789, there were found
but MX or seven prisoners^ three of them insane,
who were afterwards sent to madhooses ; the rest
for forgery and soandaloas offences unfit for pablie
trial. There was no State prisoner. On the 27 th
of the same month of July, in 1794, the fifth ifear
^ liberty, the prisons of Pdris contained 8913 pri-
soners ; to this number must be added 2637, who
had passed in the preceding year from the prisons to
the seaffold. When Bonaparte demolished the
Temple, which he had previously used as a State
prison, there were seventeen prisoners removed to
Vmeennea
mune or Common Council of the City of
Paris. To this corporation, which arose oat
of the 10th of August, and directed the
massacres of September, the Convention as
a body owed its existence, and its most
prominent Members their individual elections.
Inflated with these successes, it arrogated to
itself, under its municipal title, a power in-
sultingly independent even of the Assembly
and the Government. It was composed,
with rare exceptions, of tradesmen of a
secondary order — men only known even in
their own low circles by the blind and noisy
violence of their patriotism — by a rancorous
enmity to all that they called aristocracy,
and by the most intense and ignorant preju-
dices against the persons and characters of
the royal family. To the tender mercies of
these vulgar, illiterate, and furious dema-
gogues, that family was implicitly delivered
over — they it was, that, contrary to the origi-
nal intention of the ministers and the Con-
vention, assigned the Tower of the Temple
as the royal prison — they it was that named
from amongst themselves all the oflScial
authorities, who selected them for their bru-
tality, and changed them with the most
capricious jealousy so as to ensure not mere-
ly the safe custody of tha^prisoners, bat the
wanton infliction of every kind of personal
indignity. And to such a degree of insolent
independence had they arrived, that even
Committees of the Convention which visited
the Temple on special occasions were con-
trolled, contradicted, rebuked, and set at
defiance by the shoemakers, carpenters, and
chandlers who happened to be for the
moment the delegates of the commune. The
parties in the Convention were so perilously
struggling for the destruction of each other,
that they had neither leisure nor courage to
grapple with the Commune, and they all, —
and especially the more moderate, already
trembling for their own heads, — were not
sorry to leave to those obscure agents the
responsibility and odium of such a persecu-
tion.
" Assensere omnes ; et qnsB sibi quisqne timebat,
Unins in miseri exitium con versa tolere.
Jamque dies infanda aderat I"
But the infanda dies — the 2l8t January —
in which they all thus concurred, did not
save the Girondins from the Slst October —
nor the Dantonists from the 16th Germinal
— nor Robespierre from the Neuf Thermidor I
To the usurped but conceded supremacy
of the Commune, and the vulgar habits and
rancorous feeling of the majority of its mem-
1853.J
LOUIS xyn.
437
ben, maj, we suspect, be more immediately
attributed the otherwise inexplicable brutali-
ties of the Temple.
Every page of the works of Hue, Clery,
Madame Royale, and M. de Beauchesne ex-
hibit proofs of the wanton outrages of the
Commune and their tools. The last gives
US, from the archives of that body, an early
instance, which we quote the rather because
it was not a mere individual caprice but an
official deliberation. In reading it, we must
keep in remembrance the peculiar character
of the prison.
** Commune de Farts, 29/A Sep. 1702, the
fourth year of Liberty and first of Equal-
ity and the BepuMic.
"Considering that the custody of the prisoners
of the Temple becomes every day more diffi-
cult by the concert and designs which they
may form amongst themselves, the Council
General of the Commune feel it their imperi-
ous duty to prevent the abuses which might
facilitate the evasion of those traitors : they
therefore decree —
** 1. That Louis and Antoinette shall be
separated.
2. That each prisoner shall have a separate
dungeon {cackbt.)
8. That the valet de chambre shall be plac-
ed in confinement.
4. That the citizen Hubert [the infamous
H6bert, of whose crimes even Robespierre
and Danton grew tired or afraid] shall be
added to the five existing Commissaries.
5. That the decree shsll be carried into
effect this evening — immediately — even to
taking from them the plate and other table
utensils {argenterie et les aeeessoires de
las huoehe.) In a word, the Council Gen-
eral gives the Commissaries full power to
do whatever their prudence may suggest
for the safe custody of these' Ao^to^e^.''
Soup-spoons and silver forks a means of
eecape ! In virtue of this decree the King
was removed that niyht to the second story
(the third, reckoning the ground floor) of
the great tower (his family remaining in the
smaller one,) where no furniture had been
prepared for his use but a temporary bed,
while his valei-de- chambre sat up in a chair.
The dispersion of the rest was postponed;
and they were for some licpe permitted, not
without difficulty, to dine with the King. A
month later the ladies and children were also
transferred to an apartment in the great tow-
er^ immediately over the King's. On the
««
tt
4t
<C
26th October a fresh decree directed that the
prince should be removed from his mother's
to his father's apartment, under the pretext
that the boy was too old (seven years and
six months,) to be left in the hands of wom-
en ; but the real object was to afflict and
insult the Queen.
For a short time after the whole family
had been located in the great tower, though
separated at night and for a great portion of
the day, they were less unhappy — they had
their meals together and were allowed to
meet in the garden, though always strictly
watched and habituslly insulted. They bore
all such outrages with admirable patience,
and found consolation in the exercise of what-
ever was still possible of their respective
duties. The King pursued a regular course
of instruction for his son — in writing, arith-
metic, geography, Latin, and the history df
France — the ladies carried on the education
of the young princess, and were reduced to
the necessity of mending not only their own
clothes, but even those of the King and
prince; which, as they had each but one
suit, Madame Elizabeth used to do after they
were in bed.
This mode of life lasted only to the first
week in December, with a view no doubt to
the infanda dies, a new set of Commissaries
was installed, who watched the prisoners day
and night with increased insolence and rigor.
At last, on the 11th of December, the young
prince was taken back to the apartment of
his mother — the King was summoned to the
bar of the Convention, and, on his return in
the evening, was met by an order for his to-
tal separation from the whole of his family.
The absurdity of such an order surprised,
and its cruelty revolted, even his patience.
He addressed a strong remonstrance to the
Convention on the barbarous interdiction :
that Assembly, on the 1st of December, came
to a resolution allowing him to communicate
with his family; but it was hardly passed
when it was objected to by Tallien, who au-
daciously announced that, even if they ad-
hered to the vote, the commune would not
obey it. This was conclusive, and the debate
terminated in a declaration " that the King
might, till the definitive judgment on his
case, see his children, on condition, however,
that they should have no communication with
either their mother or (heir aunt.*^ The con-
dition rendered the permission derisory as to
his daughter, and the King was so convinced
of the grief that a renewed separation from
her son would cause to the Queen, that he
sacrificed his own feelings, and the decree
488
LOTTis xvn.
[Deo.,
became, as it was meant to be, wholly inop-
erative. He never saw any of his family
again till the eve of his death.
To what we already knew of that scene,
M. de Beauchesne has added an anecdote new
to us, for which he quotes in his text the
direct authority of the Duchess of Angou-
Utne : —
** My father, at the moment of parting from as
forever, made us promise never to think of aveng-
ing his death. He was well satisfied that we
sboold bold sacred these his last instructions ; but
the extreme youth of my brother made him desir-
ons of producing a still stronger impression on
him. He took him on his knee and said to him,
* My son, you have heard what I have said , but
as an oath has something more sacred than words,
hoid vp your hand, and swear that you will accom-
plish the last wish of your father.* My brother
obeyed, bursting out into tears, and this touching
goodness redoubled ours.*' — p. 44§.
There can be no doubt that this anecdote
represents truly the sentiments of the King —
as he had already expressed them in that
portion of his will which was specially ad-
dressed to his son — but we own that the
somewhat dramatic scene here described
seems hardly reconcilable with the age of the
child or the sober simplicity of his father's
character. Nor are we satisfied with M. de
Beauchesne's statement of his authority ; for,
after giving it in the text as directly from the
lips or pen of the Duchess d'AngoulSme her-
self, he adds in a foot-note a reference to
** Fragments of unpublished Memoirs of the
Duchess of Tourzel.'* But as C16ry, who
was an anxious eye-witness, and describes
minutely the position and altitudes of all the
parties, does not mention any such demon-
stration or gesture, we suspect that this cer-
emony of an oath is an embroidery on the
plain fact as stated by Madame Royale. —
Royal Mem., p. 200.*
The next day Louis XVI. ceased to live.
He died under the eyes of an hundred thou-
sand enemies and of but one solitary friend
— his confessor; yet there was no second
opinion in this hostile crowd as to the cour-
age and dignity of hrs deportment from first
to last, and it is only within these few years
that we have heard insinuations, and even
assertions (contradictory in themselves,) that
he exhibited both fear and fury — struggled
*See the yolume published by Murray in 1823,
under the title of ^Rotfol Memoin^^ in which there
is ft translation of theDaoheee d'Angouleme's meet
ioteresting ' Account of what paued in the Temple
from the Impriaonment of the Royal Family to tlie
Death of the Dauphin,^
with his executioner, and endeavored to pro-
long the scene in the expectation of a res-
cue. We have against such injurious impu-
tations the sacred evidence of that single
friend — the official testimony of the Jacobin
Commissioners, who were appointed to su-
perintend the execution, and the acquies-
cence of the vast assemblage that encircled
the scaflfold. But M. de Beauchesne has dis-
covered at once the souroe of this calumny
and its complete refutation, in two contem-
poraneous documents, so curious in every
way, that we think them worth producing tn
extenso, though the fact is already supera-
bundantly established without them.
In a newspaper, called Le Thermomktre
du Jour, of the Idth February, 1793 {three
weeks only after the execution), there appeared
this anecdote : —
'^When the co7Tdamni ascended the scaffold*
(it is Sanson the executioner himself who has
related the 'fact, and who has employed the term
condamnS), 'I was surprised at his assurance
and courage ; but at the roll of the drums which
drowned his voice at the movement of my assist-
ants to lay hold of him, his countenance suddenly
changed, and he exclaimed hastily three times, * /
am lost* {je suis perdu)!* This circumstance,
corroborated by another which Sanson equally
narrated — namely, that Hhe condamn4 had sup-
ped heartily the preceding eveninff and breakfasted
with equal appetite that morning — shows that to
the very moment of his death he had reckoned
on being saved. Those who kept him in this de-
lusion had no doubt the design of giving him an
appearance of courage that might deceive the
spectators and posterity — but the roll of the drums
dissipated this false courage, and contemporaries
and posterity may now appreciate the real feel"
ings of the guilty tyrant.*' — i. 479.
We — who now know from the evidence of
the Abb6 Edgeworth and Cl^ry how the
king passed that evening, night, and morn-
ing, and that the only break of his fast was
by the reception of the Holy Communion —
are dispensed from exposing the falsehood
and absurdity of this statement ; but it met
an earlier and even more striking refutation.
Our readers may recollect (Q. R., Dec.
1843, V. IB, p. 250), that Sanson (Charles
Henry) was a man more civilized both in
manners and mind than might be expected
from his terrible occupation. On reading
this article in the paper, Sanson addressed
the following letter to the editor, which ap-
peared in the Thermomktre of the 21st: —
'' Paris, fiOth Feb. 1793,
Ist year of the French BepubUe.
" CmzEN — A short absence has prevented my
sooner replying to your article concerning Louis
Capet. But here is the exact troth as to what
1858.]
LOUIS XVII.
489
passed. On alighting from the carriage for exe-
CQtion, he was told that he must take off his coat.
He made some difficulty, saying that they might
as well execute him as he was. On [our] repre-
sentation that tliat was impossible, he himself as-
sisted in taking off his coat He again made the
same difficulty when his hands were to be tied,
but be offered them himself when the person who
accompanied him [his confessor] had told him
that it was his last sacrifice [the Abb^ Eldgeworth
had suggested to him that the Saviour had sub-
mitted to the same indignity]. Then he inquired
whether the drums would go on beating as they
were doing. We answered that we could not
tell, and it was the truth. He ascended the scaf-
fold, and advanced to the front as if he intended
to speak ; but we again represented to him that
the thing was impossible. He then allowed him-
self to l^ conducted to the spot, when he was at-
tached to the instrument, and from which he ex-
claimed in a loud voice, * People, I die innocent.^
Then turning round to us, he said, ' Sir, I die
innocent of all that has been imputed to me. I
wish that my blood may cement the happiness of
the French people.'
'^These, Citiasen, were his last and exact words.
The kind of little debate which occurred at the
foot of the scaffold turned altogether on his not
thinking it necessary that his coat should be taken
off, and his hands tied. He would also have
wished to cut off bis own hair. [He had wished
to have it done early in the morning by Cl^ry,
but the municipality would not allow him a pair
of scissors.]
** And, as an homage to truth, I must add that
he bore all this with a $ang froid and firmness
which astonished us all. I am convinced that he
had derived this strength of mind from the princi-
ples of religion, of which no one could appear
more persuaded and penetrated.
'* You may be assured, Citizen, that there is the
truth in its fullest light. I have the honor to be
your fellow Citizen,--SAKSOK."
This remarkable letter ia made additionalty
interesting by some minute errors of orthog-
raphy and grammar, which show that it was
the unaidea production of the writer. M.
de Beauchesne adds that Sanson never as-
sisted at another execution, and that he died
vfitkin six months, of remorse at his involun-
tary share in the royal murder. The last
particular is contrary to all other authorities,
and is a strong con6rmation of the suspicion
forced upon us that M. de Beauchesne is in-
clined to exaggerate, and, as he thinks, em-
bellish the incidents of his story. Sanson
did not die soon after the King's death, nor
even retire from the exercise of his office till
1795, when he obtained the reversion for his
son and a pension for himself (Dubois, Mhn,
sur tSanson), Mercier saw and describes
him in the streets and theatres of Paris in
1799 {youv. Tab., e. 102), and Dubois states
him to have died on the 4th of July, 1806.
^ * . de Beauchesne follows np this certainly
erroneous statement by another, which we
fear is of the same class. He says that San-
son left by his will a sum for an expiatory
mass for the soul of Louis XVI., to be cele-
brated on the 21st of January in every year ;
that his son and successor, Henry Sanson,
who survived till the 22nd August, 1840, re-
ligiously provided for its performance in his
parish Church of St. Laurent ; and when the
Revolution of 1830 had repealed the public
commemoration of the martyrdom, the pri-
vate piety of the executioner continued to
record his horror of the crime. M. de Beau-
chesne gives no authority for his statement,
which, whatever probability it might have
had if Sanson had made his will and died
within a few months of the King's death,
surely requires some confirmation when we
find the supposed testator living a dozen
years later.
We are now arrived at the reign of Louis
XVII, His uncle, the Comte de Provence,
assumed the regency of his kingdom ; the
armies of Cond^ and of La Vendue proclaim-
ed him by his title ; and from all the princi-
pal courts of Europe, with which France was
not already at war, the republican envoys
were at once dismissed. In short he was
King of France everywhere but in France.
There he was the miserable victim of a series
of personal privation and ill -usage, such as
never, we suppose, were before inflicted on a
child of his age, even in the humblest condi-
tion of life.
After the death of the Kin^, the family
remained together in the Queen^ apartment,
but under equal if not increased supervision
and jealousy. M. de Beauchesne has found
in the records of the Commune a slight but
striking instance of the spirit which still pre-
sided over the Temple.
" Commune of Paris,
Sitting of (he 25^ of Jan,, 1793.
** The female citizen Laurent, calling herself the
nurse of Madame Premilre [to distinguish the
young Princess from Afadame Elizabeth], has
solicited the Council to be allowed to see her child,
now confined in the Temple, and offers to stay
with her until It shall be otherwise ordered. The
Council General passes to the order of the day,
becau8e it knows nobody of the name of * Madame
PremiheJ "— ii. p. 12.
The only indulgence the prisoners receiv-
ed was, that they might put on mourning.
When the Queen first saw her children in it,
she said, " My poor children, you will wear it
long, but I for ever ;" and she never after left
440
LOUIS XYIL
Pec.,
her own prison-room, even to take the air
for the short interval allowed them, in the
garden, because she could not bear to pass
the door of the apartment which had been
the King's.
The royal prisoners had now no other at-
tendants but a low man of the name of Tison,
and his wife, who had been oriffinallj sent to
the Temple to do the menial and rougher
household work. Their conduct at first had
been decent ; but at length their tempers be-
came soured by their own long confinement
(for they were strictly kept close also), and
especially by being suddenly interdicted from
reciving the visits of their daughter, to whom
they were much attached. These vexations
they vented on their prisoners. Tison was
moreover, as might be expected from the
selection of him for the service of the Tem-
ple, a zealous Republican. He was there-
fore much offended at the sympathy which
two of the municipals, Toulan and Lepitre,
showed for the captives, and denounced these
persons and another converted municipal of
the name of Michonis as having undue intel-
ligence with the ladies; and though thesb
men escaped death for the moment, they
were all subsequently guillotined on these
suspicions. A more rigorous set of Commis-
saries were now installed by Hubert, by whom
the royal family were subjected to new in-
terrogations, searches, privations, and indig-
nities. Their condition became so miserable
that even the Tisons were shocked at the
mischief their denunciations had done, and
both soon showed signs of repentance, espe-
cially the woman, who actually went mad
from anxiety and remorse. She began by
falling into a deep and restless melancholy,
accusing herself of the crimes she had wit-
nessed, and of the murders which she fore-
saw of the Queen, Mr dame Elizabeth, and the
three Municipals. The derangement gradu-
ally amounted to fury, and she was after
some delay removed to a madhouse. One
of the strangest vicissitudes of this long tra-
gedy was, that, while the unhappy woman
remained in the temple, the Queen and Mad-
ame Elizabeth watched over, and endeavored
by their charitable care and consolations to
sooth the malady of their former persecutor.
The spirit of the new Commissaries will
be sufficiently exhibited by one anecdote.
The little Prince (not yet eight years old)
had been accustomed to sit at table on a
higher chair. One of these men, an apos-
tate priest, Bernard* by name, who had
* He was gaillotined with Robespierre.
been selected to conduct the King to the
scaffold, saw in this incident a recognition of
the royalty of the child, and took the first
opportunity, when the prisoners were going
to dinner, of seating himself on that very
chair. Even Tison was revolted and had
the courage to remonstrate with Bernard,
representing that the child could not eat
comfortably on a lower chair ; but the fellow
persisted, exclaiming aloud, *' I never before
saw prisoners indulged with chairs and ta-
bles. Straw is good enough for them.'' (p.
40.) And, strangest of all, after what we
have seen cf the state of the Temple, new
walls and works were made externally, and
what more affected the prisoners, wooden-
blinds {ahal- jours) were fixed to all the win-
dows that had them not already.
About this time (7th or Sth May), the boy
fell sick, and the Queen solicited that M.
Brunier, his ordinary physician, should be
allowed to attend him. The Commissaries
for several days not only disregarded, but
laughed at her request. At last the case
looked more serious, and was brought before
the Council of the Commune, where, after
two days' debate, they came to this reso-
lution :
** Having considered the representation of the
Commissaries on duty in the Temple, stating that
the little Capet is sick, Resolved, that the doctor
ordinarily employed in the prisons shall attend
the little Capet, seeing that ii would be eonirary
to the principle of equality to allow him to have
any oiher^ — ii. p. 61.
The date prefixed to this resolution is wor-
thy of its contents. ** 10 Mai, 1703 ;2dedela
lUpuhlique^ \er dela Mort du Tyrant It is,
our readers will observe, bad French, and,
moreover, nonsense, but its import on snch
an occasion is but too mtelligible. The pris-
on doctor, M. Thierry, acted like a man of
humanity and honor. He secretly consulted
M. Brunier, who was acquainted with the
child's constitution, and, for the three weeks
that his attendance lasted, the Queen and
Madame Elizabeth, who had never quitted
the child's pillow, had every reason to be
satisfied with M. Thierry.
This illness, though so serious that Madame
Royale thought her brother had never recov-
ered from it, made no noise ; for all other
interests were at the moment stifled in the
great struggle between the Jacobhis and the
Girondins, which ended, on the celebrated
dlst of May, in the overthrow of the latter.
Hitherto the general government — that is,
the Convention — busy with its internal con-
flicts— had, as far as we are informed, left the
1853.]
L0T7IS xvn.
441
Temple to tbe discretion of tbe Commune —
but it now (9th July) intervened directly,
and a decree of the Committee of Public
Safety directed the separation of " the son of
Capet" from bis mother and bis transfer to
tbe hands of a tutor {insiituteur), to be cho-
sen still by the municipals (ii. p. 67). It
was 10 o'clock at night — the sick child was
asleep in a bed without curtains, to which he
had hitherto been accustomed — but his mo-
ther had huuff a shawl over it. to keep from
his eyes the hght by which she and Madame
Elisabeth were sittmg up later than usual,
mending their clothes. The doors suddenly
opened with a loud crash of the locks and
bolts, and six Commissaries entered— one of
them abruptly and brutally announcing the
decree of separation. Of the long scene that
ensued we can only give a summary. Tbe
Queen was thrown into an agony of surprise,
terror, and grief. She urged all that mater-
nal tenderness could suggest, and even de-
scended to the humblest prayers and sup-
plications against the execution of such an
unnatural decree. The child awoke in the
utmost alarm, and when they attempted to
take him, clung to his mother — the mother
dung with him to the posts of the bed — vio-
lence was attempted, but she held on —
*' At last one of tbe Commissaries said, * It does
not become as to fight with women-— call up the
guard.' Madame Elizabeth exclaimed — ^'No,
for God's sake, no; we submit^— we cannot re-
aist — bat at least give as time to breathe — let the
child sleep here the rest of the night He will be
delivered to you to-morrow.' No answer. Tbe
Queen then prayed that he might at least remain
in the Tower where she might atill see him. One
of the Commissaries answered in the most brutal
manner and tiUoyant the Queen — ' We have no
account to give you, and it is not for you to ques-
tion the intentions of the natiun. What? you
make such a to-do, because, forsooth, you are
separated from your child, while our children are
sent to the frontiers to have their brains knocked
out by the bullets which you bring upon us.'
The ladies now began to dress the boy — but never
was a child so long a dressing — every article was
successively passed from one hand to another —
put on and taken off, replaced, and drenched with
tears. They thus delayed the separation by a few
minutes. The Commissaries began to lose pa-
tience. At last the Queen, gathering up all her
strength, placed herself in a chair with the child
standing before her — put her hands on his little
shoulders, and, without a tear or a sigh, said, with
a grave and solemn voice — ^'Mv child, we are
about to part Bear in mind alt I have said to
you of your duties when I shall be no longer near
you to repeat it. Never forget God who thus tries
you, nor your mother who loves you. Be good,
£atient, kind, and your father will look down from
eaven and bless you.' Having said this she
kissed him and handed him to the Commissaries:
one of whom said — * Come, I hope you have done
with your sermonizing— yon have abused our pa-
tience finelv.' *You might have spared your
lesson;' said another, who dragrged the boy out of
the room. A third added^-* Don't be uneasy-*^
the nation, always great and generous, will take
care of his education :' — and the door closed !" —
ii. 71.
That same night the young King was hand-
ed over to the tutelage and guardianship of
the notorious Simon and his wife, of whose
obscure history M. de Beaucbesne has not
disdained to unravel the details. He has
traced out some octogenarians of their own
— that is, the lowest — class, who knew them,
and from these and other sources he has col-
lected a series of circumstances ignoble in
themselves, but curious in their moral and
political import. The traditionary details
related at an interval of fifty years by the
gossips of Madame Simon would, not obtain
much credit, but the substance of the sad
story is confirmed by abundant evidence.
Anthony Simon, of the age (in 1704) of 58,
was above the middle size — stout built — of
a very forbidding countenance, dark com-
plexion, and a profusion of hair and whiskers
— by trade a shoemaker, working in his own
lodgings, which were accidentally next door
to Marat in the Rue dea Cordeliers, after-
wards de V Ecole de Midecine, and close to
the Club of the Cordeliers — of which he was
an assiduous attendant. This neighborhood
impregnated him with an outrageous degree
of civtim, and procured his election into the
Commune, whence he was delegated to be
Commissary in the Temple. There the
patronage of Marat, his own zeal in harassing
the prisoners, and especially his activity in
seconding the denunciations of tbe Tisons,
procured him the office of Tutor to tbe young
king. His wife, Mary-Jane Aladaroe, was
about tbe same age — very short, very thick,
and very ill favored. She had been but a
few years married, and too late in life to have
children, which exasperated her natural ill
temper. Both were illiterate, and in man-
ners what might be expected in such people.
Their pay for the guardianship of the young
Capet was, says the decree of the Commune,
to be tbe same as that of the Tisons for their
attendance on Capet senior, 500 francs (20^)
a month. This was significant — tbe tutor o{
the young King was to have the same wages
as the household drudges of the whole family.
They were moreover subjected to the hard
conaitions — Simon, of never losing sight of
hu prisoner — and both, of never quitting the
Tower for a moment on any pretext whatso-
442
LouiBxyn.
[Dec,
ever without special permission, which was
ODly and rarely granted to the wife. It was
in such occasional visits to her own lodgings
that she had those communications with her
neighbors as to what passed in the interior
of the Temple, to which M. de Beauchesne
attaches more importance than we think they
deserve. We applaud his zeal for tracing
out and producing vaUat quantum every
gleam of evidence on so dark a subject ; but
we should have little confidence in this class
of details. We know, however, from Mad-
ame Royale's short notes, enous^h of the
characters of the Simons and of the system
of mental and bodily torture to which the
poor child was exposed, to believe that his
common appellations were " animal^^ — " w-
j>«r," — " toad,^ — ** tool/' cub," garnished with
still more brutal epithets, and sometimes ac-
companied by corporal punishment.
At half-past 10 on the night we have just
described, the youn? King and his astonish-
ing tutor were installed in the apartment on
the third story of the tower, which had been
his father^s, but which was now, strange to
say, additionally strengthened and rendered
still more gloomy and incommodious for the
custody of the son. For the two first days
he wept incessantly, would eat nothing but
some dry bread — refused to go to bed, and
never spoke but to call for his " mother."
He could not comprehend his position, nor
why he was so treated, but on the third day
hunger and the threats of Simon reduced
him to a kind of silent submission, which
however did not mitigate the vexations with
which the tutor soon began to discipline him
into what he called equality, and which the
poor child found to mean nothing but the
most degrading servitude to his task-master.
Even things that might look like indulgences
were poisoned by the malice with which they
were accompanied : for instance, Simon gave
him one of those vulgar musical toys that
the little Savoyards and boys in the street
were used to play, called Jeto^a-harps, with
the gracious speech, *' Your wolf of a moth-
er and your b of an aunt play on the
harpsichord — you must learn to accompany
them on this, and it will be a fine racket."
The child resented the indignity and threw
away the Jew's-harp. This was rebellion
against a constituted authority, and he was
punished even with blows — blows, although
it is proved by the apothecary's bills in the
archives of the Commune, that during the
whole of June and July he was so ill as to
be under medical treatment. But even this
did not yet subdue him, and he continued.
with a courage and intelligence above his age
— which only produced new violence — to in-
sist on being restored to his " mother." A
few days after there was a commotion in
Paris, on the pretence of one of those con-
spiracies which were so constantly invented
when the dominant party had some purpose
to answer. The present object was to throw
more odium on the unfortunate Qirondins ;
but the prisoners of the Temple as usual
came in for their share. Four members of
the Committe of SaretS Oenirale visited the
Temple, of whom Drouet, the postmaster of
Ste. Menehoud, and Chabot, an apostate
monk, were the chief : they held a long and
secret conference with Simon, which conclu-
ded in the following dialogue ; — ** Citizent,"
asked the Guardian,
" What do you decide as to the treatment of the
wolf-cub QouvaUau) f He has been brought up io
be insolent— 'I can tame him to be sure, but lean"
not answer that he will not sink (crever) under it
— so much the worse for him — but after aU wkat
so you mean to do with him f — to banish him f —
Answer, iVb/ lb JeiU himf — No I Tb poison
himf — No! But vhcU thenf — To get rid of
him! {S'mdefairey
The wonderful dialogue is vouched by the
revelation of one Senart, who himself was
secretary to the Committee, and, after the
fall of Robespierre, imprisoned as a terrorist.
Senart had added on hib MS. as a marginal
note — " He wa^ not killed — nor banished —
but they got rid of him?^ The process was,
as we shall soon see, even more horrible than
the design.
From the son the Committee went down
to the mother : —
** They began by each an examination of the
persons and the apartment as thief-takers would
make of a den of thieves — at last Drouet [note
the choice of Drouet as the spokesman to the
Queen] said, * We are come to see whether you
want anything.' ^ I want my c/it2c^/ said the
Qaeen. * Yoar son is taken care of,' replied
Droaet ; ' he has a patriot preceptor, and you have
no more reason to complain of his treatment than
of your own.' * I complain of nothing, Sir, but
the absence of my child, from whom I have never
before been separated ; he has been now five days
taken from me, and all 1 am allowed to know
* The Memoirs pnbliBhed, in 1824, in the name
of Senart (who died in 1797) have no allneion to
this matter ; but they are manifestly, and, indeed,
confesBedlv, garbled by the origiiLal editor. M.
Turgy, who saw the MS., haa given these extracts
that M. de Beancheene repeata. Senart was a great
Booandrel ; and though he may sometimes tell troth,
we look upon him as very doubtful authority — in-
deed of none, ezoept when, as in this case, hia evi*
dence may tell against himsell
1858.]
LOUIS XVIL
448
aboDt him is that he is ill and in special want of
my care. I cannot believe that the Convention
woald not acknowledge the justice of my com-
plaint.' "
Drouet, in a hypocritical report to the Con-
rention of this mis&ion, stated that the pri-
soners admitted that they were in want of
nothing, and totally suppressed the complaint
of the Queen.
Henceforward the severity of Simon grew
more savage, and every untoward event from
without, and especially the assassination of
his friend and patron Marat, increased his
fury. He forced the boy to wait on him, to
clenn his shoes, and to perform the most
humiliating offices. On one point only the
young khig's resistance was inflexible — he
would not wear the red cap ; for he probably
remembered his having been forced to assume
it during the terrible riots of the 20th of
June the year before. In vain Simon scolded,
threatened, and at last again flogged him, —
nothing would subdue him into wearing the
odious cap. At last the woman's heart of
Madame Simon melted, and she persuaded
her husband to give over the contest — she
could not bear to see the child beaten, but
she was willing enough that he should be
bullied and degraded. His light hair curling
in long ringlets had been a peculiar delight
of his mother — they must be removed —
Madame Simon cut them close all round.
This very much disconcerted him— it tamed
him more than blows could do, and by and
bye, under the fresh inflictions of Simon, he
was brought to endure the red cap with the
rest of the Carmagnole costume. It had a
piteous effect upon which even Simon's cruel-
ty had not calculated. To prevent the ladies
seeing the boy, even when taking the air on
the ]e«ids, a partition of boards had been
erected ; but the two princesses had discover-
ed a chink in the carpentry through which
they might possibly get a peep of him as he
passed. When the Queen heard of this
chance she overcame her repugnance to leave
her room, and employed every device to be
near the partition at the times when her son
might be expected to pass, and for hours and
days she watched at the chink. At last, on
Tuesday, the 80th of July (the exact date
of so great an event in their life of monoto-
nous sorrow was noted), she caught a sight
of her beloved boy, but what she had so
long desired was but a new affliction — he
was not in mourning for his father — he had
on the Carmagnole jacket and red cap, the
Uvery of the Revolution, and it happened
still more unfortunately that, at that moment.
Simon was out of humor, and the Queen waa
near enough to see and hear, though indis-
tinctly, his rude treatment and detestable
language. She was thunderstruck, and re-
'tired hastily, and almost fainting with horror,
intending never to subject herself to such
another shock ; but maternal tenderness was
stronger than indignation, and she returned
to the partition on that and the two or three
succeeding days to watch for a passing
glimpse. Her grief was now fearfully in-
creased by learning, though very vaguely,
through Tison, who had returned to a softer
mood, that the child's health was not improv-
ed, and that his mind was exposed to the
worst influences of his atrocious tutor.
This crisis, however, of her diversified
agony lasted but a few days. In the mid-
dle of the night between the 1st and 2nd of
August the Commissioners entered the apart-
ment of the royal ladies to announce a de-
cree of the Convention for transferring the
Queen to the Conciergerie — the notorious
antechamber to the scaflbld. The Queen
well knew she was going to death — she
knew she left her son in the hands of Simon
— she knew she should never again see her
daughter ; she has one lingeriufi; consolation
— she leaves her in the care of Madame Eliza-
beth, and cannot imagine that this innocent,
inoffensive, and saint-like woman could be in
any danger. Even in that hope she was de-
ceived— though, happily for her, she died in it.
The same day that the Queen was sent to
the Conciergerie, Chaumette — the organ of
the Commune — directed his kind recollection
to the royal boy, and sent him a present of
toys, amongst which the most remarkable
was — a little guillotine. Such toys the police
allowed to be sold iq the streets of Paris,
and the toymen had a stock of sparrows,
with whose decapitation they amused their
customers. This well-timed souvenir of his
father's fate was probably intended by Chau-
mette to apprise the boy of the lot intended
for his mother ; it happened however that
day, that the Commissioners on duty at the
Temple did not participate in Chaumette's
benevolent intentions, and one of them was
so perverse as to intercept and destroy the
amiable plaything before it reached the
child. It is a curious sequel to this anecdote
that Chaumette was, we believe, the verj
first, of the Members of the Council of the
Commune, who had practical experience of
the real machine of which he so much ad-
mired the model — he was guillotined on the
13th of April following — a month before
Madame Elizabeth, and more than a year
444
LOUIS XYIL
pee.,
before tbe death of the child whom he had '
hoped to terrify by bis ill-omened present.
In the mean while the demoralization of
the child was zealously pursued by the Si-
mons— he was forced to drink, taught to
swear, and sing patriotic, that is, indecent
and blasphemous songs, not merely with the
ultimate object of ^* getting rid of him^^ but
for a purpose nearer at hand and still more
atrocious. The Queen's trial approached, and
Hubert and Chaumette had conceived the in-
fernal idea of obtaining from the child evi-
dence against his mother so monstrous that
our pen refuses to repeat it. After obtain-
ing— by what terror or violence who can
tell ? — the signature of the child to a deposi-
tion drawn up by one Daujon under Hubert's
dictation, they had the, if possible, still great-
er infamy of questioning Madame Royale on
the same horror, which they repeated to
Madame Elizabeth. We copy the younger
Madame's own account of this extraordinary
inquisition : —
' '* They qnestioned me about a thousand terrible
thingit of which they accused my mother and
aunt. I was so shocked at hearing such horrore,
and so indignant, that, frightened as I was, I could
iKpt help exclaiming that they were infamous false-
hoods ; bat in spite of my tears, they still pressed
their questions. There were things which I did
not comprehend, but of which I understood enough
to make me weep with indignation and horror.
My aunt's examination lasted but one hour, while
mine lasted three ; because the deputies saw they
had no chance of intimidating her as they had
hoped to be able lo do to so young a person oy the
length and grossness of their inquiries. They
were however mistaken : they forgot that the life
I had led for four years past, and, above all, the
example shown me by my parents, had given me
more energy and strengtn of mind."— jRoya/
Mem., p. 248.
It was under these auspices and influences
that the Queen's trial commenced on the 14th
October, and lasted two whole days and
nights, without intermission. She bore that
protracted agony with unparalleled patience,
presence of mind, and dignity. Nothing in
the slightest degree confirmatory of the
political charges against her was or could be
produced. But then at length, Hubert
brought forward his calumny, equally horri-
ble and superfluous, for the fatal result was
already prepared. She disdained to notice
it, till one of the jury — not what we in Eng-
land understand by ^jury, but the perman-
ent gang of judicial assassins, packed and
paid to deal with all cases that should be
presented to them, according to the dictates
of the public accuser— one of the jury, we
say, observed to her that she had not replied
to thjat point. On this challenge, she ele-
vated, with supreme dignity, her head and
her voice, and, turning from the Court to the
audience, uttered these admirable words : —
**/ did fiot tnutoer^ because nature refugee to
answer such a charge ; but I appeal against
it to the heart of every mother icho hears meJ^
And subsequently, when the counsel who
had been assigned to her terminated their
short and interrupted defence, the President
asked her whether she had adything to add.
She said : —
** For myself nothing — for your conacieoces
much ! I waa a Queen, and you dethroned me—
I was a wife, and you murdered my husband —
I was a mother, aud you have torn my children
from me — I have nothing led but my blood ; make
baste to take it'* — ^ii. p. 167.
M. de Beauchesne does not give us his au-
thority for the allocution which we do not re-
member to have seen elsewhere ; if really
made, this last waa the only request ever
granted her. The trial was concluded at
an early hour on the third morning, and at
eleven o'clock on that same forenoon she was
led to the Hcaffold. We cannot refrain from
marking the fearful retribution which follow-
ed these infamous proceedings. Within nine
months from the death of the Queen, the ac-
cusers, judges, jury, prosecutors, witnesses,
all — at least all whose fate is known — per-
ished by the same instrument as the illustri-
ous and innocent victim.
The prisoners of the Temple knew nothing
of the Queen's trial and death. The two
princesses were in close confinement, and had
no attendant whatever. They did not even
see their gaolers. Tison himself was now a
prisoner. They were in fact, alone in the
world* They made their own beds, swept
their room, and learned to suffice for all their
menial offices. Their food was delivered to
them through the half-open door, and they
saw nothing but the hands that brought it.
They were sometimes visited, searched in-
sulted, by the members of the Commune,
else they never saw a human face. It was
eighteen months before Madame Royale
heard of her mother's fate. Nor did she
know that of her aunt and her brother till
near her own final deliverance.
About ten days after the Queen's death,
26th October, the boy made another decla-
ration : —
" That one day while Simon was on duty at the
Temple, [in his former character of Commissary]
in company with Johert, Jobert had conveyed two
185d.J
LOUIS XVIL
445
notes to the Queen without Siinon's having seen
them and thai this triclc (espieglerie) made
those ladies laugh very much at naving deceived
the vigilance of Simon. He deponent did noi
see the paper, but only that thove ladies had told
him so.
** Before signing, he, I ittie Capet, said, that his
mother was afraid of his aunt, and that his aunt
was the best manager of plots (exicutaU mietix
leseomploU),*'
This is the deposition to which the last of
the child's signatures was affixed, and, in-
aigniScant as ii may seem, it is pregnant with
curious circumstances, which deserve some
development, though they have escaped the
notice of M. de Beauchesne. Simon, when
he first reported this statement to the Com-
mune, declined to mention the name of the
colleague accused of bringing the notes, and
he requested them to nominate some of their
own body to take the boy's deposition from
his own mouth — ^it was then that Jobert was
mentioned. M. de Beauchesne makes no ob-
servation on the name, but, according to other
evidence, it was a strange one to find in
these circumstances — for Jobert (unless there
were two commissaries of the same name,) so
far from being likely to be an accomplice of
the royal ladies, was of Simon's own dique ;
and remained, even after this affair, in such
full confidence with his party, that he, like
Simon himself, followed Bobe9pierre to th$
scaffold in the days of Thermidor. The story,
therefore, of the notes, if true at all, was
probably a device of Jobert and his employers
to entrap the royal ladies into some difficulty
— though why Simon should have brought it
again seems hardly explicable, unless, indeed,
it was intended as a prelude to the subsequent
proceedings against Madame Elizabeth. How-
ever this may be, it is evident that, even if the
fact, as stated by the child, was true, the ri-
daction — the form and phraseology of the
deposition could not have been his, nor could
it have been altogether Simon's, for he, cer-
tainly, would not have used and repeated the
ae mi- respectful term of ^' ces dames*' for the
Princesses — it may, therefore, be safely con-
cluded that the ridaetion was, to some ex-
tent, at least, that of the Magistrate dele-
gated by the Commune to conduct the in-
quiry ; and it seems, by another of those won-
derful vicissitudes with which the Revolution
abounded, that it was the poor Magistrate
who fell a sacrifice to the charge directed
against Jobert. This Magistrate (we find
from the prods verbal was George Fol-
lope — aged 64 — an eminent apothecary in
the Rue St. Honor^, who, though reputed a
lealous patriot, and as such elected into the
Commune, was an educated and, it is said, a
respectable man; aud it is most probable
that the insignificance of the deposition itself,
as regarded the Princesses, the revelation of
the name of the patriot Jobert, and the use
of the term ** ees dames** may have been attri-
buted by his disappointed and angry col-
leagues to his integrity and decency. Cer-
tain it is, that the next — and most unexpect-
ed— mention, we find of the poor old apothe-
cary is, as suffering on the same scaffold with
his '^accomplices*' Madame Elizabeth ! {Liste
dee condamnis. No. 916, 10 May, 1794.)
Another deposition especially directed
against Madame Elizabeth, was soon after
extorted from the child— equally ignorant,
no doubt, of the consequences of the words
put into his mouth, as in the former case.
Indeed, the imagination of such a charge as
it was brought forward to support, is so
grossly absurd, that it is only astonishing it
could have been thought of, ev^n in that
reign of insanity. The Princesses were
lodged in the third floor of the great Tower
— the boy in the second — all the stories were
vaulted — there was no communication be-
tween the apartments, nor even between the
persons employed in the service of either —
and, under these circumstances, he was
made, by a deposition, dated the 3rd Decem-
ber, 1793, to tell this story, which we give
in the exact terms which he is supposed to
have used : —
*' That for the last fortnight or three weeks, he
had heard the prisoners [his aunt and sis-
ter] knocking every consecutive day between
the hours of six and nine ; that since the day be-
fore yesterday, this noise happened a little later
and lasted longer than the preceding days ; that
this noise eceined to come from that part of their
room where the fire-wood was kept ; that more-
over, he knows {amnait) from the sound of their
footstep?, (which he distinguishes from the other
noise,) that, during ibis time, the prisoners leave
the place where (as he has indicated) the wood is
kept, and move into the embrasure of the window
of their sleeping-room, which makes him presume
that they hide away something in these embra-
sures ; he thinks it may be forged assignais [! ! !]
but is not sure, that they might pass them through
the window to somebody •" — ii. 176.
He knows the noise was made by the
prisoners, and not by any one else — he can
distinguish through the solid vaultings of the
old fortress of the Templars, the steps of two
young women from the noise that would be
made in the fabrication of assignats, a thing
and a process of which he probably had
never heard — if the steps are directed toward
their bedroom, it muat be to bide something
446
LOUIS xvn.
[Dee.t
— ^he thinks forged cusignatsf — he thinks,
too, Ihey might convey fbem through the
barricaded and blockaded window, some fifty
or sixty feet from the ground, to somebody —
the only bodies in the whole wide space
around the tower being their gaolers and
sentinels — ^and all this the spontaneous ob-
servations and declarations of a child 8 years
and 6 months old. Such a tissue of non-
sense was never, we suppose, before put to-
gether— ^it was even too much for Simon,
who excused himself for not detecting the
noise, by alleging that he was **a little hard
ofhearxng^'^ — and his wife was sharper — she
heard it all — but elu never mentioned it,
though Simon states that " for about eight
days the said Charles Capet had been in a
torment {ee tourmentait) to make this decla-
ration to the members of the Council."
We may here, and without further obser-
vation, leave to the wonder and indignation
of our readers, these abominnble depositions
— still extant in the national archives, and as
characteristic * of the Republic — though in
80 different a style — as even the Massacres
and the Guillotine.
Meanwhile, the brutalities inflicted on the
poor child continued with even greater rigor.
One or two instances must suffice. Strictlv
shut up in one dark room, with no distrac
tion or amusement whatsoever, he had be-
come so pitiable a picture of lassitude and
despondency, that one of. the persons era-
ployed about the Tower obtained 8imun*s
consent to his having an artificial canary
bird which was in the Garde Meuble, and
which, by an ingenious mechanism, fluttered
its wings and sang a tune. This so much
pleased him, that the same good-natured
suggestion was made as to some real canaries,
tamed and taught as these little creatures
sometimes are. Still more gratified, he made
an afifectionate acquaintance with his feather-
ed friends. But this was too aristocratical
an indulgence. One of the Commissaries in
particular took oflfence at it — the machine
and the living favorites were all sent away,
and the weeping boy was left again in soli-
tude, or, still worse, the company of his mo-
rose guardians, who rarely spoke to him, and
never but with harshness and insult. Anoth-
er instance is more seriously revolting. In
the midst of his degradation, he had some
memory, or, perhaps, dreamed, of his former
feelings and habits. Simon detected him one
night kneeling in his bed,* with his hands
jomed, and appearing to say his prayers.
The impious wretch did not know whether
the child was asleep or awake, but the su-
perstitious attitude threw him into an extra-
ordinary fury ; he seized a great pitcher of
water — icy cold — the night was the 14th or
15lh of January — and flung it over him, ex-
claiming, " I'll teach you to say your pater-
nosters, and to get up in the night like a
Trappist.** Nor was that all ; he struck him
on the face with his iron-heeled shoe, the sole
implement of punishment he had at hand,
and was only prevented from beating him
still more severely by the interposition of his
wife. The child, shivering and sobbing, en-
deavored to escape from the soaking mat-
tress by sitting on the pillow, but Simon
dragged him down, and stretched him on the
bed swimming with water, and, covering him
with the wet clothes, forced him to lie in
this state till morning. The shock and suffer-
ing which the ch^ld endured that ni^ht
seemed to have a permanent and enfeebling
influence both on his mind and body ; it en-
tirely broke his spirit, and confirmed, if it did
not produce, the ligering malady of which he
died.
But the authors of his misery were hardly
less miserable than he. They were equally
prisoners, condemned to the same seclusion
from all society » and their only consolation
was visiting their own annoyances on the de-
scendant of so many kings. But even of
this they were gradually growing weary,
when a fresh circumstance, that affected the
amour propre of both husband and wife,
completed their disgust. A decree of the
Commune directed that the woman should
not make her occasional visits to her own
lodgings, nor the husband go into even the
courtyard or garden of the prison, unattend-
ed by municipal oQUcers. When he asked
once to go home for some private purpose,
he was told he could only do so accompanied
by two of these functionaries. This shocked
his dignity ; his neighbors thought him the
guardian of the young king and a great
man ; he oould not bear to appear amongst
them as a prisoner. When he once was
summoned to give evidence before the Rev-
olutionary Tribunal he was escorted by a
couple of municipals. When he solicited
permission to attend, with his colleagues of
the commune, a national /i?te in honor of the
retaking Toulon, he was harshly refused, and
told that in the Temple he was at his proper
post. At last he bad an opportunity of es-
caping from his intolerable thraldom. A
"self-denying ordinance" of the Commune
decided that no person receiving a public sal-
ary could remain a ihember of that body.
Simon gladly availed himself of the option.
1858.]
LOUIS xvn.
447
resigned his ofBce in the Temple, and resum-
ed his functions in the Commune, only to die
six months later with sixty or seventy of his
colleagues and co-partners in crime on the
**ec?uifaud vengeur of Thermidor.
On the 19lh Jan. 1794. the Simons took
their departure. The wife said with a tone
of kindness, " Capet, I know not when I shall
see you again." Simon interrupted her with
a malediction on the "toad.*^ But was the
child's condition improved ? Alas, no I His
active persecutors were gone, but he was left
to privations worse than inflictions — to cold
— darkness — solitary confinement — a regimen
which even the strongest bodies and the most
determined spirits have been found unable to
endure.
The Committees of Government decided
that Simon, as he could have no equal, should
have no successor. Chaumette and Hebert,
Btill the ruling authorities of the Temple, ac*
cepted this decision, and said they would en-
deavor to obtain from the force of things (/a
force des choses), that security which the
absence of a personal superintendence denied
them. This /orc« of things was thus expoun-
ded ; he was confined to a single room (where
CI6ry had slept during the King's life) ; it
had one window, closely barred and blinded
by an abat-jour, which admitted only a small
degree of oblique light, and was never open-
ed for air ; the door was removed and
replaced by a half-door, of which the upper
part was enlosed by iron bars ; a portion of
those iron bars, when unlocked, opened like
a trap, through which he received his food
and passed out whatever he had to send
away ; the room had no other means of being
heated than a pipe which was led through a
part of it from a stove in another apartment,
the lighting of the fire in which was capricious
and precarious. At night the only light was
a lamp hung on the wall of the ante-room
opposite to the iron grating of the door.
Whether by accident, or as a kind of triumph,
it was on the 21st of January, the anniver-
sary of his father's death, that the young
king was transferred to this dungeon — a
prelude to his own. The horrors of such
a condition — aggravated by the weakness of
the child, who could do nothing to alleviate
his wants — are obscured rather than illustra-
ted by M. de Beauchesne's inflated and figura-
tive eloquence. When the boy, on being shut
up for the first time in this solitary duress, made
no complaint and showed no change of tem-
per, M. de Beauchesne imagines that
'* He mtLj have felt himself beyond the reach of
men — free m his prison — like a young fawn that
had escaped to the hotlow of some ecluied valley from
the pursuit of the hounds and hunters,'^ ii. p. 199.
In preference to such a stjle of narrative,
our readers will thank us for substituting the
simple and much more impressive sketch of
Madame Soyale, which indeed contains in
substance all that M. de Beauchesne has so
needlessly amplified, and all that we really
know of this interval : —
** Unheard of and unexampled barbarity! to leave
an unhappy and sickly infant of eight years old in
a great room, locked and bolted in, with no other
resource than a broken bell, which he never rang,
so greatly did he dread the people whom its sound
would have brought to liim : he preferred wanting
any thing, and every thing, to calling for his'per-
secutors. His bed had not been stirred for six
months, and he had not strength to make it him-
self; it was alive with bugs, and vermin still more
disgusting. His linen and his person were cover-
ed with them. For more than a year he had had no
change of shirt or stockings; every kind of filth
was allowed to accumulate about him and in his
room ; and during all that period nothing of that
kind had been removed. His window, which was
locked as well as grated, was never opened ; and
the infectious smell of that horrid room was so
dreadful that no one could bear it for a moment.
He might indeed have washed himself, for he had
a pitcher of water, and have kept himself some-
what more clean than he did ; but, overwhelmed
by the ill treatment he had received, he had not
resolution to do so, and his illness began to de-
prive him of even the necessary strength. He
never asked for any thing, so great was his dread
of Simon and his other Keepers. He passed his
days without any kind of occupation. They did
not even allow him light in the evening. This
situation affected his mind as well as his body,
and it is not surprising that he should have fallen
into a frightful atrophy. The length of time
which he resisted this persecution proves how
good his constitution must have originally been."
--Royal Mem., p. 266.
But while death was thus slowly and
silently advancing on the young king, the in-
satiable guillotine was rapidly sweeping away
hundreds of guilty and thousands of innocent
victims. Indeed we might call them all in-
nocent, for there was not, we believe, a sin-
gle one of them — no, not even Danton or
Hebert — who, however culpable, or even ex-
ecrable, in other respects, had committed any
of the pretended offences for which they suf-
fered. Nay, we are convinced that, of the
2637 executed by the Revolutionary Tribunal
in Paris up to the fall of Robespierre, it
would be difficult to find half a dozen who
were fairly convicted or really guilty of the
fact for which they were condemned. Injus-
tice was proved to be blinder than justice is
proverbially supposed to be.
448
LOUIS XVIL
[Dec,
But, of all who suffered in tbat promiscu-
ous massacre, the most traoscendantly inno-
cent was the Princess Elizabeth. We have
never been able to discover any pretext nor
to conjecture any motive for her death.
The least irrational suspicion that we have
been able to arrive at is that Robespierre had
really formed some scheme of personal am-
bition upon the young princess, to which it
was hoped to intimidate and subjugate her
by the loss of her aunt This is, no doubt,
an almost incredible project, but it is hardly
stranger than Robespierre^s contemporaneous
Eroceedings, and it derives a kind of color (as
[. de Beauchesne remarks) from the mysteri-
ous visit which Robespierre made to the
Temple in which he saw the princess {Roy-
al Mem, 226) ; and it seems rendered some-
what less improbable by the slight, but not
perhaps insignificant, fact, that in the original
edition of Madame Royale's narrative the
mention of the visit was suppressed — ^proba-
bly from a dislike to preserve any trace of
an insolence against which all the best feel-
ings of her nature must have revolted.
But whatever may have been the motive,
Madame Elizabeth was executed on the 10th
of May. She died as she had lived, like a
saint. In the room where they were assem-
bled in the prison on the morning of their
execution she exhorted all her fellow-suf-
ferers—
**With a presence of mind, an elevation of sool,
and a religious enthoaiasm, that fortified all their
minds. In the cart she preserved the same
firmness, and encouraj^ed and supported the
women who accompanied her.* At the scaf-
fold they had the barbarity to execute her the last
[though she fitood^rt/on the list of 26]. All the
women, as they left the cart asked leave to em-
brace her. She kissed them all, and, with her
usual composure, said some words of comfort to
each. Her strength did not fail her to tlie last,
and Fhe died with all the resignation of the purest
^xeiy^— Royal Mem. p. 262.
Madame Royale did not for a long time
know the fate of her aunt ; when she asked
after her she received evasive answers — " she
was gone elsewhere for change of air ;" when
she entreated, since she was deprived of her
aunt, that she might be restored to her
mother, she wns told they would consider it.
Of the visit of Robespierre just mentioned,
* There were executed at the same time Madam
de Senozan, the venerable sister of M. de Maleeherbe^
aged eeveDty-six, and Mesdamee de Cmteol, de
TAiffle, de Montmorin, de Canizy, de Cercy, and de
Serilly, and an old Ifadlle. de Buard. Among the
men were four gentlemen of the Lomenie fiuttHy,
and George Fallope, the apothecary.
Madame Royale's account (in the later edi-
tions) is, as might be expected, short and
dry — a just expression of what her pride and
her piety would suffer in such an interview : —
** One day there came a man who I believe was
Robespierre. The officers showed him great res-
pect. His visit was a secret.even to the people
m the Tower, who did not know who he was ; or,
at least, would not tell me : be stared insolently at
me, cast bis eves on my hooks, and, after jeiaiiig
the munipicaf officers in a search, retired." —
lb. 266.
M. de Beauchesne g^ves the exact and im-
portant date^ and adds a remarkable circum-
stance : —
** The day after the execution of Madame
Elizabeth — that is, Ilth May — Madame Royale
was .visited by Robespierre. She did not ^speak
one word to him. She only gave him a paper, in
which she had written —
** My brother is ill, I have written to ike com-
venOon to be allowed to go to take care </ him.
The convention has notyel aruwered me. 1 repeat
my demand.** — ii. 21 St::
This is all very probable ; and the cold and
dignified style of the note is such as we
may believe Madame would have used*: but
M. de Beauchesne does not cite his author-
ity either for the date or the note, which
surely, considering ^he silence of Madame
Royale herself, he was bound to do.
Both the Royal children w^ now in sep-
arate and solitary confinement; and here
affain we prefer the simple narrative of the
elder, sufferer to the amplifications of M. de
Beauchesne: —
" The guards were oftei^.drunk ; but they gen-
erally left my brother Snd me quiet in our respect-
ive apartments until ^the 9th Th^l^tdor. My
brother still pined in solitude and filth. His
keepers never went near him but to give him his
meals : they had no compassion for this unhappy
child. There was one or the guards whose gen-
tle manners encouraged me to recommend my
brother to his attention; this man ventured to
complain of the severity with which the boy was
treated, but be was dismissed next day. For
myself I asked nothing but what was indispensa-
ble, and even this was often harshly refused ; but
I, at least, could keep myself clean. I had soap
and water, and carefulfv swept out my room
every day. I had no light ; but in the long days
[from May to August] I did not feel macn this
privation. They would not give me any more
books ; but I had some religious works and some
travels which I had read over and over."
The fall of Robespierre (28th July, 1794),
which opened the prison doors of so many
other innocent victims, did not liberate the two
children in the Temple, though it alleviated
in some'respects their personal sufferings. On
1853.]
LOUIS xvn.
449
the 10th Thermidor, Barras, who had played
a chief part in the success of the preceding
'day as commander in-chief of the troops em-
ployed against Robespierre, vi>ited the Tem-
ple, and the result of his inspection was the
appointment of a single guardian in lieu of
the Commissaries of the Commune — (most of
whom indeed were that day and the next
sent to the scaffold) — ^and to this oflSce he
named one Laurent, a private acquaintance of
bis own. Laurent was aCV^o/e, a native of
St. Domingo. How he first obtained the
confidence of Barras is not stated : he was
indeed noted in his district for his patriotism,
but this was at the moment no great nor
even very favorable distinction. Can it have
arisen from the influence of Josephine, herself
a Creole, and already intimate with both Tal-
lien and Barras, the heroes of the day?
Laurent at least did not disgrace his patrons :
M. de Beauchesne tells us he was a man of
some degree of education, good manners, and
humanity, and the very first circumstances of
his introduction struck him with astonishment.
He arrived at the Temple on the evening of
bis appointment; he was received by some
municipals who were still in authority ; they
closely scrutinized his appointment, and de-
tained him so long that it was not till two
o'clock in the morning that he was conducted
to the room of the " little Capet." They
bad explained in general terms the way in
which the child was treated, but it was far
frem giving him any idea of the reality.
When he entered the ante-room he was met
by a sickening smell which escaped through
the grated door of the inner room. One of
the municipals, approaching the grating, call-
ed in a loud voice, ** Capet ! Capet !" Capet
did not answer. After much callirfg, a faint
sound announced that it was heard, but no
movement followed, and neither calls nor
even threats could induce the victim to get
up and show himself; and it was only by
the light of a candle held inside the bars, and
which fell on the bed in the opposite corner,
that Laurent saw the body that was thus de-
livered to his charge. With this he content-
ed himself that night, for it seems that neither
he nor the municipals had either the authority
or the mechanical means to open that door.
Another visit next morning had the same re-
sults ; the child would neither speak nor show
himself ; though Laurent had addressed him
in terms of kindness and persuasion. Alarm-
ed and shocked at this state of things, Lau-
rent made a peremptory appeal to the
government for tin immediate examination
into the condition of the child. The request I
VOL. XXX. NO. IV.
was granted, and accordingly next day, the
3 1st of July^, several members of the com-
mTttee de Surite Girurale came to conduct
it: — .
" They cm lied to him through the grating— no
answer. Thoy t hen ordered the door to be opened ;
it seems rhere wpre no means of doing it A
workman waa called, who forced away the bars
of the trap so as to get in his head, and havinir
thus got sight of the child, asked him why he did
not answer 7 Still no reply. In a few minates
the whole door was broken down, (enlevSe,)
and the visilors entered. Then appeared a
spectacle morehorrible than can be conceivert
a spectacle which never again can be seen in the
annals of a nation calling itself civilized, and
which even the murderers of Louis XVL could
not witness without mingled pity and fright In
a dark room, exhaling a smell of death and cor-
rilption, on a crazy and dirty bed, a child of nine
years old was lying prostrate, motionless,
and bent ap, his face livid and furrowed by
want and suffering, and his llmbe half covered
with a filthy cloth and trowsers in rags. His
features, once so delicate, and his counte-
nance, once so lively, denoted now the gloomiest
apathy—almost insensibility— and bis Hue eyes,
looking larger from the meagreness of the rest of
his face, had lost all spirit, and taken, in their dull
immovability, a tinge of gray and green. His
head and neck were eaten up (rongie) with puru-
lent sores ; his legs, arms, and neck, thin and an-
gular, were unnaturally lengthened at the expense
of hia chest and body. His hands and feet were
not human, A thick paste of dirt stuck like
pitch over his temples ; and his once beautiful
curls were full of vermin, which also covered his
whole body, and which, as well as bugs, swarmed
in every fold of the rotten bedding, over which-
black spiders were running At the noise of
forcing the door the child gave a nervous shudder,
but barely moved, hardly noticing the strangers.
A hundred questions were addressed to him ; he
answered none of them : he cast a vague, wander-
injr, and unmeaning look at his visitors, and at
this moment one would have taken him for an
idiot. The food they had given him was still un-
touched ; one of the commissioners asked him
why he had not eaten it ? Still no answer. At
last, the oldest of the visitors, whose gray hairs
and paternal tone seemed to make an impression
upon him, repealed the question, and be answered
in a calm but resolute tone, ^^Because I want
to die!** These were the only words that this
cruel and memorable inquisition extracted from
4iim."— ii. 25.
For these details, M. de Beauchesne, more
stio, gives us no warrant, but they are con-
firmed en gros by the Journal of Madame
Royale; and there is another, in this respect
unexceptionable, witness to the main points, of
whom M. de Beauchesne does not seem to
have been aware. In the Memoires de Lombard
we find Barras's own account of his visit. He
19
460
LOUIS xvn.
[Dec.,
confesses that be saw the boy, and found him
in a deplorable state of filth, disease, and
debility ; it was slated to him that he neither
ate nor drank — he woald not speak,' could
not stand, and laj( bent up in a kind of cra-
dle, from which it was torture to move him.
His knees were so swelled that his trowscrs
had become painfully tight. Barras* had
them cut open at the sides, and found the
joints "prodigiously swollen and livid."
Barras concludes this picture by relating, in
a tone of self-satisfaction, that be immediate-
ly ordered the attendance of a medical man,
and, " after having scolded the commissary
and the parponde service for the filth in which
the child was left, be retired!" He adds
indeed, that he returned next day, and saw
the doctor (whose name he had forgotten)
offer the little patient a draught which he
had ordered, but which the child — though
still without speaking — refused to take ; the
doctor whispered Barras that he might
possibly have heard of the fate of his father,
mother, and aunt, and suspect that they now
wanted to get rid of him, (m defaire de lui;)
so, "to encourage him, the doctor poured
out the draught into a glass, and was about
ta taste it, when the poor child, guessing bis
thoughts,, hastened to seize it, and drank it
off." The doctor told Barras that the boy
had not long to live ; and this, said Barras,
" was the last I saw of him." {Mim, de Lorn-
bard, p. 147, 150.) M. de Beauchesne's
authorities (whatever they are) make, we
«ee, no mention of Barras's having seen the
boy, nor of his personal interference, which
indeed is hardly reconcilable with some of
the details we have just given ; but Barras's
own confession corroborates all the more im-
portant facts of the case, and the subsequent
indifference of the new government to the
state of the child, who lingered for near a
year later in a condition almost equally de-
plorable.
We now resume M. de Beauchesne's nar-
rative. By the remonstrances of Laurent, a
little air and li^ht were admitted into the
room ; a woman was permitted, though after
much hesitation, to wash and comb the boy.
One of the municipals, who happened to be
a surgeon, was allowed to clean and dress
the sores on the head and neck — an opera-
tion which, as well as that of the comb, was,
from long neglect, become extremely painful.
The vermin were expelled, an iron bed and
clean bedding were supplied, a suit of decent
clothes granted; and the grated door was
replaced by the original one. These were
but ameliorations to which the most odious
convicted criminal would have been entitled ;
but all the other rigors of the prison were
still maintained. The child was kept in the
solitary confinement of his one cell. The
chief authority in the Temple remained in the
municipal body, who seemed afraid that, if
they deviated from the severity of their pre-
decessors, they were likely to incur their
fate. Laurent himself was not allowed to
see the boy except at his meal-times, and
always then in presence of the municipals;
and when at last he wearied them into per-
mission to take him occasionally to the leads
of the tower to breathe the fresh air, it was
only under their watch-dog superintendence.
Even in these short breaks in bis solitude he
never spoke, and seemed to take little notice
of what was passing. There was one excep-
tion : on his way to the leads he had to go
by the wicket that conducted to what had
been his mother* s apartment : he had passed
it the first time without observing it, but on
returning he saw it, started, pressed the arm
of Laurent, and made a sign of recognition,
and ever after paused at the place, and once
showed a wish to enter the room, which the
municipal in attendance prevented by telling
him that be had mistaken the door. He
knew, of course, the death of his father, but
be was in ignorance of that of his mother,
whom he still believed, as we shall see, to be
in the tower.
During this period Laurent had also the
custody of Madame Roy ale, who bears, in
her Mdmoires, testimony to the decency of
his manners, and kindness of his treatment of
her, and to his well-meant but less success-
ful endeavors to alleviate the sufferings of
her brother.
At last, however, the quasi solitary con-
finement to which Laurent found himself
condemned was more than he could endure,
and he solicited to be allowed an assistant
and companion in his duties. This was
granted; and, by some secret influence of
the friends of the royal family, the son of an
upholsterer of the name of Qomin was asso-
ciated en second to Laurent in the care of the
children. Qomin was a person of mild and
timid character, who had great difficulty in
reconciling the severe orders of his employers
with his secret sympathy with the prisoners.
Little change, however, was made in the
regulations, except that cleanliness and civil
language were substituted for filth and insult.
The child was still locked up alone, except
at meals, which were always served in pres-
ence of the two guardians' and a municipal,
and frequently embittered by the cynical in-
1658.]
LOUKXVn.
451
suits of the latter. These commissaries were
elected in turn by each of the 48 sections of
Paris, and were relieved every 24 hours ; so
that the regime was subject to a great vari-
ety of tempers and caprices, of which good-
oature was the rarest. The breakfast, at
nine, was a cup of milk or some fruit ; the
dinner, at two, a plate of soup with a " ^m/aXl
bit** of its bouilli, and some dry vegetables,
(generally beans;) a supper at eight, the
same as the dinner, but without the bouilli.
He was then put to bed and locked up alone,
as in all other intervals between the meals,
till nine the next morning. When the com-
missary of the day happened to look good-
humored, the guardians would endeavor to
obtain some little adaucissemeni in the treat-
ment of the child — such as his being taken
to the leads, or getting some pots of nowers,
which delighted him with the memory of
happier days, and in which he took more
interest than in any thing else. One day
(the 14th November, 1704) there came,
with a stem air, loud voice, and brutal man-
ners, a person by^ name Del boy — he threw
open all the doors', pried every where, gave
his orders in a rough, imperious tone, that at
first frightened both guardians and prisoner,
but' by and by surpnsed them by the frank
and rational, and even kind, spirit of his di-
rections. When he saw the dinner, he ex-
claimed—
*< ' Why this wretched food ? If Ihey were still
at the Tuileries, I would assist to famish them
out: but here they are our prit^oner:*, and it is
unworthy of the nation to starve them. Why
these window-blinds ? Under the rei^n of EouaU
iiy the sun at least should shine for all. Why is
he separated from his sJRter ? Under the reiffn of
Fraternity why should they not see each ot.her V
Then addressing the child in a somewhat gentler
tone, * Should vou not like, my boy, to play with
your sister 7 if you forget your origin, 1 don't
see why the nation should remember it.' Then
taming to the guardians, * 'Tis not his fault if he
is his father's son — he is now nothing else than
an unfortunate child; the unfortunate have a claim
to our humanity, and the country shouki be the
mother of all her children. So don*t be harsh to
him.' "— ii. 276.
All he said was in the same blustering,
sententious style, " combining," says M. de
Beauchesne in his rhetorical way, " the man-
ners of Diogenes with the charity of F6n^-
lon." Another of Delboy*s phrases is worth
repeating. In discoursing (as we presume)
of the character of his colleagues, he de-
clumed against
— ^** those crafty hypocrites who do harm to oOieri
loiihout making a ntnse — these are the kind of
fellows who invented the atr-gun."
Such a voice imd never before been heard
in the Temple, and occasioned a serious sen-
sation, and something like consternation ; but
it at last encouraged Gomin to ask his per-
mission that the lamp in the ante-room, from
which the only light of the child's dungeon
was derived, should be lighted at dark. This
WAS inomediately granted ; and Diogenes-
Fen6ion departed, saying to the astounded
guardians as he took his leave —
" * Shall wp ever meet again 7 I think not : our
roads are not likely to meet. No matter — good
patriots will recognize each other; men of sense
may vary their opinions — men of honor never
change their feelings and principles. We are no
Septewhriseurn. Heahh and fraternity !' " — lb.
The reign of this " hourru bienfaisant**
lasted but a few hours, and (except as to
lighting the lamp) left no traces. Laurent
and Gomin were afraid to make any change
on such ephemeral authority. About the
same time, sentiments like those which Del-
boy had blurted out in the prison were heard
timidly insinuated in society, and even in
more than one newspaper. This only exas-
perated the fears and malignity of the Con-
vention, and its speeches and decrees seemed,
as to the treatment of the child, to reveal as
strongly as before the resolution '' de 8*en di-
fairer
The daily change of commissioners pro*
duced an alternation of gross vexations and
slight indulgences, not uninteresting, bat
which our space does not allow us to follow.
One or two instances will suffice for the rest.
On the 23d February, 1705. the commis-
sary was one Leroux — a " terroriste arrierf
— who adored the memory of Robespierre,
and hoped for the revival of his party. He
insisted on visiting all the apartments, and
was particularly anxious to see how those
"plucked raitelets looked without their fea-
thers." When he entered Madame Royale's
room, she was sitting at work, and went on
without taking any notice of him. " What I"
he cried, " is it the fashion here not to rise
before the people ^ The Princess still took
no notice. The brute revenged himself by
rummaging the whole apartment, and re-
tired, saying, sulkily, "£tlt est fi^re eomme
PAutrichienne" When he visited the boy,
it was only to insult him. He called him
nothing but the aon of the tyrant — ridiculed
his alleged illness, and when Laurent and
Gomin timidly ventured to produce Delboy*s
403
Loms XVIL
[Deo^
oharitable maxim *' that he could DOt help
being the son of his father," they were
Filenced by doubts as to their own patriotism.
'*Ah, the children of tyrants ure not to be
sick like other people. It is not, forsooth,
his f.iult that he was born to devour the
sweat and blood of the people ! It is not
the less certain that such monsters . should
be strangled in their cradle !" (ii. 294.) He
then established himself for the evening in
the ante-room — called for cards and wine —
the wine to diink toasts " to the death of all
tyrants/' and the cards to play picquet with
Laurent. His nomenclature of the figure
cards at picquet was not kings but tyrants
— •' Three tyrants" — " Fourteen tyrants,"
The queens were *' citoyennes" and the
knaves '' courtiers** The royal boy seemed
not to understand, at least not to notice,
these terms, but whs much interested in over-
looking the game, and hearing for the first
time for some years people speaking to one
another of something else than his own suf-
ferings. The evening, however, ended ill.
Leroux's Jacobinical fury was inflamed by
drinking, and he made an uproar that terri-
fied the child. He was at last got outr of
the room, and conducted to his bed on the
lower story. But this accident had a favor-
able result. Leroux had called for cards,
and thereby authorized their introduction;
and the child's pleasure in seeing them in-
duced Gomin, between Leroux's departure
and the coming of his successor, to introduce
two packs, with which the little prisoner
amused himself /or the rest of his life ! The
next commissary happened to be a toyman ;
he took pity on the boy, and at Oomin's
suggestion sent him, three days after, two or
three toys. But these were trifling indul-
gences ; and the continued interdiction of air
and exercise, and the frequent insults and
severities of the capricious commissaries,
were gradually aggravating the illness that
had for some time past seribusly alarmed the
guardians, though the commissaries in gen«
end only laughed at it. About January and
February, 1 795, his malady assumed a more
rapid and threatening character. He grew
more melancholy and apathetic ; he became
very reluctant to move, and, indeed, was
hardly able to do so ; and Laurent and Go-
min were forced to carry him in their arms.
The district surgeon was called in, and in
consequence of his opinion, a delegation from
the Commune examined the case, and re*
ported that
" the little Capet had tumors at all his joints, and
ef«pecially at his knees — that it was impossible to
extract a word from him*- that he never would
rise off his chair or his bed, and refused to take
any kind of exercise."
On this report a sub-committee of the
Committee de Surete-GSnirale were dele*
gated to visit the child ; it consisted of one
Harmand (of the Meuse), who on the King's
trial voted for banishment, and Mathieu and
Reverchon, who voted for death. These men
found such a state of things that they thought
(as Harmand himself afterwards confessed,
appealing also to his colleagues who were
still living)
" that /or (he honor of the nation, who knew no*
thing of these horrors — for that of the Convention^
which was, in truth, also ignorant of them — and
for that of the guilty municipality of Paris itself,
who knew all and was the cauf^e of all the:»e cru-
elties— we should make no public report, but only
state the re^alt in a secret meeting of the com-
mittee."—ii. 309.
So strange a confession — ^that public func-
tionaries suppressed the facts they had been
appointed to inquire into for the honor of
those who had committed &nd sanctioned the
crimes — is sufliciently revolting, but it is
much more so that no measures whatsoever
were taken to correct or even alleviate the
cruelties that they had reported. Harmand 's
account of the affair was not published till
after the Restoration, (as M. de Beauchesne
notices with something of suspicion as to its
accuracy,) and there can be no doubt that
he then modelled it so as to excuse, as far as
he could, his own pusillanimity, in having
made no effectual attempt to remedy the
mischief that he had discovered. The only
apology that can be made for him is, that he
was Sent in a few days after on a mission to
the armies, and it is possible, and even likely,
that the very purpose for which he was sent
was to prevent bis taking any steps in the
matter. The substance, however, of his
statement is fully confirmed by the evidence
of Gomin, jthough the latter disputed aome
small and really insignificant details. The
most striking circumstance was the fixed and
resolute silence of the child, from whom they,
no more than the former commissaries ^f the
commune, were able to extract a single word.
This silence Harmand datea from the day on
which he was forced to sign the monstrous
deposition against his mother — a statement
which Gomin denies, and on his authority
M. de Beauchesne distrusts Harmand *s gen-
eral veracity. We think unjustly. For though
Gomin might contradict the unqualified state-
ment of his never having spoken from that
1858.]
LOUIS xvn.
458
very daj, he himself bears . testimony that
the exceptions were so rare and so secret as
to be utterly unknown, except to the two or
three persons whose unexpected kindness
obtained a whisper of acknowledgment from
the surprised though grateful boy. When
Ooroin first entered on his duties, "Laurent
foretold that he would not obtain a word
from him," which implies that he had not
opened his lips to Laurent. The report of
the commune which preceded Harmand's
yisit also states, as we have seen, that he
would not speak ; Harmand and his colleagues
found the same obstinate silence; and we
therefore do not see that Harmand's accu-
racy is in any degree impugned by G-omin's
secret knowledge that the child, though mule
to all the rest of his visitors, had spoken to
htm and to one or two others, who were
afraid to let it transpire. It is, no doubt, too
much to say that this " mutisme** began im-
mediately on the signature of the deposition
of the 6ih October, because there seems good
reason to deny that he had any share in that
deposition except signing it; he probably
could not have uddei stood its meaning, and
unquestionably could know nothing of the
use that was made of it — ^indeed, it is certain
that he never knew of his mother's death.
But it is equally certain that, from some un-
specified date after that event, he condemned
himself to what may be fairly called absolute
silence. If he had any idea of the import of
the depositions which had been fabricated for
him, he may have resolved not to give another
opportunity of perverting what he might
happen to say ; and the constant and cruel
insults which he had to undergo as the " son
of the tyrant,** the " rottelet, *• the •king of
La Vendee "nnd the like, may have awakened
in his mind some sense of his dignity. Such
considerations we can imagine to have dawned
even on that young intellect ; but in addition
to, or even exclusive of, any metaphysical
motives — the murder of his father, which he
knew — the thoughts of his mother, which, as
we shall see, troubled and tormented him —
his separation from his sister and aunt — a
vague consciousness that he had done some-
thmg injurious to them — and, above all, the
pain, prison, privations, and punishment — ^in
short, the terror and torture which he himself
endured — sufficiently account for the atrophy
both of mind and body into which he had
fallen, and for the silence of the dungeon, so
soon to become the silence of the grave.
And it is certain that even in this extremity
he had more memory and sensibility than he
chose to show. Gomin's timidity, not to say
terror of compromising himself, rendered his
general deportment reserved and even severe ;
but one evening — Thursday, 12th March,
1796 — when he was alone with the child,
(Laurent and the municipal of the day being
absent at their club,) he showed him some
unusual marks of sympathy, and proposed
something to gratify him. The boy looked
up suddenly at Gomin's countenance, and,
seeing in it an expression of tenderness, he
rose and timidly advanced to the door, his
eyes still fixed on Gomin's face with a gase
of suppliant inquiry. •* No, no," said Go-
min, "you know that that cannot be." "I
tnuet see Ber /*' Bfiid the child. "Oh, pray,
pray, let me see Her once again before I die /"
Gomin led him gently away from the door to
his bed, on which the child fell motionless
and senseless ; and Gomin, terribly alarmed
— and, as he confessed, as much for himself
as his prisoner — thought for a time that he
was no more. The poor boy had long, Go-
min suspected, been meditating on an oppor-
tunity for seeing his mother; he thought he
had found it, and his disappointment over<-
whelmed him. This incident softened still
more the heart of Gomin.
A few days after» there was another sad
scene. On the 23d March, the commissary
of the day, one Collot, looking steadfastly at
the child, exclaimed, in a loud doctoral tone,
"That child has not six weeks to live!"
Laurent and Gomin, shocked at the effect
that such a prophecy might have on the
child, made some mitigating observations, to
which Collot replied, with evident malignity,
and in coarser terms than we can translate,
"I tell you, citizens, that within six weeks
he will be an idiot, if he be not dead 1" The
child only showed that he heard it, by a
mournful smile, as if he thought it no bad
news; but when Collot was gone, a tear or
two fell, and he murmured, "Yet I never
did any harm to any body.** (ii. 319.)
On the 29th of March came another afflic-
tion. Laurent's tastes and feelings were
very repugnant to his duties in the Temple,
though he was afraid of resigning, lest he
should be suspected of incivisme ; but he
had now, by the death of his mother, an
excuse for soliciting a successor. It was
granted, and he left the Temple with the
regret of every body. The innocence and
gentle manners of the child had softened his
republicanism, and reconciled him to the
" son of the tyrant." The Prince at parting
squeezed his hand affectionately, and saw
his departure with evident sorrow, but does
not 8i;em to have spoken^
454
LOUIS XVIL
[Dee.,
One Lasne succeeded him ; bis nouaraation
and instalment were characteristic of the
times. He received a written notice of his
appointment and a summons to attend at the
Commune to receive his credentials. Not
coming at once, two gendarmes — armed po-
lice— were sent, who took him from his resi-
dence and conducted him straight and sud-
denly to his new post. Lasne had served in
the old Gardes Fran9aise9, and this caused
his eleclion as captain of grenadiers in the
St. Antoine battalion of the National Quards.
He was now by trade a master house-painter.
He was an honest man, of the moderate re-
publican party, with the air and somewhat
of the rough manner of the old soldier. It
was on the 16th February, 1837, that M. de
Beauchesne, as he tells us, " first saw Lasne,
in whose arms Louis XVIL had died"-«-but
the public had an earlier acquaintance with
Lasne, which we wonder that M. de Beau-
chesne has not noticed. He was a principal
witness on the trial of the Faux Dauphin,
Bichemont,* in October, 1880, and then
gave in substance the same account of his
mission in the Temple and of the death of
the young king that he again repeated with-
out any material addition or variation to M.
de Beauchesne.
For three weeks the child was as mute to
Lasne as he had been to the others. At last
an accident broke his silence. Lasne, having
been one day on guard at the Tuileries, had
happened to see the Dauphin reviewing a
regiment of boys which had been formed for
his amusement and instruction ; and in one
of his allocutions (we cannot call them con-
versations) to the silent child, he happened
to mention the circumstance, and repeated
something that had occurred on that day ;
the boy's face suddenly brightened up, and
showed evident signs of interest and pleasure,
and at last, in a low voice, as if afraid of be-
ing overheard, he asked, **And did you see
me mth my sword ?" f
Though the guardians were equally re-
sponsible for both the prisoners, Lasne was
especially attached to the boy, and Qomin to
Madame Royale, whom at last he accompa-
nied on her release, and on the Restoration
became an officer of her household.
Lasne, a busier and a bolder man than
Gomin, soon discovered that the boy, whom
* As thia page is paasing through the preas, we
learn the death of thia impostor, in some obeoure
corner of France.
t That sword, of which M. de Beauchesne ^ives
a drawing, still exists (or did lately) in the Muse
de lUrtUlerie at Paris.
he could barely recognize for the healthy and
handsome child whom he had seen, wilh his
sword, at the Tuileries, was in a very danger-
ous state, and he induced his colleague to
join him in inscribing on the register of the
proceedings of the Temple, "Tlie little Capet
is indisposed," No notice being taken of the
entry, they repeated it in a day or two, in
more positive terms: "The little Capet is
dangerously ill" Still no notice. "We
must strike harder," said the guardians ; and
now wrote that "his life was in danger"
This produced an order (dth May, 1794)
for the attendance of M. Desault, one of the '
most eminent physicians of Paris. Desault
examined the patient, but could not obtain a
word from him. He pronounced, however,
that he was called in too late — that the case
was become scrofulous, probably from a con-
stitutional taint of the same disease of which
the elder Dauphin had died in 1780, aggra>
vated by the hard treatment and confinement
of so many years ; and he had the courage
to propose that he should be immediatdy
removed to the country, where change of air,
exercise, and constant attention, afibrded the
only chance of prolonging his life. The
Government, who desired no such result,
paid no attention to the advice, and Desault
had nothing left but to order friction of the
tumors at the joints, and some trivial potions
which it was found for a long time impossible
to persuade the child to swallow: whether
he wished to die, or was, on the contrary,
afraid of poison, did not appear ; but to re-
move the latter idea, if it existed, both Go-
min and Lasne tasted the medicine ; and at
last, at Lasne*s earnest entreaties, and as if
it were, to oblige him, the medicine was taken,
and, as M. Desault himself expected, pro-
duced no change in the disease ; but there
was an improvement in his moral condition
— the care and kindness of the benevolent
doctor opened his lips — he answered his
questions, and received his attentions with
evident satisfaction ; but, aware that his
words were watched, (the doctor was never
left alone with him,) the little patient did not
venture to af^k him to prolong his civilities,
though he would silently lay hold of the
skirt of his coat to delay his departure.
This lasted three weeks. On the 31st
May, at nine o'clock, the commissary of the
day, M. Bellenger, an artist, who had been
before the Be volution painter and designer
to Monsieur, and who still retained senti-
ments of respect and affection for the royal
family — M. Bellenger went up into the pa-
tient's room to wait for the doctor. As he
1868.]
LOUIS XVIL
465
did not appear^ M. Bellenger produced a
portfolio of drawings which he thought
might amuse the boy, who» still silent, only
turned them over heedlessly; but at last,
the doctor still not appearing, Bellenger
said, ^'Sir, I should have much wished to
have carried away with me another sketch,
but I would not venture to da so if it was
disagreeable to you.*' Struck with the un-
usual appellation of ''Sir,** and Bellenger's
deferential manner, his reserve thawed, and
he answered, "TFAa/ sketch P^ ^'0/ your
features ; if it were not disagreeable to you^ it
tDOuld give me the greatest pleasure,^* ^It
would please you?" said the child, and a
gracious smile authorized the artist to pro-
ceed. M. Pesault did not come that day —
nor at the usual hour the next. Surprised
at his unusual absence, the Commissary on
duty suggested the sending for him. The
guardians hesitated to take even so innocent
a step beyond their instructions ; but a new
commissary arrived, and terminated their
doubts by announcing that " it was needless
— Jf. Desault died yesterday" A death so
sudden, and at such a critical moment, gave
rise to a thousand conjectures ; the most
general was that M. Desault, having given
his patient poison, was himself poisoned by
his employers to conceal the crime. The
character of the times and the circumstances*
of the case gave a color to such a suspicion
— but there was really no ground for it. De-
sault was a worthy man, and as Madame
Royale has simply and pathetically said,
" the only poison that shortened my brother's
days was filth, made more fatal by hor-
rible treatment, by harshness, and by cruel-
ty of which there is no example." {Roy.
Mem. 278.'>
The child now remained for five days
without any medical attendance; but on
the 6th June, M. Pelletan, surgeon- in- chief
of one of the great hospitals, was named to
that duty. This doctor — "sent," says M.
de Beauchesne, "for form's sake, like a
counsel assigned to a malefactor" — had,
however, the courage to remonstrate loudly
with the commissaries on the closeness and
darkness of the sick-room, and the violent
* An additional cireamstance of snepioion wai^
the different dates ^cta//y given to Desaidt'e death.
He certainly died on the l^t of June ; yet the Re-
port of the Comiti de Santi Oinirale to the Con-
▼ention on the subject states that Desanlt died on
the 4th. This was, no donbt, an accidental mistake ;
bat it was a strange one in so formal a document —
the more so, beeanse it shortened the surprisingly
short interval between the deaths of the doctor and
his patient from six days to three.
crash of bolts and bars with which the doors
were opened and shut, to the manifest dis-
turbance and agitation of the patient. " If
you have not authority," he said, " to open
the windows and remove these irons, at least
you cannot object to remove him to another
room." The boy heard him, and, contrary
to his invariable habit, beckoning this new
friend to come near him, he whispered,
"2>on'^ speak so loud, for thet might hear
you overhead, and I should be sorry they
knew I was ill — it would alarm them"
^^They" were his mother and aunt — who he
thought were still living. The commissary —
one Thory (a baker) — whose natural sympa-
thy was thus fortified by the decided requi-
sition of the surgeon, consented ; and a room
in the small tower, which had been the
drawing-room of the archivist of the Order,
was instantly prepared for the reception of
the patient. The kind-hearted Oomin has-
tened to carry him in his firms — as he was no
longer able to move himself ; the movement
caused him great torture, and his eyes, so
long unaccustomed to the full light of day,
were painfully dazzled ; the sight, however,
of the sun, and the freshness of the air
through a large open window, soon revived
and delighted him, and in a few minutes he
turned on Gomin a look of ineffable gratitude
and affection ; but evening came, and from
eight o'clock till eight next morning he was
again looked up alone. On the morning of
the 6th, Lasne rubbed his knees, and gave
him a spoonfuPof tisan, and, thinking him
really better, dressed him, and laid him on
the bed. Pelletan arrived soon after. He
felt the pulse, and asked him whether he
liked his new room. " OA, yes!" he an-
swered, "with a faint, desponding smile,
that went to all their hearts." At dinner-
time, just as the child had swallowed a
spoonful of broth, and was slowly eating a
few cherries from a plate that lay on his
bed, a new commissary, of the terrible name
of Hubert, and worthy of it, arrived. " Eh I
how is this?" said he to the guardians;
"where is your authority for thus moving
this wolf cub ?" " We had no especial di-
rections," replied Gomin, " but the doctor
ordered it." "How long," retorted the
other, " have barbers {carabins) been the
Government of the Republic? You must
have the leave of the Committee — do you
hear ?" At these words the child dropped
a cherry from his fingers, fell back on the
bed, and hid his face on the pillow. Then
night came, and again he was locked up
alone, abandoned to his bodily sufferings and
466
LOUIS XVU.
[Dee.»
to the new terrors which Hubert's threat |
had evidently excited.
Pelletan had found him so much worse
that he solicited the Committee of SHreU
OMraU for an additional medical opinion,
and M. Dumangin, first physician of another
freat hospital, was next day (Sunday, (Tth
une) sent to assist him. Before they ar-
rived the patient had had a fainting-fit, which
seemed to portend immediate death ; but he
recovered a little. The doctors, after a con-
sultation, decided that there were no longer
any hopes — that art could do nothing — ^and
that all that remained was to mitigate the
agonies of this lingering death. They ex-
pressed the highest astonishment and disap-
probation of the solitude and neglect to
which the boy was subjected during the
whole of every night and the greater part
of every day, and insisted on the immediate
necessity of giving him a sick-nurse. The
Committee, by a decree of the next day, (8th
June,) consented — as they now safely might
without any danger of the escape of their
victim ; but on the night of the 7th the old
rule was still followed, and he was locked
up alone. He felt it more than usual — the
change of apartment had evidently revived
his hopes ; he took leave of Gomin with big
tears running down his cheeks, and said,
"<Si(i7/ alone^ and my mother in the other
tower!'* But it was the last night of suf-
fering.
When Lasne came in the morning of the
8th as usual, he thought him better ; the
doctors, who arrived soon after, thought
otherwise; and their bulletin, dispatched
from the Temple at 11 a.m., announced the
danger to be imminent. Gomin now relieved
Lasne at the bedside; but remained for a
long time silent, for fear of agitating him,
and the child never spoke first ; at last Go-
min expressed his sorrow at seeing him so
weak. **Be consoled,'' he replied: "I shall
not suffer Umg'* Overcome by these words,
Gomin kneeled down by the bedside. The
child took his hand and pressed it to his lips
while Gomin prayed.
" And now," says M. deJIBeauchesne, **|having
heard the last words uttered by the father, the
mother, and the aunt — admirable and Christian
words — you will be anxious to gather op the last
words of the royal child— cleariy recollected and
related by the two witnesses to whom they were
addressed, and by me faithfully transcribed from
their own lips."— ii. 362.
After the scene just described, Gomin,
seeing him stretched out quite motionless
and silent, said, "I hope you are not in
pain." ** Oh yes^^' he replied, " still in pain^
but less — the music is so fine** There was
no music — no sound of any kind reached the
room. " Where do you hear the music ?"
''Up there:* "How long?** "Since you
were on your knees. Don't you hear it?
Listen/ listen!'* And he raised his hand
and opened his great eyes in a kind of ecs-
tacy. Gomin continued silent, and after a
few moments the boy gave another start of
convulsive joy, and cried, "/ hear my moth-
er's voice amongst them !" and directed his
eyes to the window with anxiety. Gomin
asked once, twice, what he was looking for
— he did not seem to hear, and made no
answer.
It was now Lasne's hour to relieve Go-
min, who left the room, and Lasne sat down
by the bedside. The child lay for a while
still and silent ; at last he moved, and Lasne
asked if he wanted any thing. He replied,
'*I)o you think my sister could hear the mu-
sic?— How she would like it!'* He then
turned again to the window with a look of
sharp curiosity, and uttered a sound that in-
dicated pleasure ; he then — it was just fif-
teen minutes after two p.m. — stud to Lasne,
'*I have something to tell you.** Lasne took
his hand and bent over to hear. There was
no more to be heard ; the child was dead !
A post-mortem examination, by Pelletan
and Dumangin^ assisted by MM. Jeanroy
and Lassus, eminent practitioners, and of
royalist opinions and connections, attested
not only the absence of any signs of poison,
but the general healthy condition of the in-
testines and viscera, as well as of the brain ;
their report attributed the death simply to
marasmus, (atrophy, decay,) the result of a
scrofulous disease of long standing — such as
the swelling of the joints, externally risible,
indicated ; but they give no hint of the causes
that might have produced, and did, beyond
question, fatally aggravate the disease.
The poor child was fated to be the victim
of persecution and profanation even after
death. The surgeon, M. Pelletan, who was
intrusted with the special duty of arranging
the body after the examination, had, on the
Bestaration, the astonishing impudence of
confessing that, while his colleagues were
conversing in a distant part of the room, he
had secretly stolen the heart, and conveyed
it in a napkin into his pocket ; that he kept
it for some time in spirits of wine, but that
it afterwards dried up, and that he threw it
into a drawer, whence again it was stolen by
1853.]
LOUIS XYU
457
one of his pupils, who on his death-bed
(about the date of the Restoration) confessed
it, and directed his father-in-law and his wid-
ow to restore the theft ; which Pelletan, in
consequence, received from them in a purse,
and which, " having handled it a thousand
times, he easily recognized," and placed it in
a crystal vase, on which were engraved
seventeen stars. A disgusting controversy
arose on the authenticity of Pelletan's rel-
ique ; in consequence of which, Louis XVIIL,
who had at first intended to place it in the
royal tombs at St. Denis, retracted that de-
sign, chiefly, it is said, on the evidence of
Lasne, who strenuously declared that, how-
ever-inattentive the other doctors might have
been, be had never taken his eyes off the
body or Pelletan during the whole operation ;
that no such theft could have been accom-
plished without his having seen it ; that he
saw nothing like it ; and that Pelletan's whole
story was a scandalous imposture. Besides
this powerful and direct objection, othere
arose — from the neglect with which Pelletan
confessed that he had treated a deposit which,
since he had taken it, he ought to have con-
sidered so sacred — ^from the vague story of
the second theft — and, finally, from the
doubt of the identity of the object returned
by the widow in a purse with that which the
pupil confessed to have stolen. The apo-
cryphal object therefore remains with the
representatives of Pelletan ; but the disgrace
of his story, whether true or false, is fixed
indelibly on his memory.
But this was not all. The very grave of
the poor boy became matter of controversy.
There is no doubt that the body was buried
openly, and with decent solemnity — accom-
panied by several municipal authorities and
his last friend Lasm — in the churchyard of
the parish of 8t. Margaret, in the Faubourg
St. Antoine: but when Louis XV III. direct-
ed an inquiry into the exact spot, with a view
of transferring the body to St. Denis, the
evidence was so various, inconclusive, and
contradictory, that — as in the case of the
heart — it seemed prudent to abandon the ori-
ginal design, and the remains of Louis XVIL
repose undisturbed and undistinguished in a
small grassy enclosure adjoining the church,
and so surrounded by houses that it is not
marked on the ordinary maps of Paris. It
has been for more than fifty years abandoned
as a cemetery — forgotten and unknown by
the two last generations of men even in its
own neighborhood, till the pious enthusiasm
of M. de Beauchesne revealed it to us, but
now we suppose never to be again forgotten
— though the place seems altogether dese-
crated. We cannot understand — whatever
good reasons there might be for abandoning
a search after the individual grave — why the
monarchs and ministers of the Restoration
did not, in this narrow, secluded, and most
appropriate spot, raise some kind of memo-
rial to not only so innocent but so inoffensive
and so interesting a victim.
M. de Beauchesne hints that such was the
frustrated desire of the Duchess d'Aogou-
leme. Why a request so pious and so modest
should have been rejected by Chose ministere
we are at a loss to conceive. He announces
that he himself designs to place some hum-
ble memorial within the enclosure. We doubt
whether he will be permitted to do so ; but
he will at least have the consolation of hay-
ing in this work dedicated to the object of
his reverence and affection a monument
which neither the rancor of revolutionists,
the neglect of soidisant royalists, nor the ter-
rors of the new despotism can ever obliterate.
468
WALTER SAVAGE LANDOB.
Pec,
From Hogg's Instructor.
WAITBR SAVAGE lANDOB
How strangely would our ideas of inlellec-
tual excelleDce be revolutionized, did we esti-
mate the worth of books, or the abilities of
literary men, by their popularity ! What a
rejection would there be of the most clear-
sighted sages, and the most elevated spirits,
who have been our pioneers in the upland
path of truth, did we judge of them as their
contemporaries did ; and what a resurrection
of the nameless and long- forgotten would
take place, were the trumpet-blast of fame
to sound for those whose brief dance of ex-
istence awoke only that confused hum which
b emitted in the sunshine by ephemeral
things ! It is fitting that the thinker should
be among the last of those who are crowned
with the palm-wreath of true honor, for the
note of triumph which summons him to re-
ceive it must be blown with no bated breath,
nor give forth an uncertain sound. It must
ring clearly and strongly, even though it be
not heard tilt long after that thinker's tomb
has crumbled, and it must proclaim him a
teacher of no mere half truths— one whom
the world could not well have spared, ere it
has set him among its benefactors. Such
being, in most cases, the necessity of that
mission upon which the writer of intellectual
power enters, when he gives utterance to the
thought within him, popularity is seldom the
result of his labors, in the sense in which it
is won by the efifbrts of the more superficial
and less self-sustained. He looks to higher
results, and is borne onward by seeing, often
in the far future, the time when his thoughts
must be recognized, and he with them. Some
among the original minds of all ages have
been so influenced by these things, as to be
betrayed into culpable carelessness of the
media by which their ideas are communicated.
Content to find a fit audience, they seem reck-
less of how few may compose it, and may al-
most be sdd to ignore the competency of a
popular tribunal. Now, it appears obvious
that the diffusion of enlightenment in an age
like our own is not such a mere surface thing,
but that even the least attractive writers will
be appreciated in quarters where they may
have scarcely expected to be comprehended.
Though the flood of ordinary knowledge,
breaking its old boundaries, leaves but a
small deposit of that more subtle thought
which is the product of a rich and 8tr<Hig
soil on the broad plain of general intelligence,
it floats into nooks and crannies much that
will take root there and produce a fresh and
abundant fruitage. This has been, and will
yet to a much greater extent be, the case
with such writers as Walter Savage Lander.
There are few of our modern authors with
whom the general public is less acquainted ;
he is known as a man of high attainments, of
a powerful mind, more through the opinion
of the men of letters who have been, or still
are, his contemporaries, than through the
verdict of even those who constitute, in the
proper sense of the term, the reading public
He has been careless about such a verdict,
and would seem to have preferred the indul-
gence of mere caprice, in many instances^
rather than do aught to secure it. In spite
of this, however, we feel constrained to say
with Sir Philip Sidney, in one of his own con-
versations, " that life has not been spent idly
which has been mainly spent in conciliating
the generous affections, by such studies and
pursuits as best furnish the mind for their
reception." It will matter little either to our
author himself or to his readers in fotttre
times, whether he received the praise justly
due to him in his lifetime or not ; his has been
an existence well spent, if the devotion of
genius to the cause of truth and the cultiva-
tion of nobleness is a thing worthy of living
and laboring for ; and it wUl be of little con-
sequence hereafter whether the form of his
labors were such as to interest the mass of
mankind or not, when the substance of them
has been estimated at its true value. That
the form in which Mr. Landor has chosen to
express his views of nature and of human life
has had some effect upon his writings,* so
* Imaginary ConverBatioDB of Greeks and Ro-
mans. By Waltkb. Sayaok Landob. London:
K Moxom. 1853.
The Works of Walter Savage Landor. In Two
Yolumeflb Mozom. 1846.
Italioo. By Walter Savage Landor.
1858.]
WALTER SAYAGE LAin>OR.
469
far as their unpopularity is concerned » we do
not doubt. To those who are at little pains
to look beyond mere forms, the " Imaginary
Conversations" do not properly belong either
to the literature of fiction or to that of a
weightier charncter, while they partake in
some degree of the nature of both. Profess-
edly fictitious in design, they are real in sub-
stance ; and while the combination of dramatic
force with practical wisdom cannot but be
their chief charm in the estimation of such as
can appreciate it, that combination has in all
probability appeared to others a thing neither
real nor imaginary. And yet the ** dialogue,"
or " conversation/' was the form chosen by
some of the wisest of those who have left the
world legacies of great thoughts. It was the
form which Plato, and Socrates, and Cicero
chose, while F^n^lon, Paschal, Fontenelle,
and many others, have selected it as their
medium of expression, conceiving it to be the
most natural mode of communication between
man and man. Mr. Landor, however, has
infused the dramatic into this form, and his
" Conversations" are therefore, to some ex-
tent, different from those with which the stu-
dent of philosophy is familiar. By doing so
be obtained scope for his fine discrimination
of character and his clear perception of poetic
truth, not less than for the expression of
powerful and suggestive thought. Nor has
he failed to take advantage of the latitude
which this original style of writing afforded.
In the works of no modern writer do we find
more of that pregnant wisdom by which great
truths are suggested as well as taught, or
more that will be as applicable in future ages
as in our own to literature, philosophy, or
human life. We can find no room for regret,
then, that Mr. Landor has not taken that
place among the imaginative writers of the
age which his genius would have enabled him
to take so easily, since in his own domain he
may at once challenge comparison with the
highest of them, while holding a rank among
the more thoughtful of contemporary authors
at least equally elevated. He has outlived
most of those who entered upon their work
witli him, and we greatly mistake if through
his writings he does not long outlive many of
those who have obtained a wider popularity.
Meanwhile it is our desire to look at him a
little more narrowly as he stands apart, and,
while pointing out what we conceive to be
the distinguishing characteristics of his genius,
to extract from his volumes some portions of
their varied riches. In doing so, we shall
have to consider Mr. Landor in the threefold
capacity of a strikingly original prose writer,
a dramatist, and a poet, in so far as the latter
term is commonly understood to distinguish
one who expresses the emotional in verse*
from him who portrays human character
through the medium of dramatic action. The
distinction we thus make for the sake of per-
spicacity ought by no means to be considered
an arbitrary one, so far as the subject is con-
cerned, for throughout all Mr. Landor's prose
works the poetic and dramatic elements are
very strongly marked. The latter, in fact,
may be said to constitute the basis of the
" Citation and Examination of William Shak-
spere." There are few of the thoughts which
this singular work contains to which the most
ardent lover of the great dramatist could ob-
ject, either on the score of appropriateness
or dignity ; sparkling fancies, wild wagffenes,
and weighty wisdom, come from the Tips of
the young deer- stealer, in the presence of the
pompous Sir Thomas Lucy, with a natural
freshness and originality, such as to give them
all the effect of characteristic truth. No
other writer in our language has attempted
this ; and where men of whose intellectual
being we have a distinct idea have been in-
troduced in works of fiction, the failure haa
been in most cases very manifest. Mr. Lan-
dor's was a bold attempt, for of all men there
could certainly be none whom we would more
reluctantly trust in the hands of a novelist
than William Shakspere. Jealous of his
dignity, the author of the " Citation" has put
into the mouth of the poet things which he
might himself have expressed, and with re-
markable fidelity has resuscitated the man-
nerism of Shakspere's age, while turning to
account all those broad outlines of contempo-
rary character which he has left us. And,
in addition to its artistic excellence, this book
has a high moral aim. Its humor and quaint-
ness, the wealth of fancy, and the subtle and
exquisite touches of feehng, which it contains,
are all made subservient to the embodiment
of a fine idea of humanity, and to an exalted
conception of life, its duties and responsibili-
ties. Though professedly a romantic record
of an incident, or supposed incident, in the
career of the world's poet, and, as such, an
attempt to make his character available for
the purposes of fiction, it has far more real
practical wisdom, applicable at all times, than
is usually to be found in that class of works.
Shakspere is made to slide gradually from
the position in which he originally stands be-
fore the self-satisfied Knight of Charlecote,
as a convicted culprit, to one of high import-
ance, and Sir Thomas again and again ac-
knowledges it, by involuntarily succumbioir
460
ITALTSB SAYAOE LAKBOBi
[Dec.
to the influence of bis eloquence, and by ulti-
mately resisting the crabbed appeals to his
dignity put forth by bis ill-natured chaplain,
who dislikes the *' common mutton-broth di-
Tinity" of the young poet. He is softened
by the humanity of a gentler nature, and, in
reply to the ill-tempered suggestion, that the
deer-stealer be at once committed, takes up
the language of a pleader, and resigns him-
self to the guidance of his prisoner, who, not-
ing the knight's theological turn of mind,
plies him with much sound wisdom from the
discourses of a certain fictitious Dr. Glaston.
None of our readers, we think, will be dis-
pleased with such specimens of this worthy
divine's prelections as the following : it is a
brief but pregnant discourse on the duty of
the spiritual teacher : —
'* Let ns preacher?, who are sufficiently liberal
in bestowing oar advice upon others, inquire of
ourselves whether the exercise of spiritnal author-
ity may not be sometimes too pleasant, tickling
our breasts with a plume from Satan's wing, ana
taming oar beads with that inebriating poison
which be hath been seen to instil into the very
chalice of our salvation. Let us ask ourselves m
the closet, whether, after we have humbled our-
selves before God in our prayers, we never rise
beyond the doe standard in the pulpit ; whether
our zeal for the troth be never overheated by in-
ternal fires less holy; whether we never grow
stiffly and sternly pertinacious at the very time
when we are reproving the obstioacity of otherq ;
and whether we have not frequently so acted, as
if we believed that opposition were to be relaxed
and borne away by self-sufficiency and intoler-
ance. Believe me, the wisest of us have oar
catechism to learn ; and these are not the only
qaestions contained in it Learned and ingenious
men may indeed find a sfilution and excuse for
all these propositions; butthe^wise unto salvation
will cry, ' Forgive me, O my God, if, called by
thee to walk in thy way, I have not swept this
dust from thy sanctuary.' "
•
If any objection should be taken to one
who is not a bishop issuing such a charge as
this to the clergy, we shall give, by way of
compensation, an equally pungent homily on
the pride of ancestral honors, in which Shak-
spere, emboldened by the favorable hearing
granted to him in the justice-room at Charle-
cote, penetrates into the very citadel of the
old knight's vanity, under the cloak of the
aforesaid erudite divine, and gives us a fine
commentary on the king's praise of Helena,
the poor physician's daughter: —
"From lowest place, where virtuous {things
proceed.
The place is dignified by the doer's deed ;
Where great additions (titles) swell, and virtoe
none,
It is a dropsied honor ; good alone
Is good without a name."
" Let not the highest of yoa be led into the de-
lusion (for such it is) that the founder of hU fam-
ily was originally a greater and a better man than
any here He must have stood low, he
must have worked hard, and with tools, moreover,
of his own invention and fashioning. He waived
and whistled off a thousand strong and importu-
nate temptations; he dashed the dice-box from
the jeweled hand of Chance, the cup from Plea-
sure's, and trod under foot the sorceries of each.
The very high cannot rise much higher on earth ;
the very low may; the truly great roust have
done it. This is not the doctrine of the silkenly
and lawnly religion ; it wears the coarse texture
of the fisherman, and walks uprightly and
straightforwardly under it According to
the arithmetic in practice, he who makes the most
idlers and the most ingrates is the most worship-
ful. But wiser ones than the scorers in this
school will tell you how riches and power were
bestowed by Providence, that generosity and
mercy should be exercised ; for if every gift of
the Almighty were distributed in equal portions
to every creatnre, less of such virtues would be
called into the field; consequently, there wouM
be less of gratitude, less of submission, less of de-
votion, less of hope, and, in the total, less of con-
tent."
Some copies of verses found in the pocket
of the vagrant youth led Sir Thomas to ex-
patiate on the corruptness of the preyailing
taste, and even to venture upon the recitation
of certain "rhymed matters" of his own,
wherein a "clear and conscientious exposure"
of his affairs was made to a lady, by whom
his letter was returned with small courtesy.
" Sir," replied young William, " I am most
grateful for these ripe fruits of your experi-
ence ; the world shall never be troubled by '
any battles or marriages of mine, and I desire
no other music and no other maypole than
have lightened my heart at Stratford.'' Mol-
lified almost to the utmost, the pursy knight
is fain to liberate the youth at once, despite
the emmbling of his chitplain Silas, and only
requires an oath of abjuration in the matter
of Hannah Hathaway — a matter which so
touches theheart of Shakspere, however, that,
greatly to the indignation of Sir Thomas, he
seizes the occasion to escape, and flies the
neighborhood. " Grant the country be rid
of him for ever," is the pious ejaculation of
Sir Thomas. "What dishonor upon his
friends and his native townl A reputable
wool-stapler's son turned gipsy and poet for
life!"
There are episodes in this book in which
1853.]
WALTER SAVAGE LAKDQB.
461
the writer sometimes reaches the highest
point of pathos. That of a young poet,
EZthelbert, though wholly unconDected with
the main incidents, is of a most touching na-
ture, and there are one or two sentences in
it which seem to bring out» and in a very di-
rect way to bear upon, Mr. Landor's own idea
of poetic fame : —
" From the higher heavens of poetry it is long
before (he radiance of the brightest star can reach
the world below. We hear that one maa finds
out one beauty, another man another, placing his
observatory and iniitruments upon the poet's
grave. The worms have eaten us before it is
rightly known what we are. Be it so. I shall
not be tired of waiting."
Although few haye as yet turned their eyes
to the peculiar beauties of Mr. Landor's writ-
ings, some, at least, have done so, and we
trust they will all be fully revealed ere we
have to look towards them from such an ob-
servatory.
If, as we very much suspect, the book U>
which we have just been referring has re-
ceived but little of the attention which it
merits in this age of Shaksperianity, it is not
probable that the " Pentameron" will be
much known. There is less of Mr. Landor's
power of depicting character evinced in it,
but far more of his scholarship, of his exqui-
site critical perceptions, and his intimate
knowledge of what may be called the under-
currents of history. It professes to be the
interviews of Giovanni Boccaccio and Fran-
cesco Petrarca, and the conversations which
took place between them while the former
lay infirm at his villelta near Certaldo, after
which, as the imaginary reporter, Pievano
Grigi, avouches, " they saw not each othar on
our side of Paradise.'' To estimate its worth
as a reflection of Italian history in the four-
teenth century, the reader must needs possess
some knowledge of the events which form in
it the topics of familiar colloquy ; but its
chief excellence is the high-toned eloquence
and the discriminating spirit of its criticism.
Dante, and the " Divina Commedia," its phi-
losophy and religion as typical of the age in
which it was composed, are the principal sub-
jects of discourse. The thought is elevated,
as it might well be on such themes, while in
almost every page there are passages which
stand out in all the strength of strikwg truths,
and are luminous with
** The gleam that never was on land or sea,
The consecration and the poet's dream."
Nor do these things at all affect the air of
reality which pervades it. We are never
allowed to suspect that such high converse
savors too little of that common place which
attaches in a greater or less degree to all men,
and to their weightiest affairs. The Italian
poets are introduced to us in the freedom of
familiar friendship, and on such occasions as
enable us to sit with them in Boccaccio's
shaded chamber. It is something to have
realized such glimpses of great men's lives as
are thus given, and though we must pass
over the " Pentaraeron" without a single quo-
tation, it is among the most complete of Mr.
Landor's works. Properly speaking, it has
no distinct plan, and cannot therefore be
classed among ordinary works of fiction.
There is no action in it whatever, for the dia-
logue terminates without any culmination,
and with it the work, which is in no sense
progressive. The title-page tells us it is
true that, after the interview last recorded,
the friends "met not again on our side
of Paradise;" and the dream of Petrarca,
with the narration of which the inter-
view closes, may be taken as a fore-
shadowinff of his death, the pretended
translators prefatory remarks being used
as a key to its significance in other than a'
general sense ; but, apart from these slight
hints, we shut the book with the feeling of
having been unexpectedly called away from
the society to which it has introduced us.
The completeness we speak of, then, applies
strictly to the development of the two cha-
racters, and in that sense, the •• Pentameron,"
irrespective of its value as the medium of
expressing lofty and beautiful thoughts, is
admirable as a sort of psychological biogra-
phy. " Pericles and Aspasia" has the cha-
racter of a novel to a much greater extent
than any of Mr. Landor's oiher works. Al-
though in it, as in all, he has disdained to be
guided by any arbitrary rule of action, and
seemsa Imost to study irregularity of form
rather than compactness, there is a distinct
progress manifested. The history of a life
is unfolded, and that, too, in its thoughts
and emotions rather than its actions, for the
latter are made subordinate to the former.
In portraying the characters of Pericles and
Aspasia, Mr. Landor's imagination seeks to
get at the prominent points of individuality —
to identify itself with the inner being of each,
and to present each as they are to them-
selves. The story is evolved in the letters
of Ajspasia to her friend Cleone, and in her
correspondence with Pericles and Alcihiades.
The classical spirit of our author's writings
enables him to invest such a subject »"
462
WALTER SAVAGE LANDOR.
[Dec,
this with something like its native air ; and
hence, although a few of the letters might,
without the shghtest detriment to the effect
of the work as a whole, be omitted, they
tend to make the characters stand out in all
the purity and distinctness, the largeness of
outline and the nobility, which we expect to
find in such a subject. The style in which
the book is written is essentially classical.
The speeches of Pericles read like pages of
the old Greek historians, and the account of
his death given in the letter of Alcibiades to
Aspasia is full of the most delicate feeling.
But Mr. Landor will be best known to the
men of days to come by his " Imaginary
Conversations." These remarkable and, we
may add, unique productions display in fuller
measure than any of his other works the
strength and clearness of his intellect, and
the warmth of his sympathies. They occupy
the largest portion of the two volumes in
which his collected writings have been pub-
lished, and present an extraordinary variety
of subjects. Poets converse with each other
on poetry, painters and distinguished con-
noisseurs on art, critics and philosophers on
.their respective studies and principles, kings
and statesmen on the polity of nations, and
Mr. Landor himself with imaginary friends
and visitora on almost every theme to which
a scholar, a poet, and a man of large expe-
rience may be expected to direct his atten-
tion. The varied character of these dialogues
renders it difficult within a reasonable space to
speak of them in other than general terms ;
and some of them sv^ far surpass the others
in characteristic truth, in the importance of
the subjecte discussed, and in the beauty
and force of the langua^-e, that we must, of
necessity, make a selectioi.. In not a few of
them the author's own pei^onality obtrudes
itself very distinctly ; and, al chough the pas-
sages in which his own opinions are obviously
inconsistent with those of the parties who
are professedly the speakers can very seldom
be considered beneath the dignity of the
historic company, they sometimes comes like
a living man of the modern world into the
society of the shades. These interpolations, if
we may socall them, are always vigorous,
and they occur most frequently when the
theme of conversation has any reference to
the liberties of man. Few modem authors
have written with greater power, or with a
higher spirit of wisdom, on the abstract prir-
ciples of civil and religious freedom, than Mr.
Landor has done. All his sympathies are
with those who have been the chartpions of
these principles, and no where does his lan-
guage assume a loftier tone than when it is
employed to express their aspirations or to
speak their praises. Acknowledging no de-
grees of rank save those which wisdom
makes, in his eyes dignity is only such in its
moral sense. In the " conversation" between
Andrew Marvel and Bishop Parker, one of
the most characteristic and best sustained
in his two volumes, this is finely and fully
exemplified. The character of the prelate,
who has left it on record that "Princes may
with less danger five liberty to men's vices
and debaucheries than to their consciences,*'
and who intruded upon the privacy of John
Milton in his latter days, to jeer and jibe at
him, is brought out in a masterly style, nor
is the earnestness and mingled humor of
Marvel less truthfully expressed. Those
who know any thing about the ''Ecclesiastical
Polity" of the one (they cannot be numerous)
or the writings of the other, especially his
" Rehearsal Transposed," will appreciate the
striking truth of this '* conversation," but it
can scarcely be less interesting to the general
reader. The character and works of Milton,
the career of Cromwell, and the general fea-
tures of the Protectorate are the themes
of discourse, and we cannot, perhaps, give a
better idea of Mr. Landor's prose than some
of the passages connected with the discussion
of these afford. Here are some beautiful
thoughts suggested by the name of Milton,
at the very opening of the ** conversation :" —
^* Marvel — With the greatest rulers upon earth,
head and crown drop together, and are overlook-
ed. It is true we read of them in history ; bat
we also read of crocodiles and hyenas. With
great writers, whether in prose or poetry, what
falls away is scarcely more or other than a ves-
ture. The features of the man are imprinted on
his works ; and more lamps burn over him than
are lighted in temples or churches. Milton, and
men like him, bring their own incense, kindle it
with their own fire, and leave it unconsumed and
unconsumable ; and their music, by day and by
night, swells along a vault commensurate with
the vault of heaven."
And again, we have Marvel's fine reflections
on the earthly condition of the " blind, old,
and lonely" poet: —
**I am confident that Milton is heedless of bow
little weighs ne is held by tho^e wno are of none ;
and thf>'. he never looks towards those, somewhat
ro<^'.e eminent, between whom and himself there
nave crept the waters of oblivion. As a pearl
rip ns in the obscurity o9 its shell, so ripens in the
tomb all the fame that is truly precious. In fame
he will be happier than in friendship. Were it
possible tiiat one among the faithful of the angels
could have suffered wounds and dissolution in his
1853.]
WALTER SAVAGE LANDOB.
463
conflict with the false, I shonld scarcely have felt
greater awe at discovering on some bleak moun-
tain the bones of this our mighty defender, once
shining in celestial panoply, once glowing at the
trumpet-blast of God, but not proof against the
desperate and the damned, than I have felt at en-
tering the humble abode of Milton, whose spirit
already reaches heaven, yet whose corporeal
frame hath no quiet resting-place here below.
And shall not I, who loved him early, have the
lonely and sad privilege to love him still ? or shall
fidelity to power be a virtue, and fidelity to tribu-
lation* an offence 7"
These are noble words, and worthy of the
faithful Marvel. Although the author of
them cautions his reader against attributing
to him any opinions except such as are ex-
pressed in his own name, it is, of coarse,
impossible to avoid identifying him with the
greater amount of positive truth which is
enunciated in them. In most of the " con-
versations" of which the topics are matters
of dispute, or in which historic personages
of strongly marked character take a part, it
18 by no means difficult to perceive to what
side the author's sympathies and opinions
tarn. There is no mistaking the characters
who have won his admiration or provoked
bis censure. He magnifies the one class in
the words they utter ; out of their own mouths
he condemns the other. This is very obvious
in the case of Milton, for whom Mr. Landor
has a reverence almost approaching to wor-
ship ; it is the reverence of one who can appre-
ciate the lofty attributes of moral greatness,
however, not the adulation which proceeds
upon a vague idea of individual excellences
in the object. Thus the poet of "Paradise
Lost" is introduced to us in the noblest com-
panies. With Qalileo in his Florentine pri-
son, he discourses eloquently on the high
themes of religious freedom and liberty of
thought, and it is as unquestionably Mr.
Landor's idea of his character which we ob-
tain from the lips of Marvel, as it is his
opinion of his poetry which we find expressed
in the ^^ conversation" entitled *' Southey and
Landor." The latter will be less likely to
gratify the general reader than any of the
dialogues in which the author appears in his
proper personality. It is too literally critical,
and dogs the poet from line to line, and
from image to image, with a closeness, and,
we might almost say, a spirit of con amore
fault-finding, which leaves no satisfactory
impression upon the mind. It is only just,
however, to say that Mr. Landor acts to a
considerable extent on the defensive through-
out this criticism, and maintains his views
against Southey at once with vigor and with
success. The '' conversation" between Sou-
they and Porson on the state of criticism
generally and the poetry of Wordsworth, is
of a somewhat similar character. Here, as
in the other, there is an attack and a defense,
Southey maintaining the excellences of his
friend, the bard of Rydal, against what we
are constrained to call the captiousness of
Porson. We may be allowed, we think, to
infer that Mr. Landor*s views of any of the
subjects discussed by such speakers are
those of the person who has the best of the
argument. That the dramatic personation
of each of the characters introduced to us
should be strictly correct is more, perhaps,
than any one is entitled to expect ; in the
main, however, they are so far correct as to
give us a very vivid impression of the truths
discussed, as these may be conceived to have
been apprehended by each party in the re-
spective dialogues. And herein, we think,
consists the chief peculiarity of Mr. Landor's
writings. They are not only valuable for
the body of truth and of sound opinion which
they contain, but they represent these to us
from so many points of view, that, were it
possible to bring into a focus, all the various
aspects of great truths presented to us, we
know of few books in which the thinker
would find so much profound and compre-
hensive wisdom as our author has given m a
novel and not, perhaps, generally attractive
form, hut with clear philosophic discernment,
and in a style which is certainlv not sur-
passed either for purity or pictorial Deauty by
that of any living writer. We are disposed
to think that the finest of the ^' Imaginary
Conversations " are those in which the au-
thor has been affected by conventional views
of character, and where the imagination has
acted, as it were, in its strictly natural man-
ner. To illustrate our meaning, * we may
remark that in some cases the primary
characteristic of a certain historic personage
introduced is lost sight of altogether in the
"conversation." Thus, the one between Da-
vid Hume and John Home, though containing
much that we should be very reluctant to
part with, might have been spoken by any
orthodox believer and any speculative thinker
of their day or our own. Apart from an
occasional incidental allusion to particular
circumstances connected with the one or the
other, there is nothing which links the
thought expressed to the character of the
Eerson who expresses it. Again, when Mr.
landor and the Abb^ Delille discuss the
characteristics of the Prench poets, the f^
mer is allowed to monopolize the ta^
464
WALTER SAVAGE LAinX)B.
[Dec.,
most improbable circumstance in the pre-
sence of the ffarrulous abb6. The best spe-
cimen, or, at least, one of the best specimens,
of what may be called the "Modern Conver-
sations," is the one in which the Duke of
Wellington and Sir Robert Inglis respectively
deliver their opinions on the idolatry of the
Hindoos, and the circumstances connected
with the gates of Somnauth. The Duke is a
little too prolix, perhaps, for the general
idea of his laconic style of talk, but there is
unquestionably a great deal of character in
the whole of this conversation. The reader
who knows any thing of the parties will 6nd
it difficult to reconcile himself to its imaginary
nature, there is so much of what may be
considered every-day life about it. If he will
turn with us, however, to those pages in
which we are brought into the society of
Dante and Beatrice, Tasso and his sister
Cornelia, or 8ir Philip Sidney and Fulk
Greville, he will find m these the affluence
of that genius which in a greater or less
degree lights up all our author's writings.
The " conversation " between the great Flo-
rentine and his youthful mistress has, we
think, delicacies of feeling and beauties of
expression peculiarly its own. There is not
a single sentence of it at variance with our
idea of the visionary poet, or that " form of
unutterable grace '' which is presented to us
in the "Divina Commedia." The sentiments
which it contains, exquisite in themselves,
are all the more beautiful for their appro-
priatenessfif li is the ideal Beatrice, the ob-
ject of th*e poet's deep^ pure, holy affection,
who stands before us ; it is the Dante who
" regards her as a star" who speaks. The
dialogue is understood to take place imme-
diately before the marriage of the immortal
Beatrice, and it may be considered her last
interview with her poet-lover : —
'^Dante. — 1 will watch over you; 1 will pray
for you when I am nearer God, and purified from
the 8tain:4 of earth and mortality. He will permit
me to behold yoa, lovely as when I left yon.
Angots in vain shall call me onward.
** Beatrice. — Huph, sweetest Dante, hush ! Is
tbia piety? Is this wisdom? O Dante! And
may I not be called first away 7
*' Dante. — Alas! Alas! how many small feet
have swept off the early dew of life, ieavinj; the
pathway black behind them ! But to think that
you should go before me ! It sends me forward
on my way to receive and welcome you. If, in-
deed, O Beatrice ! such be God's immntable will^
sometimes look down on me when the song to
Him is suspended. O ! look often on me with
praver and pity, for there all prayers are accepted,
ancf all pity is devoid of pain.
**Bea/n«. — ^Yoa have stored my mind with
many thoughts, dear because they are yours, and
because they are virtnous. May I not, O Dante !
bring some of them back again to your bosom ; u
the contadina lets down the string from the cotr
tage-beam in winter, and cnlls a few bunches of
the soundest for the master of the vineyard 7 Yoa
have not given me glorv that the world should
shudder at its eclipse. To prove that I am wor-
thy of the smallest part of it, I must obey God;
and, under God, my fathpr. Surely the voice of
Heaven comes to us audibly from a parent's lips.
Yon shall be great, and, what is above all great-
ness, good.
^^Danle. — Rightly and wisely, my sweet Bea-
trice, have you spoken. Greatness is to goodness
what gravel is to porphyry : the one is a mova-
ble accumulation, swept along the surface of the
earth; the other stands, fixed, and solid, and
alone ; above all that is residooos of a wasted
world. Little men build up great ones, but the
snow Coloasus melts ; the good stand onder the
eye of God, and therefore stand."
The reader can scarcely fail to appreciate
the beauty of this passage, and to recognize
in it a fine expression of the ideal characters
of the speakers. We find the same excel-
lence in the dialogue between Tasso and bis
sister respecting the death of Leonora ; and
here, we think, Mr. Lander's rmaginatioo
takes a still higher flight. The strong pas-
sion— the frenzy, we might almost say—
which pervades some parts of this "con-
versation," is in the most powerful style of
dramatic expression. To fee] the effect of
it fully, we must think of the poor forlorn
Tasso, stung by the sorrows of a wounded
heart, encircled by the miseries of want, and
his noble spirit reeling on its throne : —
"jTh-wo. — She told me to rest in peace
And she went from me. Insatiable love! ever
self-torturer, never self-destroydr ! The world,
with all its weight of miseries, cannot crosbllwe^
cannot keep tl^ down. MeA^s tears, like the
droppings of certain springs, only harden and
petrify what tliey fall on, but mine sank deep
into a tender heart, and were its very blood.
Never will I believe she has lefl me utterly.
OAeutimes, and long before her departure, I fan-
cied we were in heaven together. I fancied it in
the fields, in the gardens, in the palace, in tba
prison. I fancied it in the broad daylight, when
my eyes were open, when blessed spirits drew
around me that golden* circle which one only of
earth's inhabitants could enter. Oftentimes in
my sleep I fancied it ; and sometimes in the in-
termediate state, in that security which breathes
about the transported sooJ, enjoying its pure and
perfect rest a space below the feet of the imaK>^
tal.
" Cornelia. — She has not left you ; do not
disturb her peace by these repinings.
"Tasso.— She will bear with them. Thou
1858.]
WALTER SAVAGE LANDOR.
466
knowest not what she was, Cornelia ; for I wrote
to thee about her when she seemed bat human.
In my hoars of sadness, not only her beanttfa!
form, but* her very voice, bent over me. . . . But
it was when she could and did love me ! Un-
changed must ever be the blessed one who has
leaned in fond secarity on the Unchangeable.
The purifying flame shoots upward, and is the
glory that encircles their brows when we meet
above.
** Comdia. — Indulge in these delightful thoughts,
my Torquato ! and nelieve that your love is, and
ought to be, as imperishable as your glory.
Generations of men move forward in endlefes
procession to consecrate and commemorate both.
... In the laurels of my Torquato there will al-
ways be one leaf above man's reach, above time's
wrath and injury, inscribed with the name of
Leonora.
......
"7\»50. — Cornelia, Cornelia! the mind has
within it temples and porticoes, and palaces and
towers; the mind has under it, ready for the
course, steeds brighter than the sun and stronger
than the storm ; and beside them stand winged
chariots, more in number than the psalmist hath
attributed to the Almighty. The mind, I tell thee,
hath its hundred gates; and all these hundred
gates can genius throw open. But there are
some that groan heavily on their hinges, and the
hand of G^ alone can close them."
Although originality is not always an evi-
dence of greatness, there is evidence enoi^h
of its connection with solidity and strength of
thought in the amount of true wisdom — the
number of suggestive reflections to be found
in the volumes before us. And as the
limits of this " article " do not allow us to
quote so fully from the " Imaginary Conver-
sations^' as to illustrate their character with
the necessaiT olearness, we may, perhaps,
give the reader a better idea of the intellec-
tual wealth which he will find in Mr. Lan-
dor*s works, by extracting a few of these
reflections at random, than by selecting
particular representations of historic person-
ality or philosophical abstractions. Many
of the " Conversations/' taken as a whole,
seem to us to demand a more than ordinarj^
acquaintance with remote stores of kno^
ledge, a certain approximation to the standL-
point from which their author surveys relaitivd.^
troths; but almost all of them contain pas-
sages which, taken in the form of aphorisms,
will be appreciated by every thoughtful
reader. Let us merely premise, then, that
the extracts we are about to give, though
losing nothing of their intrinsic value by being
detached from the forms which they adorn
like so many gems, still suffer to some extent
by not being presented in their natural con-
nection with certain themes. Requesting the
VOL. XXX. NO. IV.
reader to bear this in mind, we proceed to
pick up and string the pearls : —
FRIEVDSIHIP.
"'Friendship is a vase which, when it is flawed
by heat, or violence, or accident, may as well be
broken at once; it can never be trusted after.
The more graceful and ornamental it was, the
morel clearly do we discern the hopelessness of
restoring it to its former state. Coarse stones, if
they are fractured, may be cemented again ; pre-
cious ones never." — Lard Broke and Sir PhiUp
Sidney.
cHRisTiANrnr.
" Oar Master doth not permit us to compromise
and quarter with another ; He doth not permit us
to spend an hour with Him, and then to leave
Him. Either our actions must be regulated by
Him whollv, both individually and socially, poli-
tically ancf morally, or He turns us out. We
must call no others by His name, until those
others shall possess the same authority. He did
not place Himself on the tribnnltial chair with
Cesar, nor on the judgment-seat with Felix ; He
governed, but it was in spirit ; He commanded,
but it was of God. Christianity could never have
been brought into contempt unless she had been
overlaid with false ornaments, and conducted by
false guides. As the arrow of Paris was directed
from behind the brightest and most glorious of the
heathen gods, so hath ever that of worldly policy
in later times from behind the fairer image of
Chrietianity."— IViZ/iam Penn and Lard Peter-
borough.
SORROW AND RESIORATI09.
"The very things which touch us the most
sensibly, are those which we should be the most
reluctant to forget. The noble mansion is most
distinguished by the beautiful images which it re-
tains of beinffs passed away ; and so is the noble
mind. The damps of autumn sink into the leaves,
and prepare them for the necessity of their fall ;
and thus insensibly are we, as years close around
us, detached from our tenacity of life by the gentle
pressure of recorded sorrows. When the grace--
fal dance and its animating music is over, and
the clapping of hands, so lately linked, hath
ceased ; when youth, and comeliness, and plea-
santry are departed —
J Who woald desire to spend the following day
Among the extinguish'd lampSj the faded Mrreaths,
Thrust and desolation left benind?
But, whether we desire or not, we must sub-
,irfit. ' He who hath appointed our days hath placed
their contents within them, and our efibrts can
neither cast them out nor change their quality.
— PerUameran,
»>
DEATH.
" Desth can only take away the sorrowful from
our affections ; the flower expands ; the colorless
film that enveloped it falls off and perishes." —
Peniamef'ok'
»
LATE REFBNTANCS.
" Heaven lb not to be won by abort hard w
SO
466
WALTESL SAVAGE LAimOB.
[Dec..
ftt the last, as some men take a degree at the niri-
versity, after roach irregularity and negligence.
Let us take a steady pace from the outset to tlie
end, coming in cool, and dismounting quietly. I
have known many old playfellows of the bevil
spring up suddenly from their beds and strike at
him. —Andrew Marvel and Bishop Parker.
THE ERRORS OF GREAT HER.
** It is difficult to sweep away anv thin^, and
not to sweep some grains of gold-dust with it.
The great man has cobwebs hanging in his work-
shop, which a high broom, in a steady hand, may
reach, without doing mischief. But let children,
and short men, and unwary ones, stand out of the
way." — Southey and Landor.
THE SOUBCES OF HUMAN TROUBLE.
** We fancy that all our afflictions are sent us
directly from aboye; sometimes we think it in plely
and contrition, but oflener in moroseness and dis-
content. It would be well, however, if we at-
tempted to trace the causes of them ; we should
Erobably find their origin in some region of ihe
eart which we never had well explored, or in
which we had secretly deposited our worst indul-
gences. The clouds that intercept the heavens
from us come not from the heavens, but from the
etaih"—Iielancihon and Cahm.
SELF-RESPECT.
** Unless we respect ourselves, our respect for
superiors is prone to servility. No man can be
thrown by another from such a height as he can
throw himself from. I never have observed that
ft tendency towards the powerful was a sufficient
check to spiritual pride ; and extremely few have
I known or heard of, who, tossing up their nos-
trils into the air, and giving tongue that they have
bit upon the trail to heaven, could distinffuish hu-
mility from baseness.'* — RomiUy and WUber/orce,
THE LAW OF KINDNESS.
** Should ye at any time overtake the erring,
and resolve to deliver him up, I will tell you whi-
ther to conduct him : conduct him to his Lord and
Master, whose household he hath left. Bring
him back again, the strayed, the lost one ! bring
him back not with halberts and baiters, but gene-
rously and gently, and with the linking of the arm.
In this posture shall God smile upon ye ; in this
posture of yours did he recognize his beloved Son
upon the earth. Do ye likewise, and depart in
peace." — Citation and Examination of WilUam
Shakepere.
Mr. De Qoincey has some where said, t^at
for many years he believed himself the onlj
man in England who had read " Gebir,'' one
of the earliest and longest of Mr. Landor*s
poems; bat, after some inquiry among his
friends, he found that Southey bad also ac-
complished the feat. The Englisb Opium-
Eiater's disposition to be pleasant at the ex-
pense of others is considerably at fault here,
we think ; for, although the work in question
iraa certainly very for from being popular,
and is not likely ever to be so, it sufficiently
indicated its author's ability to attract adnu-
ration at a time when poetry was more fre-
quently read than it is now. It is interest-
ing as a poetical cariosity, bad it no higher
merit ; but it is strongly marked by or^nai
power. The story of it is involved and ob-
scare, and there is a singular blending of the
sapernataral with the natural in many pas-
sages of it ; its length, too, combined with
the circumstance of its constraction being
by no means of a highly artistic character,
all serve to deter ordinary readers from ven-
turing upon the perusal of it. There is much
of it, however, pervaded by the light of a
truly poetic genius. An almost Spenserian
richness of fancy is to be found, for example,
in the following lines, descriptive of an East-
em morning : —
" Now to Aurora, borne by dappled steeds.
The sacred gate of Orient pearl and gold,
Smitten by Lucifer*s Hght silver wand.
Expanded slow to strains of harmony ;
The waves beneath, in purpling rows, like doves
Glancing with wanton coyness toward their queen.
Heaved softly ; thus the damsel's bosom heaves.
When from her sleeping lover's downy cheek.
To which po warily her own she brings
Each moment nearer, she perceives the warmth
Of coming kisses fanned by playful dreams ;
Ocean, and earth, and heaven held jubilee."
Again, witb what a wealth of poetic beauty
tbe child's fanciful idea of the reason for the
murmuring in the shell is turned into a con-
ception of dignity and magnificence. A river
nymph says —
'* I have sinuous shells of pearly hue
Within, and they their lustre have imbibed
In the sun*s palace porch, where, when unyoked,
His chariot-wheels stand midway in the wave ;
Shake one, and it awakens ; then apply
Its polish'd lips to your attentive ear,
And it remembers its august abode.
And murmurs as the ocean murmurs there.'*
These passages will suffice to show that
" Gebir" is worthy of its author; many others
of equal beauty might be quoted, but we must
pass on to notice Mr. Landor's dramatic
works — a form of poetical composition for
which his genius seems to us far more suited
than for the epic. Here, however, something
very like caprice has prevented our author
from doing what he might have done. In
one of the volumes before us, there are thir-
teen dramatic works, and yet not one of them
can, in the strict sense of the word, be called
a drama. Several of them, such as " Count
Julian," *' Andrea of Hungary," " Giovanni
of Naples," and ** Fra Rupert," are divided
1358.]
WALTER SAVAGE LANDOR.
469
into the proper nomber of acts and scenes ;
there is more dramatic power to be found in
one of them, perhaps, than in the majoritj
of modem dramas; but Mr. Landor's con-
tempt for established and conventional rules
has led him to disregard even the most ordi-
nary requirements of dramatic action. He
has not the slightest hesitation, even in the
most important evolutions of that action, in
introducing some element which either mars
it altogether, or so retards it as wholly to
break up the unity. He informs us, in his
introduction, that they were never offered to
the stage, being no better than imaginary
conversations in verse ; but they are better,
80 far as the manifestation of the dramatic
spii it is concerned ; and although their au-
thor has called them "Acts and Scenes," ob-
viously with the view of anticipating and
turning aside the objections we are now stat-
ing, in all the higher elements of that form
of poetical composition they are dramas, and
only require to be divested, in some cases, of
extraneous and distracting incidents or epi-
sodes, in order to be considered dramas of a
very high character. ** Count Julian,'' found-
ed on the well-known incidents connected
with Moorish aggression upon Spain, is per-
haps the noblest of them, and, upon the
whole, the most complete. It abounds not
only with passages of lofty poetry, but with
great dramatic force. The characters are
fully and finely evolved. We do not think
that in the whole of the modem drama — that
of recent years at least — ^so many powerful
scenes could be pointed out as the reader
will find in this work; which Mr. Landor has
obviously written without reference to repre-
sentation. It is something more than a dra-
matic poem, and yet it is not a drama ; and
this distinction may be said to apply to all
the more sustained efforts which he has class-
ed under the title "Acts and Scenes." We
could not present even such illustrations of
Mr. Landor's poetry as the scope of this ar-
ticle allows, did we fail to extract from
" Count Julian" one or two specimens of
his powerful dramatic verse. In the last
scene of the tragedy, the recreant but lofty-
spirited Spaniard is represented to us at the
mercy of Muza, the Moorish leader, whose
wrath he has aroused by procuring the escape
of King Roderigo. He thus meets the threats
of torture; and the passage also affords a
picture of his awful isolation as the betrayer
of his country : —
**Jtdian. — Man^s only relics are his benefits :
These, be there ages, be there worlds between,
Retain him in communion with his kind ;
Hence is his solace, his security,
His sustenance, till heavenly truth descends,
Covering with brightness and beatitude
The frail foundations of these humbler hopes ;
And, like an angel guiding us, at once
Leaves the loose chain and iron gate behind.
^Muzcu — Take thou my justice first, then hope
for Heaven's :
I, who can bend the living to my will,
Fear not the dead, and court not the unborn :
Their arms shall never reach me, nor shall thine.
'^Abdahzis. — Pity, release him, pardon him, my
father !
Forget how much thou hatest perfidy.
Think of him once so potent, still so brave,
So calm, so self-dependent in distress;
Mighty must be that man who can forgive
A man so mighty
He fills me with a greater awe than e'er
The field of battle, with himself the first.
When every flag that waved along our host
Drooped down the staff, as if the very winds
Hung in suspense before him. Bid him go.
And peace be with him, or let me depart.
IjO I like a god, sole and inscrutable,
He stands above our pity.
**3fuza. — Peace, Abdalazis ! How is this ? He
bears
Nothing that warrants him invulnerable :
Shall 1, then, shrink to smite him 7 Shall my
fears
Be greatest at the blow that ends them all 7
Fears 7 no ! 'tis justice, fair, immutable,
Whose measured step, at times advancing nigh.
Appals the majesty of kings themselves.
Oh! were he dead! though then revenge were o'er."
Another powerful picture of Julian's woa
is given in the following description of his
appearance on the field of battle : —
** He caird on God, the witness of his cause,
On Spain, the partner of his victories ;
And yet, amid these animating words,
Rolled the huge tear down his unvizor'd face.
IRremendoua was the smile that smote ike eyes
0/ all he passed. . . .
* Father, and general, and king,' they shout,
And would proclaim him ; back he cast his face,
Pallid with grief, and one loud groan burst forth;
And soon thev scatter'd, as the blasts of heaven
Scatter the leaves and dust, the astonish'd foe."
" Count Julian" abounds with passages such
as these, and even with nobler ones, which
would suffer by being detached. Nor are
the other dramatic pieces in Mr. Landor's
volumes, considered without reference to their
structure, less remarkable for the beauty of
poetic thought, power of expression, and va-
riety as well as purity of imagery. Since we
cannot speak of them otherwise than as we
have done, we shall set aside the considerar
tion of theur partially dramatic form, io order
468
WALTER BAYAOE LANDOB.
[Dee.
to present the reader with a few specimens of
the poetry they contain.
The short dramatic sketch, entitled "Ip-
polito di Eate," opens with the following
lines — a lover's thoughts of his mistress :-^
** Stay ! here she stept ; what grace ! what har-
mony!
It seemed that every accent, every note
Of all the choral music breathed from her;
From her celestial airiness of form
I could have fancied purer light descended.
She has been here ; I saw her shadow burst
The sunbeam as she parted ; a strange sound,
A sound that stupefiea and yet aroused me,
Fiird all my senses : such was never felt
Save when the sword-girt anffel struck the gate,
And Paradise wailM loud, and closed for ever !"
In another opening scene, that of ** Giovanni
of Naples/' we have this still more beautiful
passage : —
"Ah ! every gust of music, every air
Breathing its freshness over youthful breasts,
Is a faint prelude to the choirs above :
And Death stands in the darkened space between,
To some with invitations free and meek,
To some with flames athwart an angry brow.
To others holds green palm and laurel crown,
Dreadless as is the shadow of a leaf."
Many of Mr. Landor's shorter poems are
simply the expression of some passing thought
or fancy, and not a few of them are purely
personal, hut they are not on that accouiit
less graceful or suggestive. They frequently
give >u8 a hotter idea of the author's opinions
and feelings than even his mpre elaborate
works ; and there are few of them from which
the lover of that poetry which is of a calm
reflective tone rather than of an exciting
character, may not derive an unalloyed de-
light. In some cases they are addressed to
his friends, and there are a few verses to his
children which have always seemed to us full
of the finest feeling. But there is another
class of his Ivrics in which the hroader and
deeper sympathies of the poet are still more
fully expressed. We have already said that
Mr. Landor has always been distinguished
for his enthusiastic attachment to the cause
of human freedom. The struggling or suf-
fering nations of Europe have had no more
devoted friend, and their leaders no warmer
sympathizer, than Walter Savage Landor.
He has himself swd, the hand which held
that of Kosciusko's in the grasp of friendship
was not unworthy of being held out to Louis
Kossuth ; and that hand, guided by a spirit
^f no common power, has traced not a few
words that burn with the fire of freedom.
We cannot more fitly close this article than
by transcribing a few of these, and our first
extract shall be taken from the last of a se-
ries of poems entitled " Hellenics." The lines
have always appeared to us among the most
powerful which Mr. Landor has written : —
** We are what suns, and winds, and waters make
us;
The mountains are our sponsors, and the rills
Fashion and win their nursling to their smiles ;
But where the land is dim from tyranny,
There tiny pleasures occupy the place
Of elories and of duties, as the feet
Of fabled fairies, when the sun goes down,
Trip oW the grass where wrestlers strove by day.
The heart is hardest in the softest climes —
The passions fiourisb, the affections die.
0 thou vast tablet of these awful truths.
That fillest all the space between the seas,
Spreadim^ from Venice's deserted coasts
To the Tarentine and Hyd ran tine mole —
What lifts thee up ? what shakes thee ? Tis the
breath
Of God. Awake, ye nations ! Spring to life :
Let the Isst work of his right hand appear
Fresh with his imsge, Man."
In many parts of the vohimes before as,
we find strong and passionate expressions of
their author's detestation of tyranny, as it has
been exemplified in the history of Italy.
Long a resident in that land, he seems to feel
her wrongs with something like that intensity
of feeling which might bo supposed to be
experienced by one of her exiled sons. And
he has given expression to this in a series of
poems called " Italics," which have, strictly
speaking, never been published. The sub-
jects are all taken from what may be called
the recent history of Italy, and the poems
are chiefly remarkable for the deep feeling
which pervades them. The one we are about
to quote — and it is the last quotation we shall
give — is characterized by a stem, we might
almost say dread, strength of expression. It
is professedly the experience of the Italian
patriot, Gonfalonieri, in an Austrian dun-
geon : —
" The purest breast that breathes Ausonian air
UtterM these word?. Hear them, all lands ! re-
peat,
All ages ! on thy heart the record bear,
Till the last tyrant gasp beneath thy feet;
Thou who hast seen in quiet death lie down
The skulking recreant of the changeling crown.
* I am an old man now, and yet my soul
By fifteen years is younger than its frame.
Fifteen I lived (if life it was) in one
Dark dungeon, ten feet square ; alone I dwelt
Six ; then another entered ; by his voice
1 knew it was a man ; I could not see
Feature or figure in that dismal place.
1863.]
GHARLEB JAHE3 NAPIBR.
469
One year we talk'd together of the past,
Of joys for ever gone — ay, worse than gone :
Remember*d, pressed into our hearts, that swell'd
And sorely soden^d under them ; the next
We ezehanged what thoughts we found ; the third,
no thought
Was left us ; memorv alone remain'd.
The fourth, we ask'a each other if, indeed,
The world had life within it, life and joy
As when we left it.
Now the fifth had come,
And we sat silent — all our store was spent.
When the sixth jsnter'd, he had dipappear'd.
Either for death or doom less merciful.
And I repin'd not ! all things were less sad
Than that dim vision, that unshapen form.
A year, or two years after, (indistinct
Was time as light was in that cell,) the door
Crept open, and these sounds came slowly
through —
^ His majesty the emperor and king
Informs you that, twelve months ago, your wife
Quitted the living !"
I did hear the words
All ere I fell, then heard not bolt nor bar.' "
There is a Dante-like intensity and seve-
rity of expression in these lines, and with
them we take our leave of Mr. Landor. The
reader will have seen, we think, from the ex-
tracts that have been given throughout this
article, that the writings with which we have
endeavored to make him acquainted are of
no common order. We are glad to find, in
the latest of them, evidence of Mr. Landor
having relinquished some of the peculiar po*
sitions which he originally took up in regard
to historic characters, and of his more ex-
treme opinions having been tempered by a
larger experience. His singularities (such,
at least, they used to be considered) in or-
thography we have retained throughout the
quotations, for he has adhered to ihem te-
miciously, and in many cases with reason.
They have ceased to be considered crotchets,
and some of them have been adopted by the
best living writers. Mr. Landor's reasons
for them may be found in some of his *' Con-
versations ;" and they are not to be classed
with those illustrations of a contempt for
established usages in the world of letters
which are to be found in many of his works.
In spite of these, however, we feel persuaded
that the reader will bear us out in saying,
that very few of our modem English writers
can better afford to wait for the verdict of
the future, or wait for it with more confi-
dence, than Walter Savage Landor.
-»♦•
■♦-•-
From the Biographical Hagasine.
CHARLES JAMES NAPIER.
After a long life passed in stormy conflicts,
another great warrior has been removed in
peace from the world. A man whose " poor
shattered body," as his brother has described
it, carried seven deep wounds; whose
sword had cut his path in many and terrible
strifes; whose name was associated with
deeds of reckless daring and military skill ;
has been allowed to pass through Badajos
and Corunna, Busaco and Fuentes d'Onore,
Meeanee and Hydrabad, to Oaklands ; from
battle-fields to his quiet, English country-seat,
that he might die there.
The Napiers have earned for their name a
high place in literary, military, and scientific
history. The living generation are accus-
tomed to read their achievements on sea and
shore. The history of their services gains
nothing in coloring or extent, when narrated
by one of themselves; yet our best military
historian is a Napier. A few weeks since,
the country could command in any danger
the services of two Sir Charles Napiers : and
both of these leaders, although belonging to
different professions, could officiate in either
department. They had brought the military
and naval service into close and personal al-
liance ; for Admiral Sir Charles Napier oc-
casionally made inroads on the land service,
and General Sir Charles James Napier had
served, like a marine, on land and water.
Now England has but one of the two ; and
the loss might be severely felt in any hour
of danger and dismay.
It seems to memory but a little time, and
in reality it is only a few years, since th
470
CHARLES JAMES KAFIEB.
pee.
Aofflo-IndiRn empire was considered to be
shaken. A battle had been lost — a great
battle — or if not quite lost, it had not been
gained. The public were unaccustomed to
disaster ; for the recollection of Affghanistan,
and the gallant men who died at Cabul, had
been effaced. Popular names may fade away
and be foi^otten in seven years. Bumes and
MacNaugnten, who lived, and in the flower
of manhood died by a traitor's hand, close
together, once the hope of " Young India,"
were not remembered then. The public
dwelt on the last loss. Politicians wrote,
statesmen talked, and military men were
compelled to act in the new crisis of Indian
affairs. The conqueror and ex-governor of
Scinde had returned home in a bitter mood
with Anglo-Indian administration, and his
anger was not groundless. The panic of the
year had even entered Apsley House, and
the Commander-in-chief sent for Sir Charles
Napier. The conversation was short. The
Duke of Wellington offered the chief com-
mand of the Indian army. The owner of
Oaklands began his usual complaints of the
civil authorities of India ; but his old Gen-
eral had no right to redress, and no wish,
therefore, to hear them. He cut short every
argument with the announcement, " India is
probably lost, and you or I must go ; if you
cannot, then I can." The command was
accepted. Three years have come and gone
— the grave has closed over the peer and the
commoner — St. Paul's has the first and Ports-
mouth the last, and who would now save
India ? for Britain's great men die fast.
The death of Sir Charles Napier leaves a
vacant place in the Army List that will not
be easily occupied. A soldier for sixty years
and from boyhood, he was ardently attached
to his profession. His zeal for the character
and efficiency of the army rendered him a
radical reformer of military abuses. His
education, either in, or attached to the camp,
produced contempt for civil administrators,
which was strengthened by his communica-
tions with corrupt officials. Bravery in bat-
tle, combativeness at his desk, and discipline
of the strictest character in all circumstances
and at all seasons, inherent in his family,
were conspicuous in his life. These qualities
secured for him that esteem in the army es-
sential to successful operations in the field.
The conqueror of Scinde has left no leader
in the British forces more likely to inspire
his foes with dread or his friends with cour-
age ; and yet he has gone down to the grave,
in a time of peace, an untitled soldier, and
until the Scinde war not a very wealthy man.
Kingdoms, or their writers, have contended
regarding the descent of Sir Charles Napier,
as the cities of Greece contested the honor
of Homer's nativity. The arguments of
different claimants in reference"* to the Gen-
eral are strong, and the case is not clear.
He belonged, as one of the Napier family,
to Scotland. His father was a Scotsman.
He was bom in England, in London, in White-
hall ; and his mother was an Englishwoman.
And he was educated in Ireland, at Castle-
town, county of Kildare ; but the period of
education, in its usual meaning, was short.
He had an ensign's commission in his twelfth
or thirteenth year; and like Abercromby,
Harris, Moore, and other distinguished sol-
diers, acquired the greater part of the know-
ledge which he possessed in the camp.
The private biography of Sir Charles Na-
pier, like that of all other men, might be
compressed within a few lines. He was bom
in London, on the 10th August, 1782. and
died at Oaklands, his country-seat, near
Portsmouth, on the SOth August, 1858, in
his Tlst year. He had, indeed, completed
his Vlst, and entered a few weeks upon hb
7 2d year. His father was a military man —
the Hon. Colonel George Napier ; and hb
mother was a daughter of the second Duke
of Richmond. The Hon. Col. George Na-
pier received a military appointment in lie-
land ; and the removal of the family to that
country formed the only connection between
Sir Charles Napier and that island. He has
left two brothers, an elder and a younger,
both soldiers, both lieutenant-genemls, both
literary men and writers of hiffh standing :
the former Lieutenant- General Sir George
Thomas Napier, once Governor of the Cape
of Good Hope ; and the latter, Lieutenant-
General Sir William Francis Napier, the dis-
tinguished historian.
Sir Charles J. Napier was not married
until 1827, when, in his 45th year, he married
the widow of John F. Kelly, Esq., who died
in 1883. He married, in 1835, the widow
of Richard Alcock, Esq., R.M. The mutual
attachment of the Napiers contributed to
their domestic happiness, without aiding their
progress in life. They have admirably served
their country, without securing those re-
wards which are bestowed on men less gifted.
The remark is equally applicable to their
cousin. Admiral Sir Charles Napier. Blunt
speech and plain writing do not recommend
officers in the army and navy ; and we must
allow, that the rebukes of these distinguished
officers have been less courteous than
honest ; and that they have been involved io
1858.]
GHARLEB JAMES KAPIEB.
471
many dUpates, which either more cnniUDg
or greater prudence would have taught them
to avoid.
Although Sir Charles J. Napier entered
the army at an early age, his progress in the
profession was not remarkably rapid. He
was a captain in 1808, nine years after he
had joined the service. In 1806, he was
major in the 60th regiment; in 1811, be was
a lieutenant-colonel. Thirteen years after-
wards, he obtained the colonelcy of the 22d
regiment. After the peace of 1816, he was
named governor of the Ionian Islands ; and
li he did not succeed in pleasing the Coloni-
al Office and the Home Government, he gave
ffreat satisfaction to the Cepbalonians, who
have not yet forgotten the man whose quali-
ties of mind gained the hearts of strangers.
Twelve years after the attainment of his
colonelcy, he was, in 1887, a major-general ;
and, in 1846, he attained the higher step of
lieutenant-general. He passed some years
of his life peaceably and at home, in the
command of the northern district, redressing
abuses and reforming evils in the discipline
of the regiments which came within his cir-
cle. Although destined to perform a great
part in India, yet he had reached his 50th
year before the commencement of his con-
nection with that country. He then received
the command of the Bombay army. The
events that color in brilliancy and brightness
the last decennial period of his life will be
more fully estimated as we recede from the
passions of the time, and its history is
studied by the light of its results.
The first active services in the deceased
General's life occurred in the Irish rebellion
of 1798 ; and although few honors could be
gathered, in a civil war, yet its duties were
extremely arduous. This rebellion origin-
ated partially m ecclesiastical and partially in
political motives. The northern malcontents
were actuated exclusively by political feelings.
They sought the establishment of an entirely
independent government for Ireland ; and al-
though they did not sympathize with the
demands of the Irish Roman Catholics at
firstf yet they were compelled by the exigen-
cies of their position ultimately to make com-
mon cause with the men of the south and
west. The hardest fighting occurred in the
north ; and although Ensign Napier held an
inferior position, yet his ardent mind found
hard work to perform. But however neces-
sary the measures consequent on this rebel-
lion were deemed, they were permitted to
pass without an efficient record ; for still
greater events followed rapidly, spreading
consternation th];pugh the land ; and amid
the continental convulsions, forgetfulness of
the Irish battles was desirable.
But even now, when more than half a
century has passed, the memory of the dead
survives in wearied breasts, much longing
for their promised rest in those qu^et grave-
yards that sometimes creep down to the edge
of the lochs that deeply indent the northern
province — rest long promised, long withheld
— beside those who were laid there in a red
winding-sheet, in haste and bitter sorrow,
when war rent asunder the families of the
land. Even yet, the peasant at the twilight
time passes softly by dark spots, where aged
friends have told him that a gallows was
erected for the brave, if also they were — as
no doubt they were — the erring. Even now,
in brilliant rooms, when the day is over, and
the hours of night are beguiled by song or
story, when mirth and music chase away
many cares, deep shadows sit on old brows,
beneath a fringe of silvered hair — and these
are shadows that never can be lightened ;
for old men will tell a stranger that her hus-
band, or father, or brother were out in ninety-
eight, were shot upon a dark field, or, harder
still, were hung upon a darker hill. Rapidly
rushes the foaming tide round sharp out-jut-
ting rocks in those deep lochs that run so far
into the land, and give a charm to the scen-
ery that nothing else can ever supply. Be-
hind these low rocks the deep green sea
wheels and whirls, not hastily, but in slow
and solemn circles ; like as if it were a living
creature that knew its irresistible might, and
was to devour its prey with leisure. Now
and then, gurgling and gushing upwards
from the lowermost recesses of deep pits,
waters greener still than those that float
habitually in the sunlight, look out to see
this world of light, and then sink again to
their appointed place amid the long green
weeds, greener than the waters themselves,
that kindly fold up in their silken threads
many mysteries, many secrets, many sins and
sorrows connected with that dark time.
Napier was very joung at the commence-
ment of the rebellion and the French inva-
sion of Ireland ; but he had well remembered
the deplorable events of that stormy period,
terminated by courts-martial, by military ex-
ecutions, and military rule in all the provinces
of that island. He had longed for a change
of employment, and the scene shifts. The
French foes are driven out of Ireland, or they
have perished beneath bayonet and bullet, or
the stormy surf of its angry seas. The Irish
rebels are beaten, broken or scattered, in
412
CHARLES JAMEB KAPIER.
[Dee^
hopeless exile, over the Western Continent,
As generally occurs in such cases, villains
have escaped ; but the chivalrous, the en-
thusiastic, the thoughtless, and the young
have perished in a fine burst of patriotism.
Oreen were then the wounds caused by that
rebellion ; but the stricken land had peace —
a few precious years of peace — during which
new men were rising to be sacrificed on those
altars of war that were in preparation for
the ofifering. During these years young Na-
pier waa acquiring that general knowledge
which in after life rendered him a dangerous
and ready disputant Often we may suppose
he turned his thoughts to that far-off orien-
tal land where a young Irish officer had ac-
quired and was acquiring fame and fortune.
The romance of India stirred his soul, but
the strong voice of necessity said ever, " Not
yet, not yet ;" a time was to come, but not
then — a time, but not until long afterwards
— when the name of the dreamer would be
enshrined upon the Indus, over battle-fields
equalling Assaye, or Delhi, or Argaum, in
their wonderful history.
Another schemer, meanwhile, was plan-
ning work for the Moores and the Napiers of
the day. An ambitious eye was thrown from
the towers of Notre Dame to those of the
Escurial. The ambition that had plucked
trophies from Germany and Italy sought to
gather them on Spanish soil. Opportunities
were easily obtained. The royal family of
Spain abdicated. The House of Braganza
fled. The former accepted a pension, and
the latter sought independenca in their colo-
nial possessions. ^^^JJP ™^7 %> ^^^ ^^^
people must remain. The latter have, there-
fore, the larger interest in peace. Napoleon
had determined to appropriate Spain and
Portugal ; for the world itself was rather
too limited to supply the wants of his family;
and the peninsular peasantry also determined
to keep their own, after they had been aban-
doned by their princes.
These events led to the Peninsular War.
Sir John Moore, in the interval between Ro-
lica and Vimiera, and Wellesley's second de-
scent on the peninsula, received the com-
mand of the British army. No general was
ever more beloved by his army or by his
countrymen, and yet he was sacrificed to
jealousy at home and treachery abroad.
Amid all the fast-shifting scenes of his rapid
advance from Portugal, and still more rapid
retreat on Corunna, before Napoleon, the
50th regiment of infantry and their major
often appear. They formed the rear-guard
in the trying march upon Corunna. Napo- 1
J
leon was humbled and irritated by the defeats
of his forces and his marshals at Rolica and
Vimiera, and still more by the Convention of
Gntra. He was anxious to capture or to de-
stroy the British army under Sir John Moore.
The extent of his forces, the horrible roads,
blocked with snow when they were not flood-
ed with rain ; and the utter incapacity of all
their Spanish allies, except Romana, rendered
the annihilation of Sir John Moore's army
highly probable. Major Charles Napier was
employed to cover the retreat. In that ser-
vice he acquired the maxims which actuated
him in his reforms of the Indian army. From
the passage of the Esla to the battle before
Corunna he was acquiring that antipathy to
officers' baggage which ultimately appeared
in his celebrated opinion against any thing
more than two shirts, an extra pair of shoes,
a little soap, and a tooth-brush. We may
often trace peculiarities of character to inci-
dents in life. General Sir Charles J. Na-
ier's opinions were based upon Major Charles
Napier's experience in three weeks
from the 2l6t December, 1808, to the 16th
January, 1800. Every day was occupied in
marching and skirmishing. Napoleon origin-
ally, and Soult after New- Year's- Day of
1809, left the retreating army no time for
rest. Combats occurred daily, and on some
days almost hourly ; until Major Napier be-
came rather too well known to his pursuers.
On the 'rth January, the French attacked at
Lugo, and were repulsed by Sir John Moore
in person with a heavy loss. On the 16th,
the British army were stationed in the vil-
lages around Corunna, and the British fleet
were at anchor in the bay. Spain was to be
abandoned for a time, but Napoleon's object
had not been achieved, and could not be
gained, unless the embarkation of the army
could be prevented. Soult, therefore, deter-
mined to attack them. The result is well
known. It was a victory dearer than any
previously achieved by the British forces,
because it secured nothing except a retreat.
Sir John Moore was mortally wounded by a
cannon-ball, while leading on the 42d and
50th regiments at the village of Elvina. He
was carried by soldiers of the 42d into Co-
runna, and lived to know that, like Aber-
cromby and Wolfe, he died in victory. Sir
David Baird had lost an arm on the right,
and Sir John Hope, on whom the command
devolved, could make no further use of his
success than to bury his dead and embark in
peace.
One prisoner was left behind, to whom re-
straint was torture. In endeavoring to lead
1858.]
OHAALES JAMES KAPIER.
478
forward the 50th regiment, he had been sud-
denly left with four soldiers in the presence
of a large body of the enemy. Three of his
followers were at once shot down, and the
fourth was wounded. Major Napier at-
tempted to assist the fourth ; and while doing
so he was struck by a musket-ball in the leg,
and some of the bones were broken. Using
bis sword as a staff, he endeavored to get
out of the way ; but a French soldier stabbed
him in the back with his. bayonet. The
Major turned, and, wounded as he was, rap-
idly disarmed his opponent; b\it he was cut
in the head by a sabre, some of his ribs were
broken by a cannon-ball ; and knocked down
at last by the butt-end of a musket, he was
dragged out of the fight, insensible, by a
benevolent French drummer. Soult treated
bis distinguished prisoner with much con-
sideration. His wounds were skilfully tend-
ed ; and when the Marshal left Ney in com-
mand at Corunna, Major Napier was nearly
restored to health.
An English frigate ran into the bay one
day with a flag of truce. The captain sought
information regarding Major Napier. The
request was reported to Ney by his aide-de-
camp ; and the '' bravest of the brave" di-
rected that officer to allow his countrymen
an interview with their prisoner. The French
captain looked closely on his commander.
" General," said he, ** Major Napier has a
mother." " Has he ?" was Ney's answer ;
" then let him go with his countrymen, and
he can take twenty-five British soldiery with
him." The act was generous and noble ; at
least equal to the erection of a monument to
Moore by his adversary Soult; and it was
one of those traits in the character of Ney
which cast around his own fate a deeper
tinge of sorrow than might have been felt for
a less worthy foe.
Few men ever acquire the experience
gained by Major Napier in life. Upon his
return to England, he was engaged in the
transaction of unusual business^ at Doctors'
Commons. His name was returned in the
list of killed at Corunna. His friends enter^
tained no doubt of his fate, and his heirs ad-
ministered to his property. The error had
to be corrected, and the officer marked dead
in law had to be again acknowledged among
the living.
At this period he was unsuccessful in his
applications for employment at the Horse
Guards. No young officer deserved better
of his country ; but even the exigencies of
the service could not always overcome the
favoritism of faction ; and although, as the
grandson of the Duke of Richmond, Major
Napier was not destitute of influence, yet
three officers had to be provided for in one
family ; and they were not grateful, accord-
ing to ministerial notions. They could fight.
All their friends and foes acknowledged that
they fought well ; but they also talked and
wrote, and their opinions were crimes.
Wearied with applications which brought
no positive result, Colonel Napier returned
to Spain as a volunteer. Early in 1810, he
was again with the Allied Army on the bor-
der land between Portugal and Spain. He
was engaged wilh General Crawford's light
division in a severe action on the Coa, near
Almeida, on the 24th of May. This contest
terminated in the destruction of many French
soldiers in a vain effort to cross the Coa, at a
ravine in front of Crawford's divii«ion,and bad
no result except the death of so many men.
The summer of 1810 passed away without
active operations; and a man of Colonel
Napier's character and disposition might have
been as agreeably occupied in Piccadilly as
on the banks of the Mondego river ; but to-
waMs the close of autumn, Massena having
completed his arrangements, and obtained
reinforcements, determined to invade Portu-
gal. He might have accomplished this ob-
ject by flanking the mountains on which the
British army at the time were stationed.
Massena decided on forcing the shorter route,
probably because he knew that Wellington
would gather all the harvest before the lines
of Torres Vedras within that temporary for-
tification.
The battle of Busaco commenced early on
the morning of the 27th of September, 1810.
The British and Portuguese forces were
strongly posted on the Serra de Busaco, a
high ridge, with, in some places, thick pine
forests, and on the sloping and steep gt-ound
in front. They were greatly outnumbered
by the French army under Massena, assisted
by Marshals Ney and Regnier. Lord Wel-
lington might have been attacked at great
disadvantage on the previous evening; bat
Massena was engaged with Colonel Trant
and the Portuguese partisans in his rear. The
morning of Busaco was shrouded in mist, and
the French divisions had nearly climbed the
heights before they were attacked. The
battle, from the nature of the ground, did
not admit of scientific movements, and it was
short although severe. It ended with the
morning. Before noon the French had re-
tired from all points of the hill ; and during
the afternoon they were peaceably engaged
in the removal of their wounded men. Colo-
474
0HABLK8 JAMES KAPISR.
[Dee..
nel C. J. Napier was severely wounded in
the conflict. He was struck in the face by
a musket- shot. The ball broke his jaw-bone,
in which it lodged. After the battle, the
Colonel, desirous to be rid of this incum-
brance, mounted his horse and rode for two
days, to obtain good medical assistance. The
anecdote illustrates the energy of the man.
We may also add that it illustrates the in-
competency of the service, at that time, in
the medical department. An army which
had every reason to live in daily expectation
of broken bones, should have comprised an
efficient surgical staff, and rendered Cplonel
Napier's hard ride entirely superfluous.
- A cold and dreary winter followed within
the lines of Torres Vedras; but while the
British army possessed an abundant commis-
sary, the French, Vithout the lines, suffered
dreadfully from disease and want. Early in
March of the following year,' 1811, Massena
left Santarem, and commenced his retreat
into Spain. For rather more than a month
the two armies had daily skirmishes, of which
Colonel Napier had more than a fair share.
During his long life he had a habit of falling
into hard, and to himself unprofitable, fights
ing ; and he scarcely ever escaped without
some contusion or wound. Portugal was
finally abandoned by the French early in
April. The celebrated battle of Fuentes
d'Onore was fought on the 6th of May, and
although peculiarly fatal to officers, yet
Colonel Napier, who was present in that con-
flict, reached victory without a wound, an
unusual event in his case. That month of
May was very fatal to the armies engaged in
the Peninsula ; and Albuera, nearly the most
bloody battle in the war, was fought by Mar-
shal Beresford on the 16 th ; but the subse-
quent months were not distinguish^ by
grand operations, although skirmishing was
always found for men like Colonel Napier,
few in number, as they are, in all armies.
The winter of 1811 and 1812 was extreme-
ly severe ; and yet in the midst of that win-
ter Lord Wellington formed the design of
storming Ciudad Rodrigo. He moved his
army from cantonments on the 8th of Janu-
ary. On the 1 0th he summoned the garri-
son to surrender. A stem denial was his
answer ; but during the evening he stormed
Ciudad Rodrigo, to the utter amazement of
Marshal Marmont, who was approaching with
a large force, to raise the siege. Colonel
Napier was present during the operations,
but one of the two storming parties was led
by Major George Napier, his brother, who
was severely wounded. The brothers were
present at the siege of Badajos and its storm-
ing three months after the fall of Ciudad
Rodrigo; but although Colonel Napier at-
tracted the regard of the Duke of Wellington,
who had great discrimination in the selection
of his officers, yet he never attained a very
prominent position in the Peninsular War;
and that circumstance explains his eagerness
to enter upon a more independent field of
action in the war which the United States,
very imprudently and ungenerously, at that
moment commenced against Great Britsdn.
Both nations understand their position
better now than they did in 1813 ; and a re-
petition of hostilities so closely resembling a
civil war, and partaking in all the peculiarly
harsh features of internal contests, is, we
trust, impossible ; and certainly it is so im-
probable that we dislike a recurrence to the
incidents of the last conflict, honorable as
they were to the military character and ex-
perience of Colonel Napier. But peace was
declared — the short peace of 1814 — and in
1815 he was informed that Napoleon had
escaped from Elba. He felt that the French
chieftain must again involve Europe in hos-
tilities, and hastened homewards in the hope
of obtaining the position in his country's de-
fense richly deserved by his professional tal-
ents. When he arrived in England he found
Europe in the centre of a new crisis, and he
hurried onwards ; but steam-power on land
and water was then unknown, and the most
active traveller, pressed for time, on errands
of life or death, was compelled to wait for
wind and tide. England expected a great
battle, but not so soon as it occurred ; and
reinforcements were under preparation for
the army in Belgium. Colonel Napier has-
tened on. When he reached Ostend, the exi-
gency appeared still greater. As he advanced,
crowds of fugitives stopped the path. Alarm
and dismay appeared in the villages, towns,
and cities which he passed. He hurried on«
quickening his speed as if a single arm could
change the destiny of the coming day. Then
reports of Ligny and Quatre-Bras met him —
disastrous rumors ; and they urged him for-
ward— forward, to defeat, it might be; but
not to dishonor— -onward, to die in the last
hour of a great battle rather than that the
country which he loved bf.tter than it had
then loved him, should look in vain for aid
from one of her sons, when his assistance
was required. An impatient rider and a
panting steed are met by fugitives, now aban-
doning their homes in sadness of heart and
sorrow. A third battle has been fought and
lost. The army which he loved is beaten
1858.]
OHABLES JAMES KAPIRB.
41$
and flying in detached fragments. The lead-
ere whom he followed are with the dead or
the dying. The foemen whom he had often
met are trampling on and over his friends.
Still in this dark hour, courage and genius
combined, daring to conceive, rapidity to ex-
ecute, might stop the flight of his friends or
the progress of his foes ; and some of the
best British regiments were behind him, fresh
and unbroken. The rider hastened on. Now
the certain character of the rumor changes.
Wounded men from Ligny and Qualre-oras
pass by, but they do not think that they are
beaten ; and as the day wears on, towards
nififht these rumors become still more uncer-
tam. That haze in the distant east, on which
the setting sun has shone out for a few min-
Qtes, hangs over the distant field of strife.
By and by, the roar of artillery, like thunder
far away, booms on the ear; or the rider
thinks so, and his nervousness increases : and
the delays of the road wax longer and worse.
Wagons full of wounded men choke the
way ; but they bring better news and brighter
hopes. The battle was not lost when they
left, and it would not be lost. The inspirited
rider struggles on. The night has fallen
over the vanquished and the victorious; a
night of horrors to the flying and broken
squadrons who rallied in the morning around
the eagles of France. Our solitary rider still
strives against a thickening current of horses
and vehicles ; but at last he hears that the
battle is won. The intelligence that even
lights up the eyes of the dying around
scarcely gives pleasure to him. The grand
contest of Europe is over, and he had no
part in the result. Hereafter men will speak
respectfully of sold ie re who fought at Water-
loo, and he had only struggled hard to be
present. A wayward fate it seemed that
took him over the Atlantic to combat pe'as-
ants, and left his name out of this great strife
of giants. He reported himself at head-
quarters on the morning of the 19th, was
present at some of the combats on the way
to Paris, and entered that city with the Al-
lied Armies.
The peace that followed promised to be
deep and long; and although a considerable
English army was left in France, yet Colonel
Napier sought other employment. He ob-
tained the governorehip of the Ionian Islands.
His military capabilities had been long ac-
knowledged ; his literary talents, if less con-
spicuous than those of his younger brother,
were evidently respectable, as his works on
colonies, colonization, and Ireland demon-
strated; but he was now tried in a new
sphere. His administrative genius shone
brightly in his management of the Ionian
Isles, so far as his relations with the islanders
were concerned ; but he quarrelled with the
Home Government. We feel that a governor
of a distant dependency who gains the esteem
of the governed and the antipathy of his own
government, is an honest, although he may
be a mistaken, man. 8ir Charles Napier
succeeded in both particulars. He gained
the love of the Cephalonians, and he did not
preserve the confidence of the Colonial and
War Offices. He -was recalled, but his mem-
ory was not easily obliterated from the minds
of the islanders, who adopted the means in
their power of steadily expressing the esteem
in which one of their governore was held.
The Greek revolution brought Sir Charles
Napier into correspondence with the late
Lord Byron, with Mr. Hume, and other Eng-
lish friends of Grecian independence. They
did not exactly please him by their conduct,
and he did not please them with his counsel ;
but he knew more of fighting, and probably
of Greeks and Turks also, than the great poet
or the famous financier.
He passed some years at this period of
his life in England, unemployed ; and even
when he obtained the command of the North*
ern Military Division of England, he could
only exercise his influence for the improve-
ment of discipline in the regiments under his
control. Life was meanwhile wearing over.
Peace was firmly established in Europe ; and
although it had been broken repeatedly on
the Continent, yet Sir Charles Napier never
ofifered his services to any foreign state, even
when he approved the cause of war. He
laid the foundation of many reforms in the
army. He improved the position of the pri-
vate soldier, so far as his influence and power
went. He enforced very strict discipline in
barracks, and he undoubtedly made changes
in their physical and moral circumstances of
a favorable nature.
He approached his sixtieth year before the
Bombay command was ofifered to him ; and
he left England for the presidency in 1841.
He did not agree cordially with any gover-
nor-general, during his Indian connection, ex-
cept the Earl of Ellenborough, who appreci-
ated and fully underetood his character. The
reverses in Afifghanistan, and the position of
the Sikhs on the upper part. of the Indus,
caused great anxiety among the Anglo-In-
dians and in this country. Scinde was under
the control of the Ameere ; and their power
at the mouth of the Indus was likely, under
any reverse, to be employed against the Brit*
496
CHARLES JAMES NAPDCB.
[Dec.
ish empire. Suspicions existed on good
grounds that they had urged the Belooches
to attack our forces in the mountain passes.
The situation of affairs was peculiarly embar-
rassing. Defeat in Scinde would have been
ruinous, and yet Sir Charles Napier had
scarcely an army. He had only a respect-
able detachment for the conquest of a ffreat
csountry. He offered his terms in Scinde, as
an invader, with 3,000 men, Europeans and
natives, behind, and 23,000 men before him.
The disparity of the armies caused no distrust
in his dauntless mind. The Ameers did not
attacli him, he did not attack them, but en-
deavored in some long, weary marches
through the deserts to communicate with
Generals Nott and Pollock, then engaged in
an Affghanistan campaign ; and he seized the
fortresses on which the Ameers relied in
these marches, thus compelling them to fight
on the open plain. He took the stronfg for-
tress of Emaum Ghur with only 300 men of
bis Irish regiment, the 22d, and two pieces
of artillery. Mahommed Khan, who had
accumulated stores and treasures in the fort,
fled before this small European force ; for a
very salutary dread of Sir Charles Napier
depressed the courage of the Ameers. This
fear of their enemy was to be increased.
The small army under his command was
surrounded by opponents. He seemed to
be cut off and in extreme danger. Therefore
he resolved to attack 1.6,000 Belooches,
strongly posted at Meanee, before they could
be reinforced by other divisions. He had
2,600 men. The resolution, therefore, re-
sembled despair, but his calculations were
disappointed. The Belooches succeeded in
joining their forces, and brought into the field
25,000 infantry and 10,000 irregular caval-
ry. Sir Charles Napier had 1,800 infantry,
and 800 cavalry, opposed to this great army.
In addition to numbers, the Belooches had
the advantage of two positions, which they
had selected and strengthened. They en-
deavored to draw forward the small band of
their opponents within the range of these
mud walls, in order that they might attack
them on the flank and rear. Sir Charles
observed the opening in the wall, through
which their ambuscade was to sally, and he
ordered the grenadier company of the 22d
to seize this portal. They obeyed his order,
and although their captain was killed in the
gate, yet this company of eighty men cooped
up six thousand in their own snare, and vir-
tually gained the battle. The resistance in
front was tremendous. The Belooches yrere
brave and desperate men. They charged the
.22d with vehemence, although the superior
practice of the Irish muskets thinned their
ranks rapidly, or laid them down regularly
where they had stood. The English artil-
lery-men swept the flank of the opposing
army with continuous showers of grape ; but
they had to be protected from the fury of
their wild opponents, who absolutely tore at
the guns, and endeavored to overturn them,
while they were being blown from the can-
non's mouth in companies. The carnage was
appalling — the courage that sustained it un-
bending— but the Belooches were crowded
in struggling masses, among whom a musket
never missed, and the artillery tore up bloody
lanes at every discharge. The physical en-
durance of men is, however, limited, and
after bis little army had been engaged for
more than three hours in this dreadful
butchery. Sir Charles Napier saw that a de-
cisive effort was necessary. He ordered his
cavalry to charge. The fatal artillery played
upon the thick masses of flesh and blood op-
posed to them within a few yards. The bay-
onets and the bullets of the 22d pressed des-
perately on the compact ranks around them.
It was the last struggle for victory, and the
alternative was death. Victory was obtained.
The army of the Ameers fled, and six of
these chieftains surrendered after the battle.
The . slaughter of the Belooches had been
dreadful. An equal number of men had
never been slain in a modern battle by an
army so few as that commanded by Sir
Charles Napier. Six thousand men were
left by the Ameers on the field, and nearly
all of them perished. The battle continued
for four hours, and in that time less than two
thousand men had slain more than three
times their own number. The loss of the
British forces was comparatively small, but
it was great to them. Sixty officers and two
hundred and fifty sergeants and privates were
disabled — nearly one-fifth of their army ; and
of these, six officers and sixty men were dead
upon the field. One- sixth of both armies
were down. Their relative proportions stood
as at the commencement at the close. The
victory was, therefore, narrowly won; and
if the battle had lasted longer, it would have
ended in the defeat and extirpation of this
small band. The odds were fifteen to one
against them in the morning, and a limit ex-
ists even in the contests of disciplined and
fully armed soldiers with masses of brave
men ; and the Belooches were brave.
This battle of Meanee, fought on the 1 7th
of February, 1 843, was not surpassedby any
former contest in India, full as the history
1858.]
CHABLES JAMES JSfAPTESL
477
of British India is with the romance of war,
either in the vast results produced by slen-
der means, the courage of the general and his
men, the intensity of the struggle, or its de-
cisive termination.
Wellington gained Assaye with nine men
*io one hundred of his enemies ; and he lost
one- third of his force in killed and wounded,
amounting to nearly tw<:f thousand, in inflict-
ing a loss on the Mahrattas not greater in
numbers than the Belooches suffered at Mea-
nee. The succeeding victory of Wellington
at Argaum was decisive, but not greater in
reference to the proportionate means by
which the end was achieved than Assaye, and
not equal to Meanee.
These facts should not be forgotten now
by those who value military services and re-
ward them ; for we feel, and all men feel,
that they were rather overlooked during Sir
Charles Napier's life.
The conquerer of Scinde was a brave, dar-
ing, skilful soldier, but he was not a reckless
officer. He felt the embarrassing nature of
bis position when Hydrabad was opened to
his little army. He applied to Lord Ellen-
borough for reinforcements, and the Gover-
nor-General ordered all the men whom he
could spare from other emergencies to join
the army of Scinde. Shere Mahommed, the
greatest of the Ameers, known in his own
country as " the Lion," had another army
ready, or the remains of the old army reor-
Sanized, in little more than a month after
[eanee. He refused to surrender, and Sir
Charles Napier met him at Dubba, near Hy-
drabad, on the 24th of March. The British
army was now 5,000 strong, and the Beloo-
ches numbered nearly 25,000 men. The
disparity was great, but not so hopeless as
at Meanee. Still three hours' hard fighting
and a terrible slaughter were needed before
Shere Mahommed was driven from his strong
position at Dubba, and Scinde was finally
won. The battle was brilliantly fought and)
victory bravely achieved ; vet the result
proved the necessity for those reinforce-
ments which Sir Charles Napier prudently
demanded and Lord Ellenborough promptly
supplied.
That governor-general at once made the
conqueror of Scinde its governor ; and the
resolution was amply vindicated by the re-
sult. Sir Charles Napier applied his admin-
istrative talents incessantly to the organiza-
tion of the resources of Scinde. He planned
bridges, canals, and roads. He provided
means for the protection of life and property.
He promoted agriculture and commerce.
Within a few months he had repressed dis-
order, secured hidustry in its rights, sup-
pressed the banditti formed from the broken
ranks of a desperate army, and turned the
lawless and wild borderers into peaceable
men of work. Covered with wounds, con-
stitutionally weak, somewhat bent by years
ami fatigue, but mentally active, energetic,
and strong, he moved incessantly over the
vast land which he had added to the empire,
corrected abuses, repaired injuries, and sup-
plied incentives to industry. He was a strict
disciplinarian, and much sentimental writing
was employed to depict and denounce his
conduct to the Ameers ; but he never bad
promised to respect the claims, further than
they were well founded, of the idle, the weak,
and worthless. He had never offered en-
couragement to a feudal system of life. His
practice always vindicated the maxim, that
those who live by, should also live for, msn-
kind. The Ameers, therefore, had no rea-
son to anticipate any exaggerated regard
from a man who lived for the people rather
than their rulers. In Scinde he was a des-
pot, but one of a beneficent character ; illus-
trating the opinion of some, that in certain
stages of society a despotic government would
be suitable if any security could be afforded
for its quality. A good and wise despot,
however, is of very rare occurrence.
We recur to the battle of Dubba only to
contrast it with the brilliant victories of Lord
Lake at Delhi, Agra, and Laswaree. The
achievements of General Lake were most
decisive, and they were accomplished with
limited means ; but neither of them excelled
the victory of Dubba, or approached the
tremendous fight of Meanee ; yet they gained
for General Lake a place in the peerage. No
student of Indian history says that honors
were ill-bestowed on that brave man. Few
remember without regret that he who should
have borne, and could have well sustained
them, died early in the olive grove, and sleeps
among the crags and rocks of Rolica. But
without referring to the deeds performed by
living men, and the honors awarded to them,
it is scarcely possible to recall the names of
great Indian leaders, without feeling that a
sad omission has occurred in this case — one
also that cannot now be fully rectified.
The defeat of regular armies in the field
was an easier matter probably than the effect-
ual discomfiture of the desert chiefs on the
borders, who had lived and prospered by
plunder, and knew no better means of replen-
ishing their larders. This object was, not-
withstanding its difficulty, not only completed
478
0HABLES JAMS KAPiSB
[Dec.,
by Sir Charles Napier, but effected in a spirit
that won the hearts of the vanqaished Sir-
dars, who first named their conqueror the
Brother of the Evil One, for his success in
war ; and then gave him their allegiance, for
the lessons he taught them in the arts of
peace. Two swords were carried upon his
coffin at Portsmouth. One of them was
notched and worn, for it was his father's;
and the blade had suffered no disgrace in the
keeping of the son. The second was the
''Sword of Peace," presented to Sir Charles
Napier when he left Scinde, by those robber-
chieftains whom he had turned into honest
men.
The great Sikh war broke out when the
hostilities in Scinde were quelled. The ac-
tivity of the Governor of Scinde was shown
by the magnitude of the army which he col-
lected and held ready to march upwards to
the Sutlej. Lord Ellenborough had then re-
signed the governor- generalship, and an old
soldier occupied that high position. His
plans did not include the employment of the
ocinde army in the Sutlej, although a move-
ment up the Indus was, we think, proposed
by Sir Charles Napier, and would have been
effective. Following the instructions of Sir
Henry Hardinge, he occupied Bewalpore, and
thus missed the great battles of Ferozepore,
Aliwal, and Sobraon ; but some persons be-
lieved that if Sir Charles Napier's corps, then
numbering 12,000 to 15,000 effective men,
had been drawn up the Indus, in sufficient
time, under their gallant chief, Ferozepore,
or its substitute, would have been more de-
cisive, and no Sobraon would have been re-
quired. The first Sikh campaign was more
near a defeat than those who fought at So-
braon willingly admit ; and the assistance
offered from Scinde would have greatly re-
duced, if it had not entirely removed, any
doubt of its issue ever entertained.
Sir Charles Napier resigned the governor-
ship of Scinde and returned to England in
1847. He found his country suffering under
great calamities, and meditating grand polit-
ical changes ; but the ardor with which he
was welcomed by the army extended also to
the citizenship of the land ; and his country-
men instinctively recognized in him a great
hero and a great man — a man who was never
idle, and whose engagements were invariably
directed against abuses and corruption.
The conquest and annexation of Scinde
present Sir Charles Napier's character in
three distinct departments : as a soldier per-
forming prodigies of valor, unrivalled in the
disproportion between his means and the re-
sults, by any preceding achievements in In-
dia: as an administratori^ who, succeeding to
the guidance of a kingdom in a state of anar-
I cby, repelled with an equitable, although a
strong hand, the crimes of an armed banditti;
create J confidence in his government ; estab-
lished peace, law, and order; elicited the
forgotten resources of the land, and increased
the means of the population, and the revenue
of the state, with almost inconceivable and
incredible rapidity : and as a writer, defend-
ing his proceedings, on all points, against
corrupted and unprincipled adversaries. The
military, when contrasted with the civil sei^
vice of India, is poor and pure. Charges
originating in the disappointment of those
camp followers who expect an enlargement
of pay and place from each extension of the
Indian empire, were directed at Sir Charles
Napier's conduct in India. They made no
gain, and therefore they asserted that the
country suffered loss. The native Ameers
were not dethroned to make room for English
agents ; and therefore, in the opinion of Bom-
bay writers, the former chiefs of Scinde
should not have been displaced. Their con-
queror organized a cheap and just, which, ac-
cording to his critics, could not be a good
and profitable, government, for it secured no
advancement to them or their friends. He
established public works, planned canals,
embankments and roads ; proposed irrigation
on an extensive scale, and sought to restore
in Scinde the palmy days of Egyptian agri-
culture. These views were not shared by
men who searched for pleasure and riches in
the£ki9t;and who longed for the hunting
parties of the expelled Ameers, who were
great in game-preserving, at any cost to their
subjects — a science of which their practical
successor could not comprehend the profit.
We admit that the brave soldier was not also
a patient exponent of his own policy. He
met censure by rebuke ; but if his answers
were sharp, like his sword, the attacks in
which they originated were often dastardly
and vindictive.
The discussion of the Indian bill in the
present year has furnished convincing evi-
dence that his plans for the government of
Scinde comprised all that is deemed essential
for an enlightened administration of Indian
resources, and also superabundant proof that
the civil service of the older presidencies has
been grievously neglected. A very short
time has passed since his death, but during
that interval accounts have been received of
the business transacted at the fair of Kurra-
chee. Those statements of "Manchester
1668.]
OHABLES JAMES NAFESB.
479
men," from the spot, develop a new explana-
tion of the jealousy of Bombay interests at
the annexation and settlement of Sciode.
Sir Charles Napier expected that the Indus
would be turned to commercial advantage
when he completed the conquest of the coun-
try forming in some measure its delta. This
great river almost meets the Ganges at its
springs ; has the Sntlej, comprising the five
rivers of the Ppnjaub, for its tributary ; ex-
tends in its course from the frozen regions
high on the Himalaya Mountains, to the trop-
ical verdure of the Indian plains; and must
command ultimately the goods traffic of
central Asia and the north-western provinces
of the Anglo-Indian empire. The experi-
ence of past years, and especially that of the
present season, vindicates the accuracy of the
opinion entertained by Sir Charles Napier.
His opinion has been shared by all parties
who have studied the subject ; but that cir-
cumstance could not disarm the local enmity,
or enlarge the narrow views of Bombay mer-
chants, who infused their fears into the Bom-
bay press, not candidly and openly, but in
strictures on the war in Scinde, which they
could not or would not understand ; and
homilies on economy, to which, in the man-
agement of public affairs, they were entirely
unaccustomed. The Governor of Scinde
never possessed the gift of patience under
wrong, in an eminent degree. An ardent
disposition was so ingrained into a generous
nature, that the conqueror -of I^drabad
could not so far conquer himself as to remain
quietly under injustice, until time should re-
dress the wrong. He thus involved himself
in anxieties and cares which calmer, if less va-
luable, men would have escaped. But that
fact forms no apology for the unjust criti-
cisms to which he was exposed, or the errone-
ous statements employed to support them.
After the return of Sir Charles Napier
from India, bis time was occupied in promot-
ing changes in the system of government
pursued there, in correspondence and pamph-
lets on Indian affairs, and in his military re-
forms. Reference has been already made in
this sketch to the second Sikh war. Disas-
ters seemed again impending over north-
western India. Lord Gough had not been
successful, and confidence was not felt in his
policy. The ideas entertained regarding his
military skill were perhaps unjust ; but the
stake was great and the risk imminent. The
government of the day required the late
Duke of Wellington to supply a list of three
names from whom a successor could be ap-
pointed. It b said that he wrote Sir Charles
Napier's name thrice upon a sheet of paper,
and enclosed it. The precaution was not
unnecessary. The Duke of Wellington had
a practical end in view ; and in the discharge
of a great trust, he determined that no mis-
take should occur. A second time, and when
approaching \ns seventieth year, Sir Charles
Napier crossed to India. Before his arrival
the exigency had passed, and Lord Gough
had defeated the Sikhs; but his successor
was thus enabled to carry out reforms which
he had planned, in the Indian army. These
changes were all favorable to the material effi-
ciency and the moral improvement of the for-
ces. Extravagance and gambling were sup-
pressed. Economy and simplicity were re-
commended in the service. Young men were
taught, by example and precept, the means
of acquiring independence ; and no man could
lecture better on that subject than the officer
of whom it has been said, that when the
messenger from the India House, bearing the
dispatch which announced his appointment
to the chief command of the Indian army,
called at his residence in Berkeley street, he
was admitted by a female servant, and found
the general at dinner, who quietly expressed
his regret that he should trouble him to call
again — but added, that he had no second
apartment in which he could invite -him to
wait.
A warm welcome to India was followed
soon by a final farewell ; and Sir Charles
Napier left its shores to return no more ; yet
his heart was in that land. More than many
British statesmen, he fell its importance;
more than many Anglo-Indians, who had ac-
quired fame and fortune on its plains, he
planned and studied for its people's advan-
tage. Death found him still in harness and
at work. His last pamphlet on Indian affairs
is, and now will ever be, an unfinished essay
— a fragment, suspended and stopped by dis-
eabe. He left London as the end of his
days approached, by his physicians' orders,
in the hope that the peace of Oaklands
might tend to restore his broken health ; but
all the battles of that courageous spirit, ex-
cept one, were passed ; and he went home
only to die.
The character of this man is not easily
drawn. He has done much in various depart-
ments, and always well. He finished what-
ever he commenced, and no enterprise ap-
peared too great for his mind. We must
remember that his active life began early.
Sixty years of military service out of seventy-
one years of life left little time for the sys-
tematic acquisition of knowledge ; yet he
480
THE LOTTERY.
n>
•f
knew much, and was not often caught in
error. He held enlarged views on our colo-
nial empire at an early period of life. He
had studied social politics carefully, and
could expound them advantageously. He
loved his countrv well, and never, even when
neglected, did his patriotism suflfer any dim-
inution. He was warmly attached to his
profession, and the common soldiers followed
and regarded him as a friend. He was se-
vere and simple in his habits of life ; and yet
the natives of India, fond of display and os-
tentation, were soon and strongly attached
to his character. He was eminently brave,
and a great military commander ; but it may
be doubted whether he was not equally
great as an administrator and organizer of
civil government. His life was remarliably
active, his labors peculiarly abundant; and
he escaped the snares and temptations of
idleness. His frame was never robust ; and
instead of his death now causing astonish-
ment, it is surprising that he lived so long.
He conquered and pacified Scinde, while la-
boring under disease that would have con-
fined ordinary men to a bed-chamber, and
enriched their physicians. His ardent and
energetic mind miffht long before 1853 have
worn out the frail and shattered body, in
which,- lacerated as it was by steel, torn by
lead, and broken and bruised by all kinds of
weapons, he was nevertheless, consistent with
the family motto, " Ready, aye ready !" to
think and to act, to bleed and suffer, to do
or die for his country's honor, peace and
welfare.
He was buried at Portsmouth, and it little
matters where that sadly cut and torn body
was laid ; but Britain has no dust stored in
grand and national edifices, that in life labor-
ed more or labored better in her defense, or
for her prosperity. He was carried to his
grave by soldiers ; and strong-minded men
wept as they lowered his coffin to its place ;
as well they might, for in all that pomp of
death and funereal splendor, England was
poorer by a brave spirit — a noble heart lost
to the land — a reformer in peace — and a
leader in war whose name was strength to
her friends and terror to her foes. The lion-
hearted chief, of whom it might be truly
said, he never feared the face of man, sleeps
where in danger's hour he would have lived
or died — not m the centre of his country —
not in the midst of her millions, but in the
outpost, the foreground, the vanfiruard of all
the land. His friends have buried him where
he would have stood, if England ever had
been threatened by foreign foes ; and while
men long, and look, and pray for peace on
earth, they need not forget that often peace
is threatened by evil pasisions; and if soon
again this nation has to encounter the shock
of battle for existence, or for great principles,
the eye is closed that would have directed
her armies ; the hand is cold and crumbling
that would have grasped a stiunless but a
well-worn sword m her defense ; and that
chivalrous spirit has passed from us for ever,
who in prosperity was often neglected by
courtiers and politicians, because he was too
honest to be diplomatic; but on whom, in
adverse days, all trusted once ; and all again,
in darker hours and greater dangers, would
have followed eagerly and trusted well.
When it was said that Sir Charles J. Napier
was dead, all men felt that England could
not often mourn for an equal loss.
-♦♦-
Tub Loitert. — Before that national evil,
the lottery, was abolished in France, a village
curate thought it his duty to address to his
flock a sermon against their dangerous in-
fatuation for this privileged form of gambling.
His auditory consisted of a crowd of misera-
ble old women, ready to pawn or sell their
last garment to secure the means of purchas-
ing tickets. Nevertheless the good man
flattered himself that his eloquence was not
thrown away, for his flock was singularly
attentive.
" You cannot deny," said he, addressing
them, " that if one of you were to dream this
night of lucky numbers, ten, twenty, fifty, no
matter what, instead of being restrained by
your duty towards your8elve3, your families,
your God, you would rush off to the lottery
office, and purchase tickets."
Satisfied that he had accomplished more
than one conversion among his hearers, the
good euri stepped down from his pulpit:
when on the last step, the hand of an old
hag who had appeared particularly attentive
to bis admonitions, was laid on his arm.
" I beg your reverence's pardon," said she,
" but tohat lucky numbers did you please to
say we were likely to dream of?"
1658.]
THOMAS MOORE AND LORD JOHN RUB8ELL.
481
From Hogg's laitruetor.
THOMAS HOORE AND LORD JOHN RUSSELL.
BY QBOROS OILFILLAK.
Tbis is par excellence the age of biogra-
phies. And yet we have not heard, recently
at least, of any systematio inquiry premised
as to what are the qualifications and the du-
ties of a genuine biographier. We propose,
ere coming to Moore and his noble life- com-
piler, to prefix a few rapid remarks upon this
subject.
A biographer should himself have lived.
If he has been a mere stucco-man — a Dr.
Dryasdust, conversing with folios, rather than
with facts or feelinffs, or the ongoing rush
of human life — let him catalogue books, but
avoid the biography of living men. There
are those, too, who have lived ; but who, like
Coleridge, have lived collaterally, or aside,
who have not properly digested into intellec-
tual chyle the facts of their own history, and
who are little better adapted for biography
than sleep-walkers might be. A biographer
should, if possible, have lived with the man
whose life he undertakes to write. Dr.
Johnson has added his weighty ipse dixit to
a similar statement, and no one has served
more thoroughly to substantiate it than his
own biographer ; for it is clear that, had Bos-
well undertaken to write the life of one with
whom he had not lived, it had justified John-
son's statement, that Bos well was not fit to
write the life of an ephemeron. Living with
a man, in some cases — ^although we grant
these are rare and peculiar — is nearly equal
to all other qualifications for the office uf a
biographer, and can almost make up for the
want of them all. We do not, however, seek
to confound liting with and living beside a
man. It were possible to live for a century
beside a man, and yet not have lived with
him for a single hour. To live beside a man,
requires only the element of contiguity ; to
live with him, implies knowledge, love, sym-
pathy, and watchful observation of his char-
acter. A biographer should bear a certain
specific resemblance to the subject of his
work. He should be able to receive, if not
to equal, his author, otherwise he may write
VOL. XXX. NO. IV.
a book of the size of the "Universal His-
tory/' and yet not utter one genuine or wor-
thy word about him. 8ome critics have dwelt
on the disparities between Boswell and John-
son. These were wide and obvious; but the
resemblance^ were stronger and subtler far.
As to intellect, there was between them a
** great gulf fixed ;" but m creed, tempera-
ment, moral character, native tastes, and ac-
quired predilections, the two were nearly
identical. So that Boswell's Johnson is no
paradox in literature : it is the inevitable re-
sult of the contact of two minds strangely
dissimilar, and still more singularly like each
other — as inevitable as the . connection be-
tween the earth and the sun. A biographer
should have a strong lov^ and admiration for
the subject of the life. He should see him
as he is, faults and virtues ; but should have
a preponderating estimate of the excellences
of the character. He should go to his task
as to a sacred duty, and should hold hb pen
as if it were the brand of an altar. A biogra-
phy like that of Miss Seward by Scott, writ-
ten without any sympathy, real or pretended,
with the person, is a nuisance on the earth.
Boswell was in many things a second-rate man ;
but in love for his theme he was never equal-
led, and this has given him his great biogra-
phical eminence. A biographer, again, should
understand the relation existing between his
hero and his times, and should be able philo-
sophically to adjust him in position to his con-
temporaries. And, in fine, he should see,
and fix on, and paint the real life of the char-
acter, shearing off all superfluities, general-
izing minor details, seeking to show the ele-
ment of progress and growth in the man's
history, and striving to give to his book an
artistic unity.
Assuming this high standard, very few
lives, indeed, come up to the mark. Bps-
well's book is inimitably like, but it is rather
a literal likeness than a work of high art.
Moore's " Sheridan" is a flaring, though pow-
erful daub. His " Byron" is much better ia
482
THOMAS MOORE AND LORD JOHK RUSSELL
[Dec.,
composition, but has a certain air of untruth-
fulness and special pleading around it. Joho-
son'd " Savage" is a splendid representation
of a worthless subject — like an ass or a pig
from the pencil of Morland, or a " sad-dog
bj Land^oer. Scott's lives are gossipping
and sketchy, without much force or firmness
of execution. Cunningham's are racj, but
deficient in careful finish. Soutbey's ** Nel-
son" is one of the most delightful, and Croly's
" Burke" one of the most forcible, of biogra-
phies. Macaul.iy's articles on Clive, Chat-
bam« and Hastings are, in reality, brief and
brilliant lives. On the whole, however, our
age has its Plutarch yet to seek, and has not,
we are sorry to say, found him in Lord John
Russell.
Our purpose, however, is less to speak of
the biographer than to submit some remarks
on the subject of the biography of that bril-
liant but not bulky son of Erin, dear " Tom
Little."
The literature of li-eland has been charged
with a certain air of sternness and gloom,
as if in keeping with the fate and fortunes of
that beautiful but unlucky land — that land
of famine and fertility, of wit and folly, of
magni6cent scenery and of starving souls —
that brilliant blot, that splendid degradation,
that bright and painful paradox among the
nations of the world. Gay, indeed, some-
times their writers are, but their gayety is
often breaking down, dying away into a
'* quaver of consternation ;" and the three
highest writers, incomparablvi that Ireland
has produced — Berkeley, Burke, and Swift —
are all serious in essence, although the last
of them is often light and frivolous in man-
ner. Even with Goldsmith's humor a cer-
tain sadness at times mincrles. Croly is
generally lofty and fierce, like Hercules ago-
nizing under Nessus' shirt, and tussing CEia's
pines into the air. ' But Moore was really a
lightsome and chirruping being. It may be
that he had not depth enough to be other-
wise ; but certainly not only is his mirth
never melancholy, but his serious vein is
never deeply tragical. He touches with the
same light, careless, but graceful hand, the
springs of laughter and the sources of tears.
He is, perhups, the least suggestive of all
poetic writers. Musical, picturesque, elegant
and fanciful, he is seldom thoughtful or truly
imaginative. Who would give much ''for the
thought" of a cricket on the hearth, or of
a fire-fly buzzing through the midnight ? It
is enough that it pursues its own way to
music, and that all eyes follow with pleasure
its tiny procession.
Smallness is some how inseparably connect-
ed with our notion of Moore, as well as with
that of some other distinguished men of the
day. All about him is as small as it is bril-
liant. His clenched fist of anger is just a
nut — his love is an intense burning drop-—
the dance of his fancy is as if *' on the point
of a needle ;" and when in the Anacreontic
vein he tipples, it is in *' thimblesful." His
spite and hatred, again, form a sting small
but veiy sharp, and which never spills an in-
finitesimal drop of the venom. He is, in
fact, a poetic homoeopath, and, whether he
try to kill you with laughter or to cure you
by sense, he must deal in minute and in-
tensely concentrated doses. And, whatever
may be the case in medicine, there can be no
question that, in satire and song, compound
division is a most powerful, almost magical
rule.
Ireland's writers have often been praised
and often blamed for their imagination ; but,
in fact, not above two or three of them have
possessed any thing more than a vivid fancy.
Swift had plenty of wit, and inventiveness,
and coarse fancy, and sense, and a humor
" dry as a remainder biscuit after a voyage ;"
but he had not a spark of the fusing, unify-
ing, inspiring imaginative power. Goldsmith
rose often to high poetic eloquence — he was
an exquisite artist, but hardly in the full
sense a bard. Burke possessed the true
vatistic gift, but it was often wasted on
barren fields of prophecy. Berkeley's power
of imagination was commensurate with his
intellect, but both were in some measure
thrown away upon arenas of abstraction,
where no grass grew or corn waved, whatr
ever flowers might spring. The recent popu-
lar writers or speakers of Ireland — such as
Carleton, Banim, Lover, Lever, Shiel, and a
hundred more — are profuse in fancy, humor,
wit, and talent, but have not given us much
that has, in earnestneAS, depth and originality,
the elements of permanent power. Next to
Burke and Berkeley, O'Connell, after all, was
the greatest poet that the Green Isle has
produced. He could and did, at times, trifle
with the subordinate feelings of human
nature, and use them at his wild or wicked
will : he could always touch and command
the passions ; but he sometimes also appeal-
ed, with overwhelming power, to the deepest
springs of the human imagination, and the
suul of his hearers rose ever and anon, like
an apparition, at his bidding.
Nor did Moore possess the highest order
of imagination. He was rather swift than
strong — rather lively than profound — rather
1858.]
THOMAS MOORE A?7D LORD JOHN RUSSELL.
488
a mimic of exquisite taste and universal talent
than a poet. It is disgraceful to think that,
while Shelley and Wordsworth were in thoir
lifetime treated either with cold negkct ur
with fierce hostility, Moore was a very ppt of
popularity. For this we are disposed, after
all, to blame not only the public, but still
more the critics of that day. We have all
heard of Warwick the king-maker. Jeffrey
and Gifford were the poet-makers of that
period, and neither of them were entirely
worthy of their high vocation. We attach
less blame to the latter of these, for he was
deficient in the very first elements of poetical
criticism, and his verdicts on poetry are as
worthless as those of a blind man on the
paintings of Raphael, or those of one desti-
tute of a musical ear on the oratorios of
Handel. He could only bark and rave, like
a disappointed bloodhound, i^round that
magic circle from which he was for ever ex-
cluded. But Jeffrey was deserving of far
more emphatic condemnation, since he per-
mitted personal and party feelings to inter-
fere with the integrity of his critical jurisdic-
tion. Crabbe, the Whig, he over- praised ;
Wordsworth, the Tory, he abused ; Byron,
the lord, he magnified considerably above
bis merit ; Burns, the ploughman and gau-
ger, he sought to push down below his level,
although of this he was deeply ashamed be-
fore his death. To the universally popular
Scott, as a novelist, he did ample justice.
To the outcast son of Genius, that ** phan-
tom among men," the brave, gifted, although
unhappily blinded, Shelley, he never once
alluded, till he had been seven years slum-
bering in the Italian dust. M^ore and
Campbell, as sharers of his politics and
pleasures, he contributed to exalt to unbound-
ed popularity. Southey and Coleridge, the
Conservative Christians, he did all he could
to crush. Nor was this, as in Gifford *s case,
the effect of gross iguorancCsof what poetry
was ; for this plea cannot be put in in behalf
of one who has so exquiaitely criticised
Shakspere, Ford, and others who were poets,
and who has so sternly shown that Swift was
none. It was, we repeat, the effect of small
spites, and piques, and the like contemptible
feelings, which were too often allowed to
blunt his unquestionable ucuteness of intellect,
and to deaden his as unquestionable warmth
of feeling and of heart.
Perhaps we may at this point be asked, if
Moore was not a poet, who is, and wherein
lies the differentia of a poet? Now here,
without thinking, if possible, about any for-
mer definitions or descriptions of others, let
us try and construct an outline of our 'own,
which may, perhaps, be somewhat better
than the famous Shaksperean one — ''A poet
is — that is as much to say, is a poet."
We name as the first element of a poet —
first, we mean, morally — the element of ear-
nestness. All earnest men are not poets, but
overy poet must be an earnest man. And he
must feel that poetry is the most earnest of
all things next to religion. Religion is the
worship of the True, as Goodness going up
to heaven in incense. Poetry is the worship
of the True, as Beauty going up to heaven
on the breath of flowers. But each is wor-
ship, and every poet should regard his gift
with a devout eye. The column of his
thought should not only be large and bright,
but it should point upward like a sun-tipped
spire, or the fiame of a sacrifice. Not only,
too, should he regard his art as an act of
worship, but he should be ever working at
the problem of uniting it with Religion. He
should feel, that not till Truth, Beauty, and
Goodness are seen to be one, cart Poetry re-
ceive her final consecration, or Religion put
on her softest and brightest attire. A poet,
2dly, will be a maker. He will create by
breathing bis own spirit, which is a far-off
sigh of God, into the waste and cold vacui-
ties of mental space. He will — if we dare
apply the words, in a very subordinate sense,
of course — •' hang his earth upon nothing,
and stretch out his glowing north over the
empty space." His work, wbeu made, will
come out softly, sweetly, and sure of welcome,
as a new star amid her silent sisterhood, or
as the moon has just in our sight appeared,
like an expected and longed-for lady into her
room of state, to complete the glories of this
resplendent summer-eve. His poem, displac-
ing no other, copying no other, interfering
with no other, takes up at once, gravely or
gaily, consciously or unconsciously, its ap-
pointed and immortal place. Not that all
men at once see its glory or its true relation
to its kindred orbs. But it is seen by many,
and felt by more, and shall at last be acknow-
ledged by all. When a "new thing" does
thus appear on t\m earth, there is sometimes
only silent wonder, and sometimes only a deep
half- uttered love, and sometimes a shout of
welcome, (just as Christians and Mahomedans
receive, in different fashions and forms of
gladness, the same sun and moon coming
forth from the same chambers of the east,)
but at last all three are united, and, by being
united, are intensified and increased. 3d, A
poet should be a philosopher. Not that he
should be expected to write merely didactic
484
THOMAS HOOBE AJSD LOBD JOHN BUBSELL.
[Dec,
poemsk as ibey are called* (so oamed, we sap-
pose, as lueu9 from non lueendo, because tbey
teacb nothing!) but that his works should be
sufifused with the deep, sober lustre of careful
thought. Wordsworth, appreciating from
experience this last* best power of the poet,
speaks of
"Years that bring the pbiloaopbic mind."
But its coming does not always depend upon
years. It may, and does often, come in mo-
ments. One sudden glance at earth or sky,
at man or woman, often accomplishes the
work ; and we are aware of a Presence who
has his dwelling '*in the light of setting
suns," and whom, without even attempting
to measure, we are able to see. Not every
true poet has been permitted to attain the
full philosophic development, and all who do
not, die they at what age they may, die
young poets ; but the germ of it is strong in
most of them, and comes out in many. The
secret of it, perhaps, lies in a proper concep-
tion of the wholeness and unity of things,
and in the attempt to imitate and reproduce
this in the effects of poetry.
We may, perhaps, arrange, according to
these thoughts, poets, so oalied, into the fol-
lowing classes : — There is, first, the feeble
rhymster, who has neither talent, nor clever-
i.ess, nor genius ; who has merely words,
plentiful or scarce, musical or harsh, to ex-
press commonplaces, or to echo> and echo ill,
the utterances of other writers. This man,
in describing a river, will call it the " beau-
tiful," the "lovely," or the "glittering"
stream. A mountain is, of course, the " lofty
and magnificent." The ocean is "the se-
rene," or " storm V," or " tremendous." The
sky is the " blue,^* the " deep," the "awful."
Then comes the clever copyist, the elegant
mimic of many or all styles, who has the
power of representing the effects of genius
so successfully, that he is sometimes mistaken
for a universal type of the class. This writer
will imitate Byron's "Address to the Rhine,"
Colerid^e*s " Ode to Mont Blanc," Pollok's
splendid "Apostrophe to the Ocean," and
Shelley's " Cloud or Skylark." The third is
the man of talent, the stern literal painter,
who represents, and represents accurately,
what he sees, neither less nor more, omitting
that ideal haze or halo which, to the eye of
imagination, every object wears. He will
faithfully enumerate the old castles which
crown the river's side, and forget none of the
fine seats which surround it, nor any of the
lakes which the mountain's brow commands.
nor any of the isles which gem the ocean's
breast, nor shall one of the stars of midnight
be dropped from his catalogue. The fourth
is the artist, who does look upon objects at
an ideal angle, and through the anointed and
anointing medium of a poet's eve, but does
not see them in their religious relation or uni-
versal bearings. The river to him, like the
Po to Byron, is the river of his " ladye-iove,"
and her image sleeps in and softens the
waters. The mountain is the mate of the
storm, and the nursery of the eagle, and the
stepping-stone for the genii of the elements,
as they pass alonff from zone to zone. The
ocean is the " melancholy main" of Thom-
son, melancholy in its everlasting wanderings
and the shipwrecks it is compelled to enact
and witness; or the " awful penitent" of Alex-
ander Smith, scourged by the relentless winds
for some secret and abysmal crime which its
every froth-drop feels, but which all its
tongues on all its shores are unable to re-
veal; and the sky is a high and vaulted
buckler "bossed" with stars. The fifth is
the prophet, who adds to the power where-
with the artist paints the imaginative or fan-
ciful aspects of nature and of man, an earn-
est conviction and a clear sight of the moral
purposes and lessons they are struggling to
teach, and sees all things under the solemn
chiaro-scuro of the Divinity. To him the
river suggests, now the " mighty stream of
moi'al tendency" stirred by the breath of
God, and now the "clear river springing
from under the throne of the Lamb." The
ocean is God's Eye, a steadfast watcher and
witness of the sins of earth, as it were mir-
roring them upwards to the moon, as she
wore softly and lingeringly to heaven. The
mountain b a pillar to the Eternal Throne, or
an altar for his worship. And the sky is the
dome of his temple, and the emblem of his
all-embracing protection and love. The last
variety is the philosophic poet, who tries, as
we have already seen, to form some grand
scheme of the universe, and to reflect it in
his poetry. Him the river reminds of the
Milky Way, and seems at once as mysterious
and as clear as that foaming cataract of suns,
and reflects the ever-fluid motion and recur-
rence of all things upon themselves. The
mountain will h€ an image of the steadfast
unity, which is as certain as the perpetual
progress of the creation; and the ocean
below, apparently capricious, but really fixed
in its movements, and the sky above, appa-
rently stiff as iron, but in reality changeable
as water, will tell him strange tidings, and
seem strange types of the resemblances and
1853.]
THOMAS MOORE AKD LORD JOHN RUSSELL.
485
tbe dissimilittidefl — ^the apparent difference
and real identity between what we call time
and what we call eternity.
The best and truest poets are, it seems to
OS, compounded of the elements of the three
last classes we have attempted thus to de-
scribe : these elements being found, of course,
existing in very different proportions. To
take some examples from modern times : —
Goethe is a compound of the artist and the
philosopher, having little or nothing of the
prophet. Wordsworth and Coleridge are
compounds of all three, the prophet some-
what predominating in the second, and the
philosopher in the first. Shelley combined,
like Goethe, somewhat of all three, but in
proportions unequal and disorganized ; and
this is true, also, with a modification as to
the degree of the disorganization, about fiailey
of " Festus ;" and with this, too, to be re-
membered, that, while Shelley had not come,
ere death, to believe in a Living Grod, and a
Divine-Human daviour, Bailey has always
believed i^ both. Tennyson, again, seems a
beautiful miniature of Goethe — the artist and
philosopher are both in him ; but both are
seen as if through a microscope, and with
not a trace of the prophetic element. Ma-
caulay, alike as poet and prose- writer, is
pure artist. So were Campbell, Rogers,
Scott, as a poet, and Crabbe. Leigh Hunt
is the artist, too, but with an almost invisible
tincture of the prophet and the philosopher.
Ebenezer Elliott had a little of the artist, and
a great deal more of the prophet. Byron
was one of the most powerful of artists. He
bad a strong, though uncultured, philosophic
tendency. He thought himself a prophet,
and he was, if the word '^ false" be prefixed
to the name. Wondrous was the sorcery of
his genius, but it was sorcery — strange the
spell and sweetness of his strain ; but they
were those of Balaam predicting from Mount
Peor the " rising of the Star out of Jacob,"
the coming of Christ from heaven, while all
the passions of hell were burning in his own
bosom. The perfect poet would include the
elements of artist, prophet, and philosopher,
in equal proportions and finest harmony, but
as yet echo must answer, ** Where is he ?"
We think that the subject of this article
was not entitled to the name even of artist,
according to our ideal of it ; that is, he was
not a poet able to feel and adequately to ex-
press the ** fine and volatile film constituting
the life of life, the gloss of joy, the light of
darkness, and the wild sheen of death ; that
fine or terrible something which is really
about the object, but which the eye of the
gifted only can see, even as in certain atmo-
spheres only the beams of the sun are visible."
His poetry is not eminently original, and his
sense even of beauty, far more of truth and
harmony, is not very deep. The loveliness
he principally admires and paints is of a mere-
tricious cast. His art, if we may be pardoned
a very bad pun, is rather an elegant art of
pottery than of poetry. There is something
essentially light, trivial, and purposeless about
all his brilliant workmanship, if workmanship
it can be called, and not rather a " frolic ar-
chitecture," like that of the morning mist or
the enraptured snow-drift. We have ranked
him rather with the second class in our list
— the airy mimic of more masculine and
powerful minds. We often see the clouds at
evening assume striking resemblances to the
mountains over which they rest, as if they
would be substantial if they could. Such a
similitude to poetry do Moore's productions
bear. They are like it, they are near it, they
seem to many something better than it, but
they are not it. We can conceive the ambi-
tious member of a fairy family, such as the
White Lady of Avenel, aspiring to be one of
the human race, to throb with their great
passions, to assume their strong incarnation,
and to share in their immortal destinies ; and
the apparent success and ultimate failure of
the impossible endeavor might furnish^ a
lively type of Moore's unsuccessful ambition
— '• I also would be a poet." We need not
add, that to prophetic earnestness and to
philosophic depth he does not even pretend.
The merely mechanical powers of the poet
are abundantly his. An ordinary painter may
possess a richer box of colors than Titian,
and wield a finer brush than Raphael. Moore
has great wealth of language, great fluency
and sweetness of versification, much fine
imagery, and great freedom, and ease, and
grace of movement. His language is not,
indeed, of the choicest kind, nor will it bear
very close analysis; his versification is too
lusciously sweet — it has not the psalm-like
swell of our higher poets, nor the linnet^like
gushes of others ; it is at best a guitar played
by a high- bom cavalier to a beauty under an
eve of Italy. His imagery is too sensuous
and too abundant in proportion to the thought
it has to represent, and his movement is
rather that of a dance than that of a race,
or a walk, or a winged sweep through the
gulfs of ether. In constructive faculty he
is not deficient, but not eminently gifted.
The wholes he makes are little, not large —
stories, not epics or dramas. Still, as more
people love to see an opera-girl dancing thao
486
THOMAS MOORE AND liORD JOHN BUBSEIX.
[Dec.»
to see an eagle sailing through the " azure
deep of air ; as more people love to hear a
Bong from the lips' of a fine lady, than ihe
chant of a monologizing Coleridge, so the
generality of the public have always delighted
more in Moore than in the real masters of the
art. He has tickled, soothed, melted, lapped
them in luxurious sentimentalism ; and like a
lover seduced by the charms of one whom
his deeper nature despises, have they yielded
to the fascination. And to this his faults
have contributed even more than his merits.
In thorough knowledge of where his great
strength lay, he sought the subject of his two
principal poems among the fanciful mytholo-
gies and meretricious manners of the East.
There Byron too, Southey, Beckford, Hope,
and Scott, have gone for inspiration ; and they
have all mated with those parts of the sub-
ject which ber^t suited their idiosyncrasy.
Byrofi has monopolized the sun-heated pas-
sions of love and revenge which burn in those
sweltering climes. Southey and Beckford
have coped with their darker shapes of su-
perstition, and have gone down, the one into
Padalon, and the other into the more tremen-
dous hall of Eblis. Hope has in '' Anas-
tasius" caught the tone of Oriental manners,
and painted powerfully the scenery of Turkey
and Greece ; and Scott, in the " Talisman,"
has fulfilled the very difficult task of at once
contrasting and harmonizing into beautiful
artistic efl^ct the religion and customs of East
and West, as they met together for a season
on the " perilous edge" of the Crusades.
Moore, on the other hand, has chosen the
more fantastic of the religious dreams, and
the more luxurious of the social habits, and
the lighter of the poetic measures which pre-
vail in Persia and India, and out of them
Constructed the slight, but delicate and daz-
zling, structures of " Lalla Rookh" and the
" Loves of the Angels."
On the special merits and defects of these
two poems, we need not dwell. They are
just rhymed ** Arabian Nights' Entertain-
ments," without the nature, however, the
simplicity, and the humor of those extraor-
dinary tales. More delightful reading for
loungers under such Syrian heats as are at
present burning over our heads cannot be
conceived. But those who have once read
seldom recur to them, and few of their lines
ever recur to men's minds. We, at least,
remember only a certain vague, delicious
emotion, which seems like a sweet sin to the
recollection ; and we feel as if, upon rising
up from their raptured perusal, Homer, Mil-
ton, and Wordsworth must have looked down
from their busts upon us with indignation
and scorn.
Nor need we discuss elaborately the merits
or defects of his early love-poems, once so
popular, and deemed so pernicious, now so
seldom read, and so lightly esteemed : — of
his songs, those perfumed and tender madri-
gals of sentimental love and skin-deep pa-
triotism; beautiful exceedingly, no doubt, in
their way, but how far inferior to those of
Burns in variety, in nature, and in Doric
strength ; to those of Scott in boldness and
bardic fire ; to those of Campbell in exquisite
finish and pathos ; and to those of Bulwer in
classic polish and dignity ! — or of his political
squibs, " The Fudge Family," " The Two-
penny Post-baff,"and '^Cash, Corn, Currency,
and Catholics, which display in full strength
his most characteristic qualities; those, name-
ly, of a wit nearly as rich as that of Butler,
Swift, and Byron, but infinitely better pol-
ished and better natured ; a humor,- waggish,
genial ; and a certain high 'bred, aristocratic
air, which adds a peculiar flavor to his hu-
morous sarcasm, and pungency to his witty
contempt. He is a polite murderer, a smil-
ing assassin. He kisses ere he kills ; he bows
to his victim ere he leads him to the altar,
and ere, as with an oiled dagger, he stabs
him to the heart. His prose has all the de-
fects of his poetry, and not all its merits. It
is equally florid and eloquent, but infinitely
inferior in grace, finish, and felicity.
We have left ourselves, we find, little space
to speak of the manner in which Lord John
Kussell has executed his task, or of the char-
acter of Moore, the man, as revealed in the
copious diary here preserved. The first has
very generally disappointed the public. Lord
John has done but little in these volumes,
and that little not well. The glorious scenery
near Callender, where a great part of the
book was written, has failed to mspire him.
He has evidently had little heart for the worL
On the other hand, Moore's character neither
rises nor sinks much, at least in our estima-
tion. We think him still, as we thought him
long ago, an excessively clever, a warm-
hearted, and generous man, whose early
errors were atoned for by his well- spent age,
but who had no great depth of soul, and who
was the bound slave of a clique in literature.
His estimates of contemporary genius are
more or less contemptuous and contemptible.
He admits Lamb to be a " clever fellow,"
and Coleridge to have ** told a tolerable story
or two." He dilates on Wordsworth's vanity,
and does not appreciate the high estimate he
set on the genius of Burke, who, in Words-
1853.]
THOMAS MOORE AND LORD JOHN RUSSELL
487
worth'si opinion and ours, was superior to all
the statesmen and orators of that and the
next age put together. And he seems ac-
tually to believe the old silly story, that
Greenfield was the main author of the Waver-
ley Novels.
As we hear this stupid tale echoed by our
excellent contemporary the '* Eclectic/' we
beg leave to pause for a moment to express
our profound discredit of its truth, and our
regret that it should be revived at preRent.
Greenfield was a roan who had to quit Scot-
land from suspicion of unnatural crimes, and
to spend the rest of his life under hiding.
Was this a man to write novels, on the whole
so pure, and humane, and virtuous as the
Waverley series ? We believe the roan had
not morale to have written one of their chap-
ters. And where, in any of them, are there
traces which speak of a broken character, a
bankrupt reputation, a cloud so horrible as
was resting on him ? Greenfield died about
the time of the appearance of ** Quentin
Durward," and some wiseacres found out that
from that date the novels began to fall off;
and we remember one malignant ninny, in
the New Monthly Magazine, openly averring
that the " Tales of the Crusaders" (includ-
ing, let us remember, the **• Talisman," his
finest piece of art) were by another and an
inferior hand. Let us remember, too, that
Scdtt repeatedly asserted that he was the
sole and undivided author ; and that we be-
lieve the MSS., written out in his own hand,
are still extant. Our Eclectic friend tells
some cock-and-bull story about a clergyman
and lady on the Border in reference to this
matter. We call on him to lose no time in
producing their names, and thus give the
public an opportunity of sifting the case to
the bottom. Of the re >ult we have no doubt.
Of course, as in all such stories, Greenfield,
we are told, left a lot of MS. after his death,
which came, like the rest, into Scott's hands ;
and he, not Sir Walter, is the author of the
" Fair Maid of Perth," and the " Highland
Widow ;" and we suppose our brave country-
man died transcribing with staggering hand
ihe MS. of the *' Infamous Exile 1" This
*' will never do,'' any more than to tell us
that the poems and the novels are from dif-
ferent pens, after what Adolphus has writ-
ten ; or that Scott had no time to write the
latter, after Basil Hall has proved that he,
a bustling man of the world and copious
litterateur, wrote habitually in his journal
alone an amount of matter more than equal
to what was pouring annually from the
Waverley press. The author of this paper
is certain that, although seldom writing more
than four hours a-day, and having a hundred
private and public duties besides, he writes
regularly in the year as much as would fill
ten of the small volumes in which the Wa-
verley series at first appeared — a number this,
be it remarked, larger than was the usual
issue of these matchless tales. It was the
quality, not the quantity, of the novels that
made the marvel. But Scott is known never
to have written so well as when he wrote
fast. We are jealous generally of all such
attempted transferences of literary property.
We are in a particular manner jealous, for
" dear auld Scotland's sake," of these tales,
which are her real chronicle and crown, and
think that, instead of multiplying suspicion
by suspicion, and charging conjecture on con-
jecture, nothing but the strongest evidence
could have justified any such disagreeable and
disenchanting assertion.
The days, thank God, of Moores, and such
as Moore, are numbered. A butterfly bard
like him would not have attracted a tithe of
the notice, if he had not appeared early in
a/ istocratic " bowers," and unless, unlike other
butterflies, he had worn a sting. This age
requires its satirists as well as its poets ; but
the satirists should be of a purer, stronger
type, and the poets of a deeper and a more
high-strung lyre. Let the history of Thomas
Moore be a lesson to our young bards. Let
it teach them to fill their minds with sacred
principles, and their hearts with holy fire, ere
they lift their voices. Let them aim also at
a high, stern, calm philosophy, in the true
eense of that much-abused term, as well as
at a lyrical enthusiasm ; for only on these
conditions can they outlive the brief morning
gleam of a raw reputation, and enter on the
golden noon-day of a steadfast and ever-
burning fame.
P.S. — Since writing this paper, we have
read Croker's paper on Moore, in the Quar-
terly; and, while granting that much of it
seems terribly true, and tending deeply to
damage the poet's reputation, we must de-
nounce the almost diabolic spirit which
breathes in its every line. Over follies, sins,
and mistakes, what a portentous chuckle does
be raise!
488
WOLFOAKG AMADSUB MOZART.
[Dec.,
From Slisa Cook*t Journal.
WOLFGANG AMADEUS MOZART
Mozart, the great muttical composer, was
unquestionably a bom genius. Genius comes
we know not how — like the wind, it blows
whither it listeth — and springs up alike in
the hut of the poor man and in the chamber
of the rich. Mozart's father was valet-mu-
sician to the Archbishop of Salzburg* This
was a position of mean servitude, but he
ultimately raised himself from it to the office
of vice- conductor of the orchestra. He was
a man of considerable intelligence, and was
much esteemed for hfs proficiency in his art
— though he stuck to the old ruts, and never
ventured upon untrodden paths in harmony.
He was not a genius in music, like his son,
but a diligent student and a laborious learner.
To his son, the child Mozart, born in 1756,
music came like an inspiration. It first dis-
played itself when he was only three years
old, when he delighted himself by striking
thirds on the clavitre, and enjoying the mu-
siciil harmony thus produced. At four, his
father began giving him lessons : he did it at
first in sport, but the child learned rapidly,
and in learning to play he learned to compose.
Music was a kind of natural language to him.
The knowledge of melody, rhythm, and sym-
metry, which others acquire with difficulty,
came to him as it were by intuition. While
only four years old he composed little pieces
of music, which his father, doubtless proud
of his precocious child, wrote down for him ;
and the pieces are still preserved. We ven-
ture to say that the little Mozart's health
was not improved by this too early excite-
ment of his bsain. But what parent thinks
of this while admiring the up-springing of
genius in his child ? We are told, indeed,
that the boy's sensitiveness was extreme : he
would ask those about him ten times a day
whether they loved him ; and if they jesting-
ly replied in the negative, his eyes would fill
with tears. Sensitiveness is, indeed, a source
of great joy, but also of acute sorrow, espe-
cially in the young. There are compensa-
tions in all states of being.
Such a prodigy was not to be neglected.
There was money to be made by him. The
father took him to the Bavarian Court when
he was six years old, and had him exhibited
there. Of course, every body was astonished.
The wonderful child proceeded to write con-
certos with a full score of accompaniments,
and even '< trumpets and drums.*' Perhapa
this last accompaniment, however, is a bio-
graphical flourish ; for the early scores of
Mozart which have been preserved show
thst in his accompaniments be confined him-
self to oboes, bassoons and horn».
The family returned to Salzburg, when the
boy Mozart began to learn the violin. His
fingers being not yet long enough to grasp the
neck of the ordinary instrument, a very small
one was procured for him. Before he had
received regular lessons on the instrument*
a quartette party met at bis father's house
one day, when the little Wolfganff entreated
that he mieht play the second violin. The
father would not hear of it, as the boy bad
had no instruction on the violin. But the
latter replied that to play a second violin
?art it was not necessary to be instructed,
he father at this became impatient, and or-
dered him to go away and not disturb them.
The boy cried bitterly, on which the others
entreated he might be allowed to accompany
the quartette. The father consented, only
on condition that Wolfgang was not to make
a noise. But so wonderfully did the little
boy play, that Herr Senachtur, who played
the second violin, soon laid down his instru-
ment, finding himself quite superfluous. The
father could not suppress his tears.
More exhibitions ! Another tour of con-
certs was projected by the father, who car-
ried his son and daughter first to Passau and
Linz, and then on to Vienna. The boy was
the pet of the ladies every where ; and the
musical prodigy was the theme of general
conversation. It was a wonder the boy's
brain stood it all. At Vienna the prodigy
was introduced to their Majesties, and played
before them. Little Wolfgang " sprang into
the lap of the Empress, took her round the
neck, and kissed her very heartily." To-day
at the court, to-morrow at the French am-
1853]
WOLFOAKG AMABSUS MOZART.
489
bassador'sy next day at some great count's,
fetched and sent back " in the carriages of
the nobility" — so writes the happy father.
The little musician is dressed in a coat of
lily color, of the finest cloth, with double
broad gold borders, originally made for the
Archduke Maximilian. The Emperor chIIs
him *' the little magician," the Empress gives
him '* nods and wreathed smiles," and all
pet and praise the wonderful prodigy. His
organization still continued most delicate,
and his nervous susceptibility increased so
much that the sound of a trumpet would al-
most throw him into convulsions. His father
thought to cure him by accustoming him to
the sound, and one day commenced the expe-
riment. At the first blast the child turned
pale and sank to the ground ; he was with
difficulty recovered, and the father desisted
from the further prosecution of his '* cure."
In the year 1763, when the boy was about
eight years old, and had made great im-
provement in music, by almost constant
practice, the whole family set out on a mu-
sical tour of Europe. They went to Munich,
Augsburg, Heidelberg, Frankfort, Mayence,
Bonn, and Aixla-Chapelle — at some places
making money, at others losing it. The fa-
ther, in one of his letters to a friend at Salz-
burg, writes— "At Aix-la-Chapolle there
was the Princess Amelia, sister of the King
of Prussia. She has, however, no money.
If the kisses that she gave my children,
especially to Master Wolfgang, had been
louts d*or8, we should have been well off;
but neither hosts nor postmasters will take
kisses for current coin." The family pro-
ceeded to Paris, where they were favorably
received. The little Mozart played before
the Court at Versailles. His organ perform-
ance in the Chapel Royal was even more ad-
mired than his playing on the claviere. He
also gave several public concerts in Paris,
where he published his first works — two sets
of sonatos for the claviire and violin. Por-
traits of the family were engraved, poems
were written upon them, and they became
quite the rage. " The people are all crazy
about my children," wrote the father to a
friend.
Those who would know something of the
deplorable state of society in France at the
period of the Mozarts' visit, some twenty
years before the breaking out of the Revolu-
tion, may learn some cunous information on
the subject in Mozart the father's letters to
his friends. He found domestic society with-
out virtue, but abounding in " etiquette ;"
profligacy among the courtiers and nobility.
and beggary and wretchedness among the
people; and in a prophetic strain the old
man wrote thurf, looking at the scenes trans-
acted around him — " If there is not a special
mercy of Qod, it will one day fare with the
state of France as of old with the kingdom
of Persia." Once, when at Court at Ver-
sailles, the Mozarts alone *' had the way
cleared for them to the royal table," the
Swiss guard marching hefore them. Wolf-
gang stood near the Queen, chatting with and
amusing her, now and then eating something
which she gave him from the table, or kiss-
ing her hand. Madame de Pompadour was
the reigning beauty at the time, but she
would not allow the little Mozart to kiss her ;
on which the boy exclaimed, rather angrily,
'* Who is this that will not kiss me ? The
Empress kissed me."
The Court, however, forgot to pay the
Mozarts, for the royal exchequer was not
over well supplied in those days, notwith-
standing the odious and burdensome taxes
which were levied on the people. The Mo-
zarts, therefore, set out for England, the land
of money. They reached London in April,
1764, remainipg there for a year. They
lodged in Frith street, Soho. Their Majes-
ties heard both the children play before
them, and also were present at the boy's
performance on the royal organ in Windsor
Chapel. Then the family gave a public con-
cert, which was very well patronized, and
proved very profitable. Shortly after, a
charity concert was given, at which the
young Mozart gave his gratuitous services.
•' I have permitted Wolfgang," writes the
father, " to play the British pctriot, and per-
form an organ concerto on this occasion.
Observe, this is the way to gain the love of the
English" The boy went forward with his
composition, and published several sets of
sonatas while in London, which produced
money for the father. Such was the char-
acter of these compositions, that the Honor-
able Daines Barungton strongly suspected
that the boy's youth was exaggerated by his
father; but one day, while on a visit to the
family, the child's-nature of the little Mo-
zart unmistakably showed itself. ''Whilst
playing to me," writes Barrington, " a favor-
ite cat came in, on which he left his harpsi-
chord, nor could we bring him back for a
considerable time. He would also sometimes
run about the room with a stick between his
legs by way of a horse." But to place the
matter beyond a doubt, Barrington obtained
the certificate of the boy's birth thVough the
Bavarian ambassador, by which his repv'
490
WOLFGANG AMADEUB HOZABT.
[Dec.,
tion as a musical prodigy was completely
established. Bat the Londoners were soon
satiated with the little Mozart's performances,
and his concerts failed to draw. The family,
therefore, went abroad again, and while at
the Hague, both of the children were nearly
carried off by disease, doubtless the conse-
quence of the feverish state of excitement in
which they were kept by their exhibitions.
Rest, however, enabled thera to rally, and
they went on as before, giving concerts in
all the large towns they passed through, at
length reaching Salzburg, their native place,
about the end of the year 1766.
Now he gave himself up to study and
hard practice in the works of the great mas-
ters, composing music of various kinds, —
masses, cantatas, concertos, sonatas, and
symphonies, which he threw off with most
amazing fertility. He remained, however,
only a year at home; and we 6nd him
again at Vienna, performing before the
court with great iclat. He was now twelve
years of age ; and fortunately at this time he
entered with great vivacity into youthful
sports, taking especial delight in fencing,
horsemanship, billiards, and dancing, by
which his physical constitution became
strengthened, and the excessive sensitiveness
of his nervous system was in some measure
subdued. The professional musicians of
Vienna viewed the youthful genius with
great suspicion and jealousy, and entered
into cabals against him, which for a time
were successful. To retrieve his position,
his father determined on bringing out an*
original opera of his son's composition, and
it was commenced forthwith. It was soon
written. La Finta Semplice it was called ;
but to get it put upon the stage was a mat-
ter of the greatest difficulty. The cabal of
the musicians pursued the Mozarts into the
theatre, and delays, excuses, evaded pro-
mises, purposely confused rehearsals, soon
effectually blasted the success of the work.
Mozart's father appealed to the Emperor,
who interfered, but in vain. The intrigue
against Mozart prevailed, and the opera
could not be brought out. But the boy
went on with other compositions, and a new
mass composed by him was performed in
presence of the court, to their entire satis-
faction.
The family returned to Salzburg, where
Wolfgang prosecuted his studies in the higher
departments of composition, and also im-
proved his acquaintance with the Italian
language.' He was appointed concert- master
to the Archbishop, and wrote many of his
masses about this time. But be ardently
desired to visit Italy, then the land of clas-
sical music and of great composers ; and ac-
cordingly he and his father set out for Rome,
passing through Verona, Mantua, Cremona,
Milan, and Bologna, giving concerts by the
way, to which the Italians cn>wded to hear
the Giovenetto Ammirahile. They arrived in
Rome in the Holy Week, and they hurried
to the Sistine Chapel to hear the famous
Miserere, which musicians were forbidden to
copy or take away on pain of excommunica-
tion. But the little prodigy copied down the
piece on hearing it the first time, though the
music is of the most difficult kind, abounding
in imitation and traditional effects, and per-
formed by a double choir. Mozart heard it
a second time, when he corrected his MS.
which he had concealed in his hat. It was
soon known in Rome that the unexampled
theft of the Miserere had been effected, and
the boy was obliged to produce it at a large
musical party, when one of the principal
musicians of the chapel confirmed its correct-
ness. The generous Italians were so much
delighted at the feat of genius in the boy,
that they did not call upon the Pope to ex-
communicate the culprit.
From Rome the Mozarts went to Naples,
where they made the acquaintance of Nel-
son's Lady Hamilton, played before the King,
and excited a perfect /wrortf amongst the ex-
citable Italians. They returned to Rome,
and went on to Milan, the boy composing at
intervals, gathering strength, and imbuing
his mind deeply with the noble church music
of Italy. At Milan he stayed to compose
the first opera of his which was represented
on the stage. It was the Mithridates, and
was performed twenty times successively at
La Scala, amid hurricanes of applause. On
their way home by Venice the Mozarts led a
gay life, receiving a succession of honors,
entertainments, and polite attentions of all
sorts. On reaching Salzburg, Mozart found
a letter waiting him, inviting him to compose
a grand dramatic sei'enata in honor of the
nuptials of the Archduke Ferdinand, and
which was to be performed at Milan in the
autumn. To throw off a work of this sort
was now a trifle to Mozart, who found time
besides to write a liUny, a regina casli, and
several symphonies in the interval. The
serenata was composed and brought out with
immense klat at Milan at the time appointed,
Hasse, the composer, and therival of Handel
and Porpora, exclaiming, when he heard the
work, **This boy will throw us all into the
shade." Two other works, one a serenata,
1858.]
WOLFGANa AMADSUB MOZABT.
401
the other an opera, {Lucio Silla,) were pro-
duced hy him at the Milan Theatre shortly
after; and he proceeded diligently in the
work of self-culture and improvement. Short-
ly after, he returned again to Salzburg, from
whence he proceeded to Munich to bring out
his opera buffa La Finta Otardinieray which
was a great advance upon his previous com-
positions in the same style. Noth withstand-
ing these numerous brilliant works, and the
profusion of sonatas, concertos, masses, and
other pieces which he composed for the'
theatres and for the Archbishop of Salzburg's
concerts, Mozart had to struggle with pover-
ty. He reaped little from liis operas but
honor, and the pay which he received from
the Archbishop for several years was only
about £l Is. a year! Still he wrote on,
determined at least to deserve success. But
he would not stay longer at Salzburg, where he
found he was only losing time ; and in the year
1777 he accordingly left his native town —
where he had always been the least appreci-
ated— in search of better fortune. He was on
this occasion accompanied by his mother
only, his father remaining at home to perform
the duties of his ill-remunerated office of
capel'Tneister.
Mozart was now twenty -one years of age,
but had still the look of a mere boy. Yet
his letters written to his father in the course
of this sixteen months' tour show that he
was possessed of much spirit, vivacity, and
intelligence. His letters are full of character,
and display strong powers of observation, as
well as great felicity in description. The
first place he sojourned at was Munich,
but though he delighted the court by his
performances, he could obtain no footing in
the place, and passed on by Augsburg to
Mannheim. Here his reputation was known,
and he excited some interest. At a rehear-
sal which he attended, people stared at him
in such a fashion that he could hardly preserve
his gravity. " They think," said he, '• because
I am little and young, that nothing great or
old can be in me, but they shall soon seeJ**
One Sunday he went to the Elector's Chapel,
when, after mass had begun, Mozart pro-
ceeded to take his place at the organ. '' I
was in my best humor," said he. ^* There
is always a voluntary here in the place of the
Benedictus, so 1 took a phrase from the
Sanctus and fugued upon it. There they
all stood making faces." Another time he
went into the Lutheran church and played
for an hour and a half on the organ in a state
of ecstasy : '< It came right from the heart,"
said he. His criticism on a new mass, by
one Vogler, is curious. " I stayed," says he,
" no longer than the Kyrie. Such music I
•never before heard in my life ; for not only
is the harmony frequently wrong, but he
goes into keys as if he would tear one in by the
hair of the head; not in an artist-like man-
ner, or in any way that would repay the
trouble, but plump and without preparation."
Mozart was admired at court, but he found
court patronage so beggarly nn affair at best,
then and always, that he contemplated leav-
ing Mannheim for Paris, to gain his living by
teaching. But he made a last effort to ob-
tain work from the Elector, — for " work,"
said the ardent composer, 'Ms my pleasure."
The Elector, however, would do nothing for
him, except invite him to play at court, and
accept original compositions from the com-
poser, which he forgot to pay for. At last,
Mozart, finding his prospects vain, set out for
Paris. But the change was even for the
worse. Mozart hated Paris. He found the
Parisians artificial, heartless, vicious,and with-
out any feeling or love for music. The French
paid Mozart in compliments only; he suc-
ceeded in obtaining three pupils, one of them
the daughter of a duke, but had he relied on
teaching, he would have starved ; he com-
posed symphonies fpr open-air concerts, but,
though well received, they produced but
little. At this time his mother died ; an ear-
nest invitation from his father reached him to
return to Salzburg, where the Archbishop
was willing to engage him as his concert-
master, at the liberal salary of £42 a year !
The Archbishop, however, accompanied his
invitation with the insulting remark that " he
could not endure the wandering about on beg-
ging expeditions," which was a hint to the
Mozarts that they must confine themselves
to Salzburg and the Archbishop's miserable
parsimony. On these prospects the young
Mozart consented to return to Salzburg.
It was from this period of settling down
at Salzburg as the Archbishop's concert-
master that the grand genius of Mozart
fairly burst forth. Heretofore he had ap-
peared rather in the light of a musical
prodigy, possessed of remarkably precocious
powers, both of composition and execution,
than as a great origir^al creator in music.
The first work which he composed after re-
turning to Salzburg was the mass, known as
No. 1 of the English editions. It was a
thoroughly original and striking work, and
exhibited a marked advance in his genius
within a very few months. But his fir^t
grand work in the field in which he after-
wards became the most extensively known —
492
WOLFGANG AMADEUB MOZABT.
[Deo.,
we mean the operatic — was his Idomeneo, a
work which is throughout stamped with the
genius of a master. He was engaged to
compose this work by the Elector of Bavaria,
and it was to be performed at the next car-
nival at Munich. The Archbishop allowed
him leave of absence for a few weeks to bring
out the piece. He composed it with an
amazing rapidity, the most important parts
having been deferred until he knew the cah'bre
of the singers. This was his almost universal
practice. His father wrote to him,—'* Con-
aider that for every dozen real connoisseurs,
there are a hundred wholly ignorant; there-
fore, do not overlook the popular in your
style of composition, nor forget to tickle the
long ears." To which the son answered,—
"Don't be apprehensive respecting the favor
of the crowd; there will be music for all
sorts of people in my opera, but nothing for
long tars:' And it was, so. The opera was
written in the highest style ; and though it
delighted the classical ear, it also secured
the applause of the crowd. It was produced
amidst the wildest enthusiasm. Never was
there such a triumph. With this work, so
important in its influence on music, Mozart
crowned his twenty-fifth yetr.
We next find him at Vienna, in the train
of his Archbishop. He is set down at Uble
with cooks and valets, and treated as the
veriest menial. Such was the ordinary
conduct of princes towards their gifted fol-
lowers in those days. Poor Michael Haydn,
the composer, was one day ordered by his
princely employer, Esterhazy, to produce
duets for the violin and viola before a certain
day, and was threatened with the loss of his
aalary in case of fail«ire. Haydn was at the
time too ill to work, so Mozart took them in
band, completed them, and they were pre-
sented in Haydn's name. They were remark-
ably successful, but Mozart never claimed
them. The gifted genius at length, however,
revolted against the beggarly insults which
his employer put upon him, and he deter-
mined to assert his independence at all
hazards. He threw up his degradinjr oflSce,
began to take pupils at five shillings a
lesson, Rud set up as a musical professor
and composer on his own account, throwing
himself upon the public for fame and support.
It was, however, rather too early in the
world's history for that, and Mozart endured
a long struggle with poverty and difficul-
ties. To add to them, he married a
wife— Constance Weber — to whom he had
been long attached. Mozart was beset by
the clamors of creditors, whose demands
he could not satisfy, and often he was in
extremity for the means of supplying his
present urgent wants. The Emperor Joseph
heard of this, and one day said to Mozart,
" Why did you not marry a rich wife ?**
To which the composer, with that dignity
and self-reliance which characterize all bis
answers to the great, immediately replied,
"Sire, I trust that my genius will always
enable me to support the woman I love."
In 1782, Mozart produced his fine opera
Die EntfUhrung au9 dem Serail, which
proved completely successful, and put some
money in his purse. In this opera he
struck out so entirely new a path, that it
could scarcely be believed to have pro-
ceeded from the same pen as Idomtneo,
He now lived in a delirum of invention,
often working so hard that, as he expresses
it, he scarcely knows whether his head is
on or off. This led to extreme reaction,
from which he sought relief in dissipation
and extravagant amusements, meanwhile
composing masses, concertos, and operas,
almost without number. His holidays were
days of jovial abandonment, in which he
jested and played the harlequin, danced
and sang, drank, and revelled to his own
serious after-cost. Had Mozart been con-
tented to settle quietly down in Vienna as
a music teacher, he might have avoided
these penalties; but then we should have
lost the fruits of his magnificent genius.
Let us be content, and deal gently with
the errors and vagaries of the great com-
poser. Mozart, in his fits of composition,
lived in a stale of the most feverish anx-
iety, and in his later years, when his oon-
stitution was less able to answer the
demands made upon it by the irregularity
of his life, it was no unusual thing for him
to faint at his desk.
Mozart's next great works were, his Fi-
garo, which was produced at Vienna in
1786, but proved so unremuneratlve to the
author, and was so discouraging to him in all
respects, that he resolved never more to pro-
duce an opera at Vienna ; his Symphony in
D — a great work, well known in England ;
and his famous Quartettes in C major and D
minor. His Figaro, which had fallen com-
paratively fiat on the ears of the cognoscenti
of Vienna, excited such extraordinary enthu-
siasm at Prague, where it was next produced,
that Mozart was encouraged to proceed with
the composition of another opera, his equally
celebrated Don Giovanni, which was pro-
duced at the same city in 1787, with immense
Mat It is cited as an extraordinary instance
1853.]
WOLFGANG AMADEUS MOZABT.
498
of the wonderfal power of Mozart in compo-
sition, that the fine overture to the opera was
not in existence on the night previous to the
production of the piece. It was onlj com-
menced about midnight, and with the aid of
strong punch it was written out by the
morning. The copyists had it in hand up to
the hour at which the opera was to commence,
and the sheets were placed before the musi-
cians in the orchestra while the ink was still
damp. The overture, as well as the opera
itself, proved completely successful. Bui
Mozart only received about one hundred
ducats for this great work.
The Emperor of Austria, m order to draw
Mozart — whose fame was now so great —
back to Vienna, offered him the post of
Chamber Composer to the Court, at the
munificent salary of £06 per annum, which
Mozart was glad to accept ! Such was the
low rate of remuneration paid to the greatest
of musical geniuses in those days. In this
office he composed multitudes of minuets,
waltzes, and country-dance tunes — most of
them insignificant, but done "to order."
About the same time he produced some of
bis grandest symphonies; as, for instance,
the Jupiter, showing that his hand still re-
tained its cunning, and his mind its power.
Yet these grander compositions of his were
altogether unappreciated by the public of his
day. ,They were considered quite outre and
extravagant, at variance with all the estab-
lished laws of music. Mozart was, indeed,
far before his age, and it took nearly half a
century before the world came up to where
he had left off. The music publishers* shops
were closed to him, and they refused to ac-
cept* his compositions unless he would write
them in a popular style. To such an appeal
he once answered, with unusual bitterness —
*' Then I can make no more by my pen, and
I had better starve and go. to destruction at
once." He began to think of death, and to
long for it. His thoughts became desperate,
and his habits reckless. Any change of
scene was welcome to him, and he indulged
in the wildest vagaries. His income became
more irregular in consequence, but he did not
cease his dissipations ; and his life threatened
to become a wreck. Overworked and ill-
rewarded, he sought to throw off the cares
of vulgar existence by resorting to balls,
masquerades, and dancing parties of all sorts.
He composed pantomimes and ballets, and
danced in them himself. At the carnival
balls he generally assumed the character of
Harlequin or Pierrot, in which he is said to
have been incomparable. Notwithstanding
this dangerous round of excitements, with
which our colder northern notions cannot
sympathize, he preserved a steady attach-
ment to his own home ; and in spite of his
poverty, he was always liberal of his time
and labor for the benefit of his poorer bre-
thren in the musical profession. " Nothing,*'
says one of his biographers, " could extin-
guish his compassion for the unfortunate."
Mozart paid a visit to Berlin in 1789, on
which occasion the Prussian monarch was
urgent that he should settle in that city, and
he offered him the temptation of a good sal-
ary. But Mozart's reply was, " Can I leave
my good emperor?" — the good emperor
being the Austrian Francis, whose treatment
of Mozart throughout, though kindly in man-
ner, was shabby in the extreme. After his
return to Yienna, in the following year, he
produced his comic opera, Cost fan tutte. It
could have brought him little money, or, if
so, it was soon spent ; for shortly after, on
making a professional visit to Frankfort, his
finances were reduced so low that his wife
was obliged to sell the most valuable articles
of her toilet to enable him to set out. Debts
began to accumulate about him, and he was
often thrown into fits of deep dejection on
their account. Yet, even at this time, if any
person called on him with a tale of distress,
he would willingly give up all the money in
his purse. In worldly business, like so many
other men of genius, Mozart was as helpless
as a child.
During his later years his 'genius became
so generally acknowledged throughout G<^r-
many, Holland, and France, and so many
commissions foi^ original works flowed in
upon him, that he began to indulge in the
prospects of competency for his family —
only, alas! when too late. The last works
which he composed were the Zauberfldtte,
Clemema di Tito, and the Requiem. It was
while composing the Zauherflotte that his
constitution began to exhibit symptoms of
breaking up. During its composition, which
he worked at by day and night, he sank into
frequent swoons, in which he remained for
some time before consciousness returned.
He suspended his labors for a time, produc-
ing in the interval, at Baden, his beautiful
Ave Verum, The Clemema di Tito was
composed for the coronation of the Emperor
Leopold at Prague. He composed it in eight-
een days, and during the whole time he was
ill, and taking medicine incessantly. The
Requiem was also engrossing his thoughts,
and ho had the conviction from the first,
that he was writing it for himself. Such
404
THE HOLT PLACEBL
[Dec.,
was the excitement its composition caused,
that his wife took awaj the score of the Be-
quiem, and he seemed to rally again. Some
time after, it was restored to him, and his
illness came on again. His hands and feet
began to swell, and the power of voluntary
motion almost left him. His intellectual fac-
ulties, however, remained unimpaired, and
he could not restrain his passionate exclama-
tions as to the unprotected state in which his
death would leave his wife and children.
'' Now must I go,'' he would exclaim, *' just
as I should be able to live in peace — now
leave my art when, no longer the slave of
fashion, nor the tool of speculators, I could
follow the dictates of my own feeling, and
write whatever my heart prompts : 1 must
leave my family — my poor children — ^at the
very instant in which I should have been
able to provide for their welfare."
The Requiem lay almost constantly on his
bed ; and he excited himself in explaining,
to certain musicians who visited him, the
particular effects which he wished to produce
in certain passages. Once they sang the
Requiem round the dying composer's bed,
himself taking the alto part. While singing
the first bars of the Laerymosa, Mozart was
seized with a violent fit of weeping, and the
score was put aside. It was his last expir-
ing effort ; the light was already flickering
m the socket. That night he died, the Re-
quiem laid on the counterpane.
Mozart was only thirty-five when he died;
yet how many sreat and enduring works has
he left us ! His funeral was arranged by
Baron von Levieten ; but it was shabby to
the extent of meanness. He was laid by his
royal patrons in a common grave in a com-
mon burying- ground near Vienna, and was
left there without a mark upon his resting-
place ; and twenty years after, when an in-
quiry was made of the sexton as to where
Mozart was buried, it was found that all
traces of his grave had been lost amidst the
surrounding heaps of undistinguished dead.
The only monument of the great composer
is his works.
-•«•-
•♦♦-
From the Qnarterly Review.
THE HOLY PLACES.*
Br one of those sudden turns of history
which from time to time take the world by
surprise, the whole attention of Europe,
after an interval of more than five centuries,
has once more been fixed on the *' Holy
Places" of the Eastern world. That "mourn-
ful and solitary silence" which, with the
brief exception of 1799 and 1840, has for
more than five hundred years "prevailed
along the shore" of Palestine, is once more
broken by the sound of " the worid's debate,"
by the mighty controversy which, beginning
from the wrangles of Greek and Latin monks
* 1. Solution Nouvelle de la Question dea Lieux
Saints. Par M. TAbb^ J. M. Michon. Paris. 1862.
2. Bethlehem inFalestina. Yon Dr. Titna Tobler.
a Gall. 1849
8. Oolgaiha, Seine Kirchen und Kldater. Yon
Dr. TitoB Tobler. a GalL 1861.
4. Die Siloahquelle und der Oelbercf. Yon Dr.
Titna Tobler. S. Gall. 1862.
over the key of the Convent of Bethlehem,
and the dome of the Church of the Holy
Sepulchre, has now enclosed within its circle
the statesmen of all the greatest powers in
Europe.
Into that controversy we do not purpose
to enter. To unfold its history at length,
even without regard to those recent phases
which have now embroiled the world, would
require a volume. Yet a few words may
suffice to put our readers in possession of the
leading facts of the past on which it rests.
The dispute of the " Holy Places" is a result
and an epitome of that Crusade within the
Crusades which forms so curious an episode
in that eventful drama. We are there re-
minded of what else we are apt to forget^
that the chivalry of Europe were engaged^
not only in the mighty conflict with the fol-
lowers of Mahomet, but also in a constant
under-struggle with the emperors of the
1858.]
THE HOLY PLAOK
405
great city they encountered in their midway
progress. The capture of Constantinople by
the Latins in the fourth Crusade was but the
same hard measure to the Byzantine Empire
which on a smaller scale they had already
dealt to the Byzfuitine Church, theD» as now,
the national church of Palestine, as it is ge-
nerally of the East. The Crusaders, by vir-
tue of their conquest, occupied the Holy
Places which had previously been in the
bands of the Greeks; and the Greeks in
turn, when the Crusaders were ultimately
expelled by the Turks, took advantage of
the influence of wealth and neighborhood to
regain from the conquerors that share in the
sanctuaries of which the European princes
had deprived them. Copt and Uyrian,
Georgian and Armenian, have, it is true,
their own claims to maintain, as dissenters
from the main Byzantine establishment from
which they have successively separated.
But the one standing conflict has always
been between the descendants of the crusad-
ing invaders, supported by France or Spain,
and the descendants of the original Greek
occupants, supported by the great Northern
Power which assumes to have succeeded to
the name and privileges of the Eastern Cffi-
sars. Neither party can ever forget that
once the whole sanctuary was exclusively
theirs ; and although France and llussia have
doubtless interposed on behalf of their re-
spective national creeds from political or
commercial motives, yet the religious pre-
texts have arisen from the previous juxta-
position of two great and hostile churches —
here brought together within narrower bounds
than any two sects elsewhere in the world.
Once only besides has their controversy been
waged iu equal proximity ; namely, when
the Latin Church, headed by Augustine,
found itbelf, in our own island, brought into
abrupt collision with the customs and tradi-
tions of the Greeks, in the ancient British
church founded by Eastern missionaries.
What in the extreme West was decided once
for all by a short and bloody struggle, in
Palestine has dragged on its weary length
for many centuries. And this long conflict
has been further complicated by the numer-
ous treaties which, from the memorable
epoch when Francis L startled Christendom
by declaring himself an ally of the Sultan,
have been concluded between France and
the Porte for the protection of the Frank
settlers in Syria ; and yet again, by the va-
cillations of the Turkish Government, partly
from ignorance, and partly from weakness.
as it has been pressed on one side or the
other by the claims of two powerful parties
in a question to the rights of which it is by
its own position entirely indifferent.
Meanwhile, it may be of more general in-
terest to give a summary account of places
whose names, though long familiar, are thus
invested for the moment with a fresh inte-
rest, and to describe briefly what is and
what is not the importance belonging to the
** Holy Places" of Palestine. Many even
amongst our own countrymen still regard
them with an exaggerated reverence, which
is a serious obstacle to the progress of a
calm and candid inquiry into the history and
geography of a country which can never lo&e
its attractions whilst there is a heart in Chris-
tendom to feel, or a head to think. Many,
in their disgust at the folly and ignorance
with which those sanctuaries are infested,
not only deny to them their legitimate place,
but extend their aversion to the region in
which they are situated, perhaps even to the
religion they represent. Many are ignorant
altogether of their nature, their claims, or
their peculiar relation to each other, or to
the rest of the world.
Those who wish to study the subject at
length cannot do better than peruse the vol-
umes which we have placed at the head of
this article. The Abb6 Michon's little work
gives the most perspicuous, as it certainly is
the most condensed, account of the Holy
Places which we have met; and his *' New
Solution" gives us a favorable impression
both of the candor and the charity of the
author. The works of Tobler — a German
physician from the shores of the Lake of
Constance — exhibit the usual qualities of
German industry, which almost always make
their antiquarian researches useful to the
student even when unreadable by the public
at large. To the well-known authorities on
these subjects in our own language we shall
refer as occasion serves.
The term " Holy Places," which, applied
in its most extended sense to the scenes of
events commemorated in sacred history,
would be only another word for the geogra-
phy of Syria and Arabia, is limited in modem
phraseology to the special localities which
the Greek and Latin Church, singly or con-
jointly, have selected for the objects of reli-
gious pilgrimage. Some scenes which the
bulk of the Christian world would regard as
most sacred are almost wholly neglected by
the mass of devotees. Others, which rank
high in the estimation of local and ecclesias-
496
TBS HOLT FLAGEB.
Pec.,
tical tradition, are probably unknown beyond
the immediate sphere of those who worship
in them.
The Abb6 Michon succinctly notices twelve
rach places. They are as follows: — ].
Church of the Nativity at Bethlehem (com-
mon). 2. Church of the Annunciation at
Nazareth (Latin). 3. Church of Jacob's
Well at Shechem (destroyed). 4. Church
at Cana (Oreek). 6. Church of St. Peter
at Tiberias (Latin). 6. Church of the Presen-
tation at Jerusalem (Mussulman). 7. Church
of the Flagellation (Latin.). 8. Grotto (not
the garden of Gethsemane (Latin). 0.
Tomb of the Virgin (common). 10. Church
of the Ascension (Mussulman). 11. Church
of the Apostles (Mussulman). 12. Church
of the Holy Sepulchre (common.) But, as
some of those have been long deserted, and
others depend for their support entirely on
the greater sanctuaries in their neighborhood,
we shall confine ourselves to those which
exist in BethlehenA, Nazareth, and Jerusa-
lem.
L Whether from being usually the first
seen, or from its own intrinsic solemnity,
there is probably none of the Holy Places
which produce a greater impression at first
sight than the Convent of the Nativity at
Bethlehem. The enormous edifice, which
extends along the narrow crest of the hill
from west to east, consists of the Church of
the Nativity, with the three convents, Latin,
Greek, and Armenian, abutting respectively
upon its north-eastern, south-eastern, and
south-western extremities. Externally, there
is nothing to command attention beyond its
size — the more imposing from the meanness
and smallness of the village, which hangs as
it were on its western skirts. But the vener-
able nave of the Church — now deserted,
bare, discrowned — is probably the most an-
cient monument of Christian architecture in
Palestine, we may almost say in the world ;
for it is the remnant of the Basilica, built by
Helena herself, and the prototype of the Ba-
silicas erected by her iraperiHl son — at Jeru-
salem beside the Holy Sepulchre, at Rome
over the graves of St. Paul and St. Peter.
The buildings of Constantine have perished :
but that of Helena* still in part remains ; and
those who have visited the two Churches of
St. Apollinaris at Ravenna, constructed on
f Tobler has proved that a gretX part of the
Church of Helena has been eaperseded hj the sao-
oessive edifioee of Justinian and Emanuel Comme-
nu8 (p. 104, 106). But there seems no sufficient
reason for disputing the antiquity of the nave.
the same model two centuries later by the
Byzantine Emperors, can form some notion
of what it must have been in the days of its
splendor. The long double lines of Corin-
thian pillars, the faded mosaics, dimly visi-
ble on the walla above, the rough yet stately
ceiling, of beams of cedar from Lebanon,
probably the last great building to which
those venerable forests yielded their rafters,
still preserve the outlines of the chorch,
which was once* rich with marble and bias-
ing with gold.
From the nave, which is the only interest-
ing portion of the upper church, we descend
to the subterraneous compartment, on ac-
count of which the whole stmoture was
erected. At the entrance of a long winding
passage, excavated out of the limestone rock
of which the hill of Bethlehem is composed,
the pilgrim finds himself in an irregular
chapel, dimly lighted with silver lamps, and
containing two small and nearly opposite re-
cesses. In the northernmost of these is a mar-
ble slab, which marks the supposed spot of
the Nativity. In the southern recess, three
steps deeper in the chapel, is the alleged
stall in which, according to the Latin tradi-
tion, was discovered the wooden manger or
" prsosepe," now deposited in the magnificent
Basilica of S. Maria Maggiore at Rome, and
there displayed to the faithful, under the aus-
pices of the Pope, on Christmas Day.
Let us pause for a moment in the dim
vault between these two recesses; let us
dismiss the consideration of the lesser memo-
rials which surround us — the altar of the
Magi, of the Shepherds, of Joseph, of the
Innocents — to which few would now attach
any other than an imaginative or devotional
importance, and ask what ground there b
for accepting the belief which invites us to
confine the awful associations of the village
of Bethlehem within these rocky walls. Of
all the local traditions of Palestine, this alone
indisputably reaches beyond the time of Con-
stantine. Already in the second century, ** a
cave near Bethlehem" was fixed upon as the
spot in which — " there being no place in the
village where he could lodgef-— Joseph abode,
and where accordingly Christ was born and
laid in a manger." The same tradition seems
^^~^-^— ^— ^-^-— ^^^— — — II- UJ__l__l_.l 1^-^^-^— ^^^^-^-^__^-^_^_^^,^_^.— ^-^-M"
* Tobler, Bethlehem, p. 110.
J* iiestdri lutfii^ oux $f')(sv hf rr^ nCniji ixsivji
iTou xoLTokutfai, iv 6s <firi{Kdt(f) nvi (fCvsyY^g ^^
xCiii'rigxariyvffe xoLt rors avruv ovrcjv ixsi, m^-oxsi
4 Mapia <rov XpiVrov xat h (parvji auroy stsWsxsi,
— Justin, Dial, cum TVypt. 78.
1853.]
THB HOLT PLAOEfiL
407
to have been constant in the next generation,*
even amongst those who were noi Christ iani;,
and to have been uniformly maintained in the
strange documentsf which, under the name
of the Apocryphal G-ospels, long exercised so
powerful an influence over the popular belief
of the humbler classes of the Christian world,
both in the Edst and the West. But even
this, the most venerable of ecclesiAStical tra-
ditions, is not without its difficulties. No
one can overlook the deviations from Uie
Gospel narrative ; and though ingenuity may
force a harmony, the plain impression left by
the account of Justin is not that the Holy
Family were driven from the inn to the man-
ger, but from the crowded village to a cave
in its environs.^ The story looks as if it had
been varied to fit the locality. The circum-
stance that excavations in the rock were com-
monly used in Palestine for stabling hoises
and cattle is of little weight in the argument.
Maundrell has justly remarked upon the sus-
picion which attaches to the constant con-
nection of remarkable events with the grottoes
and eaves of the Holy Land. These abide
when the fragile tenements of man have fallen
to decay; and if the genuine caravanserai
and its stable had been swept away in the
convulsions of the Jewish war, and the resi-
dents at Bethlehem had wished to give a
local habitation to the event which made
their village illustrious, they would inevitably
have fixed on such a strongly marked fea-
ture as the grotto at Bethlehem. A second
motive for the choice transpires in the pas-
sage of Justin' — the wish to obtain support
for a fancied prediction of the Messiah's birth
in the words of Isaiah, xxxiii. 16, '^He shall
dwell on high ; his place of defense shall be
the munitions of rocks." ( LXX. iv i^riku
<f^ifiKa.Kf) l(fxy^ v^Tpoj.)
Perhaps a still graver objection to the
* Origen, o. Cela. i. 51.
f The Apocryphal Qospel of St. Jamea^ o. xviil,
ziz., and the Goepel of the InfaDcy, c. ii., ill, iv.,
represent Joeeph as going at once to the cave before
entering the village, and speak of all the subsequent
events recorded in the early chapters of St Matthew
and St. Luke as oocurrinff in the cave. In the
Gospel of the Nativity of luary, c. iv., the birth is
described as taking place in the cave, and the man-
ger as being outside the cave. The quotations and
arguments are well summed np in Thilo's Codex
Apooryphua, p. 882, 888.
I U, adopting the tradition which Justin appears
to have followed, and which has unquestionably
prevailed since the time of Jerome, we auppoee the
adoration of the Magi to have been offered on the
same spoU the locality would then be absolutely irre-
ooDcilable with the words of Sk Matthew, that they
oame into *' the house where the young child wasr
VOL. XXX. MO. IV.
identity of the scene remains to be mentioned.
During the troubled period of the invasion
of Ibrahim Pasha, the Arab population of
Bethlehem took possession of the convent,
and dismantled the recess of the gilding and
marble which has proved the bane of so many
sanctuaries. The removal of the casing dis-
closed, as we have been credibly informed, an
ancient sepulchre hewn in* the rock ; and it is
hardly possible that a cave devoted to se-
pulchral purposes should have been employed
by Jews, whose scruples on the subject are
too well known to require comment, either as
a stable or an inn.
Still there remains the remarkable fact
that, here alone we have a spot known to be
reverenced by Christians in eonneetion with
the Gospel History two centuries before the
conversion of the Empire, and before the
burst of local religion which is commonly as-
cribed to the visit of Helena. The sanctuary
of Bethlehem is, if not the most authentic, at
least the most ancient of *' the Holy Places."
Yet there is a subordinate train of associ-
ations which has grown out of the earliest
and the most sacred of its recollections ; and
which has at least the advantage of being un*
qnestiosiably grounded on fact. If the tra-
veller follows the windings of the long sub-
terranean gallery, he will find himself at its
close in a rough chamber hewn out of the
rock. It was in this cell that, in all proba-
bility, lived and died the most illustrious pil-
grim who was ever attracted to the cave of
Bethlehem — the only one of the many her'>
mita and monks who from the time of Con-
stantine to the present day have been shel«
tered within its rocky sides, whose name has
travelled beyond the limits of the Holy Land.
Here, for more than thirty years, beside what
he believed to be literally the cradle of the
Christinn faith, Jerome fasted, prayed, dream-
ed, and studied — here he gathered round him
the small communities which formed the be-
ginnings of conventual life in Palestine— here,
the fiery spirit which he had brought with
him from his Dalmatian birthplace, and which
had been first roused to religious fervor on
the banks of the Moselle, vented itself in the
flood of treatises, letters, and commentaries,
which he poured forth from his retirement,
to terrify, exasperate, and enlighten the West-
ern world — here also he composed the fa«
mous translation of the Scriptures which is
still the '*Bib}ia Yulgata" of the Latin
Church ; and here took place that pathetic
scene, his last communion and death — at
which all the world has been permitted to be
present in the wonderful picture of Domeni-
82
498
THE HOLT FLAOESl
[Deo«
chino, wbioh represents, in colors never to be
sarpassed, the attenuated frame of the weak
and sinking flesh, and the resignation and
devotion of the almost enfranciiised spirit.
II. The interest of Nazareth is of a kind
dififerent from that of Bethlehem. Its chief
sanctuary is the Latin Convent at the south-
eastern extremity of the village, so well
known from the hospitable reception it affords
to travellers caught in the storms of the hills
of Gilboa, or attacked by the Bedouins of
the plain of Esdraelon ; and also» we may
add, for the im press! veness of its religious
services, acknowledged even by the stem
Presbyterianism of Dr. Robinson, and the ex-
clusive philosophy of Miss Martineau ; where
wild figures, in the rough drapery of the
Bedouin dress, join in the responses of Chris-
tian worship, and the chants of the Latin
Church are succeeded by a sermon addressed
to these strange converts in their native
Arabic with all the earnestness and solemnity
of the preachers of Italy. There is no place
in Palestine where the religious services seem
80 worthy of the sacredness of the recoUec*
dons. But neither is there any where the
traditional pretensions are exposed to a se-
verer shock.* However discreditable may
be the contests of the various sects, they
have yet for the most part agreed (and in-
deed this very agreement is the occasion of
their conflicts) as to the spots they are to
venerate. At Nazareth, on the contrary,
there are three counter- theories — each irre-
concilable with the other — with regard to
the scene which is selected for special rever-
ence.
From the entrance of the Franciscan
church a flight of steps descends to an al-
tar, which stands within a recess, partly
cased in marble, but partly showing the na-
tural rock out of which it is formed. In
front of the altar, a marble slab, worn with
the kisses of many pilgrims, bears the in-
scription " Verbum euro hie factum est/' and
is intended to mark the spot on which the
Virgin stood when she received the angelic
visitation. Close by is a broken pillar,f
* Besides the difficultiee which we are about to
notioe, there u the clumsy legend of the "Mountain
of Precipitation,'' too well known to need farther
comment or refntation. See Robineon, iii. p. 187.
f This pillar ia one out of numerous instances of
what may be called the extinction of a traditional
miracle, m deference to the spirit of the time. To
all the early travellers it was shown as a supernatu-
ral suspension of a stone. To idl later travellers it
ia exhibited merely as what it is, a broken column,
— ^fractured probably in one of the many assaults
whieh the convent has suffered.
which is pointed out as indicaUng the space
occupied by the celestial visitant, who is sup-
posed to have entered through a hole in the
rocky wall which forms the western front of
the cave, close by the opening which now
unites it with the church. The back, or east-
ern side of the grotto, behind the altar, leads
by a narrow passage into a further cave, left
much more nearly in its natural state, and
said by an innocent and pleasing tradition,
which no one probably would care either to
assert or to refute, to have been the resi-
dence of a neighbor who looked after the
adjacent house when Mary was absent on
her visit to Elizabeth in Judsea.
With the rivalry which prevails in the
£ast on the subject of the Holy Places, it is
not surprising that the Greeks excluded from
the Latin convent should have established a
" Church of the Annunciation" for them-
selves at the opposite end of the town. But
it would be an injustice to them to suppose
that the contradiction was exclusively the
result of jealousy. Without a word in the
Scripture narrative to define the scene — with-
out the slightest indication whether it took
place by day or night, in house or field — the
Greeks may be pardoned for clinging to the
faint tradition which lingers in the apocry-
phal Gospel of St. James, where we are told
that the first salutation of the angel came
to Mary* as she was drawing water from the
spring in the neighborhood of the town.
This spring — and there is but one — still bears
her name, and in the open meadow by its
side stands the Greek Church, a dull and
mournful contrast in its dosed doors and
barbarous architecture to the solemn yet ani-
mated worship of the Franciscan Convent —
though undoubtedly with the better claim of
the two to be considered an authentic memo-
rial of the Annunciation.
But the tradition of the Latin Church has
to undergo a ruder trial than any which
arises from the contiguous sanctuary of the
rival Greeks, There is a third scene of the
Annunciation, not at the opposite extremity
of the little town of Nazareth, but in another
continent — not maintained by a hostile sect,
but fostered by the Supreme Head of the
Roman Church itself. On the slope of the
* Protev. Jacobi, c. xi No special locality waa
known in the time of Jerome. Paula, he telle us^
"percurrit Nazareth nutriculara Domini:" evident-
ly implving that the villaf^e generally, and not any
particular object within it, was the object of her
pilgrimage, {ffieron, Epitaph, PauL) Even as lata
as 11 86 the grotto alone was known as the aanefeuary
of the Church of Nasareth, as appears from tliie
Itinerary of Phoeaa.
1833.]
THE HOLT PLAGES.
490
eastern Apennines, overlooking the Adriatic
Gulf, stands what may without exaggeration
be called (if we adopt the Papal belief) the
European Nazareth. Forti6ed by huge bas-
tions against the approach of Saracenic
pirates, a vast church, which is still gorgeous
with the offerings of the faithful, contains
the '* SanU Casa/' the '* Holy House," in
which the Virgin lived, and (ns is attested
by the same inscription as at Nazareth) re-
ceived the angel Gabriel. The ridicule of
one half the world, and the devotion of the
other half, has made every one acquainted
with the strange story of the House of Lo-
retto, whicb is written in all the languages of
Europe round the walls of the sanctuary :
bow, in the close of the iSth century, it was
first conveyed by angels to the heights above
Fiume,at the head of the Adriatic Gulf, then
to the plain of Loretto, and lastly to its pre-
sent bill. But, though " the wondrous flit-
ting" of the '* Santa Casa'* is with us the
most prominent feature in its history, it is far
otherwise with the pilgrims who frequent it.
To them it is simply a portion of the Holy
Land — the actual spot on which the mystery
of the Incarnation was announced and begun.
In proportion to the sincerity of the belief is
the veneration which attaches to what is un-
doubtedly the most frequented sanctuary of
Christendom. Not to mention the adoration
displayed on the great festivals of the Virgin,
or at the commemoration of its miraculous
descent into Italy, the devotion of pilgrims
on ordinary week-days exceeds any thing that
can be witnessed at the holy places in Pales-
tine, if we except the Church of the Holy
Sepulchre at Easter.
Every morning, while it is yet dark, the
doors of the church at Loretto are opened.
A few lights round the sacred spot break
the gloom, and disclose the kneeling Capu-
chins, who have been there through the night.
Two soldiers, sword in hand, take their place
by the entrance of the " House," to guard
it from injury. One of the hundred priests
who are in daily attendance commences at
the high altar the first of the hundred and
twenty masses that are daily repeated. The
"Santa Casa" itself is then lighted, the pil-
grims crowd in, and from that hour till sun-
set come and go in a perpetual stream. The
^* House" is crowded with kneeling or pros-
trate figures ; the pavement round it is deeply
worn with the passage of devotees, who, from
the humblest peasant of the Abruzzi up to
the King of Naples, crawl round it on their
knees, while the nave is filled with bands of
worshippers, who, having visited the sacred
spot, are retiring from it backwards, as from
some royal presence. On the Santa Casa
alone depends the sacredness of the whole
locality in which it stands. Loretto^whether
the name is derived from the sacred grove
(Lauretum) or the lady (Loreta) upon whose
land the house is believed to have descended
— had no existence before the rise of this ex-
traordinary sanctuary. The long street with
its venders of rosaries, the palace of the
Governor, the strong walls built by Pope
Sixtus IV., the whole property of the rich
plain far and near, are mere appendages to
the humble edifice which stands within the
Church. And its genuineness and sacred-
ness has been affirmed by a long succession
of pontiffs^, from Boniface VIII. down to
Pius IX.
No one who has witnessed the devotion of
the Italian people on this singular spot could
wish to speak lightly of the feelings it in-
spires. Vet its connection with the question
of the Holy Places of Palestine, as well as
with the pretensions of the Church which
fosters the double claim of Loretto and of
Nazareth, demands an investigation that, un-
der other circumstances, might be deemed
gratuitous. The difficulty is not evaded by
the distinction that the one is a house, and
the other a grotto, because both house and
grotto are asserted to enclose the exact lo-
cality of the angelic visitation — to be each
the scene of a single event which can only
have happened in one. But this is not all.
If it were practicable for either, being once
committed, to abate its pretensions, it is pal-
pable to every traveller who compares the
sanctuaries that by no possibility can they
ever have been amalgamated. The " Santa
Casa" at Loretto is an ediGce of 36 feet by
)7: its walls, though externally cased in
marble, can be seen in their original state
from the iuHide, and appear to be of a dark-
red polished stone. The west face has one
square window, through which it is affirmed
the angel flew ; the east contains a rude
chimney, in front of which is a block of ma-
sonry, supposed to be the altar on which St.
Peter said mass, when the Apostles, after
the Ascension, turned the house into a
church. On the north side is (or rather was)
a door, now walled up.* Notwithstanding
that the monks of Loretto and of Nazareth
have but a dim knowledge of the sacred lo*
calities of each other, the ecclesiastics of
Palestine could not be altogether ignorant of
* We have omitted, for the sake of penipiemtj, all
the oonfeflsedly modem alteratioot.
600
THE HOLT PLAGES.
[Dec,
the distant but mighty sanctuary patronized
by the highest authority of their Church.
They therefore show lo any inquiring travel-
ler ihe space which wa,^ occupied by the
Holy House before its flight — the only space
certainly on which it could have stood if
either the Italian or Syrian tradition .were to
l)e maintained. This space is a vestibule in
front of the grotto, into which the house is
alleged to have opened. The alterations
which the church of Nazareth have under-
gone render it impossible to lay any stress
on the variation of measurements. But the
position of the grotto U, and must always
have been, absolutely incompatible with any
such appendage as the Santi Casa. Which-
ever way the house is supposed to abut on
the rock, it would have closed up, with blank
walls, the very passages by which alone the
communication could be effected. A com-
parison of the masonry of the so-called
workshop of Joseph at Nazareth, with the
material of the House of Loretto, may be
considered no less fatal to the theory. Whilst
the latter is of a kind wholly unlike any thing
in Palestine, the former is composed, as
might be expected, of the gray limestone of
the country, of which, no doubt, the houses
of Nazareth were in all times built.
To many it may seem superfluous to
attempt a serious refutation of the most in-
credible of ecclesiastical legends. But the
claims of Loretto have been so strongly
maintained by French and Italian (we happi- ^
ly cannot yet say English) writers of our
own times — the faith of the See of Rome is
80 deeply pledged to its genuineness by bulls
and indulgences, as well as by custom and
tradition, that an interest attaches to it far
beyond its intrinsic importance. Even if the
story were accepted, the embarrassment re-
mains, for there is still the rival sanctuary,
which is equally under the Papal authority.
If the question of the genuineness of such a
relic, and the truth of such a miracle, can be
left undecided, it either follows that the sys-
tem of local sanctuaries is of no practical
importance, or that on momentous points of
practical importance the Church of Rome is
as little capable of infallibly guiding its mem-
bers as the Church of England or the Church
of Geneva.
But the explanation of the origin of the
legend has also a value as a general illustra-
tion of the history of " Holy Places." Naz-
areth was taken by Sultan Klialil in 1291,
when he stormed the last refuge of the Cru-
saders in the neighboring city of Acre. From
that time, not Nazareth only, but the whole
of Pales tin?, was closed to the devotions of
Europe. The natural longing to see the
scenes of the events of the Sacred History —
the superstitious craving to win for prayer
the favor of cons^ecrated localities — did not
expire with the Crusades. The demand re-
mained, though the supply was gone. Can
we '"onder that, under such circumstances,
there should have arisen first the desire, and
next the belief, that if Mahomet could not go
to the mountain, the mountain must come to
Mahomet? The House of Loretto is the
petrifaction, so to speak, of the " Last sigh
of the Crusades;" its particular form sug-
gested, possibly, by the Holy House of St,
Francis at Assisi, then first acquiring its
European celebrity. It is not, indeed, a
matter of conjecture that in Italy, where the
temperament of the people most craves such
stimulants, there were devotees who actually
endeavored to reproduce within their own
immediate neighborhood the very scenes of
Palestine. One such example is the Church
of St. Stephen at Bologna, within whose
walU are crowded together various chapels
and courts, representing not only, as in the
actual Church of the Sepulchre, the several
scenes of the Cruciflxion, but also the Trial
and Passion ; and which is entitled, in a long
inscription affixed to its cloister, the *' Sancta
Sanctorum;" nay, literally, " the JtrusaUnC^
of Italy.* Another still more curious in-
stance may be seen at Varallo, in the king-
dom of Piedmont. Bernardino Caimo, re*
turning from a pilgrimage to Palestine at the
close of the fitieeirth century, resolved to
select the spot in Lorabardy which most re-
sembled the Holy Land, in order that bis
countrymen might enjoy the advantages
without undergoing the privations he had
suffered himself. Accordingly, in one of the
beautiful valleys leading down from the roots
of Monte Rosa, he chose (it must be con-
fessed tb!it the resemblance is somewhat like
that between Monmouth and Macedon) three
hills, which should represent respectively
Tabor, Olivet, and Calvary ; and two moun-
tain streams, which should in like manner
personate the Kedron and Jordan. Of these
the central hill. Calvary, became the " Holy
Place" of Lombardy. It was frequented by
S. Carlo Borromeo, and under hb auspices
was studded with chapels, in which the
* This churoh was, at least in its foundation, eon-
siderablj earlier than that of Loretto, having been
firdt erected in the fifth century. There is an ex-
cellent account of it in Profesflor Willis's Essay on
the Architectoral History of the Charohof the Holy
Sepulehre.
1858.]
THE HOLY PLACES.
501
scenes of the Passion are embodied in waxen
figures of the size of life. The entire coun-
try round continues to this hour to send its
peasants by thousands as pilgrims to the
sacred mount. As the feelings which ac-
tuated Bernardino Caimo would naturally
have existed in a more fervid state two cen-
turies earlier, when the loss of Palestine was
more keenly felt, and the capture of Naz-
areth was fresh in every one's mind, we can
easily imagine that the same tendency which
produced a second Jerusalem at Bologna, and
a second Palestine at Varallo, would, on the
secluded shores of the Adriatic, by some
peasant's dream, or the return of some
Croatian chief from the last Crusade, or the
story of some Eastern voyager landing on
the coast of Romagna, produce a second
Nazareth at Fiume and Loretto. What in
a more ignorant and poetical age was as-
cribed, in the case of the Holy House, to the
hands of angels, was intended in the case of
the Holy Sepulchre to have been literally ac-
complished by Sixtus V., by a treaty with the
Sublime Porte for its bodily transference to
Rome, that so Italy might glory in possess-
ing the actual sites of the conception, the
birth, and the burial of our Saviour.
III. Every one has read of the multitude
of Holy Places which cluster within and
around the walls of Jerusalem. Ever since
the occupation of the city by the Crusaders,
the same localities have, age after age, been
jK)inted out to pilgrims and travellers with
singular uniformity. Here and there a tradi-
tion has been misplaced by accident, or trans-
posed for convenience, or suppressed in fear
of ridicule, or, may be, from honest doubts ;
but, on the whole, what was shown to Maun-
deville in the fourteenth century, was, with a
few omissions, shown to Maundrell in the
seventeenth; and what Maundrell has de-
scribed with the dry humor characteristic of
his age, may still be verified by travellers
who take the trouble of procuring an intelli-
gent guide. Such localities are curious as
relics of that remarkable period when, for
the first and only time, Palestine became a
European province — as the scenes, if they
may be so called, of some of the most cele-
brated works of European art, and as the
fountain-head of some of the most extensive
of European superstitions. No one could see
without, at least, a passing emotion, the
various points in the Via Dolorosa, which
have been repeated again and again, in pic-
tures and in legends, throughout the west-
ern world ; the spot where v eronica is said
to have received the sacred cloth, for which
Lucca, Turin, and Rome contend — the
threshold where is believed to have stood
the Scala Santa, now worn by the ceaseless
toil of Roman pilgrims in front of St. John
Lateran. On these lesser sites it is useless
to dwell in detail. But they possess one
common feature which it is worth while
briefly to notice. Some countries, such as
Greece — some cities, such as Rome — lend
themselves with great facility to the growth
of legends. The stalactite figures of the
Corycian cave at once explain the origin of
the nymphs who are said to have dwelt there.
The deserted halls, the subterranean houses,
the endless catacombs of Rome, afford an
ample field for the localization of the numer-
ous persons and events with which the early
Roman ecclesiastical history abounds. But
in Jerusalem it is not so. The featureless
rocks without the walls, the mere dust and
ashes of the city within, repel the attempt to
amalgamate them with the fables which are
affixed to them, and which, by the very fact
of their almost imperceptible connection with
the spots in question, betray their foreign
parentage. A fragment of old sculpture
lying at a house door is sufficient to mark
the abode of Veronica — a broken column,
separated from its companions in a colonnade
in the next street, is pointed out as that to
which the decree of Pilate was affixed, or on
which the cock crew — a faint line on the sur-
face of a rock is the mark of the girdle
which the Virgin dropt to convince Thomas.
There is no attempt at subtle fraud, or even
at probability. The only handle, perhaps,
even for a legendary superstructure, afforded
by the scenes themselves, is the red and white
color of the limestone rock, which, if the
Scala Santa or any part of it were ever at
Jerusalem, may have suggested the marks.
Criticism and belief are alike disarmed by the
child-like, and almost playful spirit, in which
the early pilgrims and crusaders must have
gone to and fro, seeking for places in which
to realize the dreams of their own imagina-
tions,*
' From these lesser memorials — the mere
sport and exuberance of monastic traditions —
we pass to the greater, though still not the
greatest, of the Holy Places of Jerusalem.
ThejT are — the Church, or rather Mosque, of
* An iiutractive example of the readiness with
which several localities were invented may be seen
in Sewnlf 8 nneonscionfl acoonnt of the acoommoda-
tion of the Mahomedan relics in the Mosque of
Omar to Christian history during that short period
in the twelfth century Wnen it was in the hands of
the CrasaderB. (Early English Travellers, p. 40.)
602
THE HOLT PLACES.
[Dec,,
the Ascension, on the top of Mount Olivet ;
Ihe Church containing the tomb of the Virgin,
at its foot ; and the '^ Cosnaculum/' or
Church of the Apostles, on Mount Zion.
1. The present edifice of the Church of
the Ascension has no claims to antiquity. It
is a small octagon chapel situated in the
court of a mosque, the minaret of which is
ascended by every traveller for the sake of
the celebrated view, to which the world can
ofifer no equal. Within the chapel is the
rock which has been pointed out to pilgrims,
at least since* ihe seventh century, as im-
printed with the footstep of our Saviour.
There is no memorial to which we more joy-
fully apply our observations upon the slight-
ness of ground with which many of the
sacred localities were selected. It would be
painful to witness any symptom of fraud, or
even the adoption of some fantastic trick of
nature, in connection with such an event as is
here commemorated. A deep repulsion would
be created in all but the coarsest minds, were
there, for example, any such impression as
that which is shown in the Chapel of Domine
Quo Yadis at Rome, or of St. Radegonde at
Poitiers, where well-defined footmarks in the
stone indicate the spots in which our Saviour
is alleged to have appeared to St. Peter and
St. Radegonde. Here there is only a simple
cavity in the rock, which has no more resem-
blance to a human foot than to any thing
else. It must have been chosen in default of
any thing better ; and could never, of itself,
have suggested the connection.
It is not improbable that the Church of
the Ascension marks the site on which Helena
built one of the only two churches which
Eusebitts ascribes to her — the church " on
the top of the hilP' whose glittering cross
was the first thing that caught the eye of
the pilgrimsf who, in the a^e of Constantino
and of Jerome, approached Jerusalem from
the south and west. At the same time, | a
circumstance on which Eusebius lays great
stress has been strangely overlooked by most
of those who have treated on the subject,
and which, though it may not invalidate the
identity of the position of the ancient church
with the present mosque, certainly throws a
new light upon the object for which it was
erected. "A true tradition," he tells us,
" maintains that our Lord had initiated bis
* Aroulf. (Early Engliah Travellers, p. 5.) He
apeaks of the " dtut*' on which the impresaion re^
mains ; but probably he meant the same thing.
t Hieronym. Epitaph. Paal.
X Eaeeb. Vit. Const, iii. 41, 48; Demonst Evang.,
▼i. 18, p. 288.
disciples in his secret mysteries*' before the
Ascension, in a cave to which, on that ac-
count, pilgrimages were in his time made
from all parts of the Empire ; and it was to
honor this cave, which ConstanUne himself
also adorned, that Helena built a church, in
memory of the Ascension, on the summit of
the mountain. It is almost certain that
Eusebius must refer to the singular cata-
comb, commonly called the Tombs of the
Prophets, which is a short distance below the
third summit of Mount Olivet, and was first
distinctly noticed by Arculf in the seventh
century, to whom were shown within it
" four stone tables, where our Lord and the
Apostles sate."* In the next century the
same " four tables of His Supper" were
seen by Bernard the Wise, who speaks of a
church being erected there to commemorate
the Betray aT.f From that period it remain-
ed unnoticed till attention was again called
to it by the travellers of the seventeenth
century, in whose time it had assumed its
present rame.
It is possible that what Bernard calls the
church may have been the remains of the
buildings which Constantino erected, and
that the ruins, still discernible on the third
summit, may be the vestiges of the sacred
edifice of Helena. It is, however, possible
also (and the expression "summit of the
whole mountain" rather leads to this con-
clusion) that, though in connection with the
cave, her church was built on the site which
is usually assigned to it within the precincts
of the present mosque. But, whichever be
the case, it is clear from the language of Eu-
sebius that the spot which she meant to
honor was not the scene of the Ascension it-
self, but the scene of the conversations which
preceded that event, and which were believed
to have occurred in the cave. Had this been
clearly perceived, much useless controversy
would have been spared. There is no proof
from Eusebius that the place from which
our Lord might be presumed to have as-
cended was ever specified at all. Here was
(as usual) the tradition of the eave, and no-
thing besides, and Helena fixed upon the site
of her church partly (no 'doubt) from its
commanding position, partly from its vicinity
to the rocky labyrinth in which the instruc-
tions immediately preceding the Ascension
were supposed to have been delivered. It
was reservc^d for observant travellers of oar
own time to perceive the impossibility of
* Early Travels in Palestine, p. 4.
t Ibid., p. 24.
1853]
THE HOLY FLACBi
603
reconciling what is at present alleged to be
the scene of the Ascension 'with the words of
St. Luke, to which we must add its palpable
contradiction to the whole character of the
event. Even if the Evangelist had been less
explicit in stating that '' Jesus led out the
disciples as far as Bethany/' we should still
have maintained that the secluded hills*
which overhang the village on the eastern
slope of Olivet are as evidently appropriate
to the entire tenor of the narrative, as the
alartling, we might almost say offensive,
publicity of a spot in full view of the city of
Jerusalem is wholly inconsistent with it, and
(in the absence, as it now appears, of even
traditional support) in every sense untenable.
2. There are probably not many English-
men who, before the diplomatical contro-
versy which it has provoked, knew any thing
of the tomb of the Virgin Mary, the least
known, but most romantic, sanctuary of any
that is to be found in Palestine. Yet there
are few travellers whose attention is not ar-
rested by the sight of a venerable chapel,
approached by a flight of steps, which lead
from the rocky roots of Olivet among which
it stands, and entered by yet again another
and deeper descent, under the low-browed
arches of a Gothic roof, producing on a
smaller scale the same impression of awful
gloom that is so remarkable in the subterra-
nean church of Assisi. " You must know,*'
says Maundeville,f 'Hhat this church is very
low in the earth, and a part is quite within
the earth. But I imagine that it was not
founded so ; but since Jerusalem has been
so often destroyed, and the walls broken
down, and levelled with the valley, and that
they have so been filled again and the ground
raised, for that reason the church is so low in
the earth. Nevertheless, men say there com-
monly, that the earth hath been so ever since
the time that our Lady was buried there,
and men also say there that it grows and
increases every day without doubt." Its
history is comparatively recent. It is not
mentioned by Jerome amongst the sacred
places visited by Paula, and, if on such mat-
ters the authority of the Third General
Council^ is supposed to have weight, the tomb
of the Virgin ought not to be found at Jeru-
sa]em> but at Ephesus. The authority, how-
ever, of a General Council has been unable
* That especially to which Tobler aadgns the
name of Djebel Sajach. (Siloahqnelle and Oelberg,
p. 84.)
t Early Travels in Palestine, p. 176.
t Concil. Hardouin, torn. i. p. 143. The his-
tory of the tradition is well given in Mr. Williams's
Holy City, 2d ed. vol. ii. p. 434.
to hold its ground against the later legend,
which placed her death and burial at the
Holy City. Even the Greek peasants of
Ephesus itself, though still pointing to the
ruined ediHce on the heights of Coressus, as
the tomb of the Panaghia, have been taught
to consider it as commemorating another
Panaghia than the " Theotocos, in whom
their great Council exulted. Greeks and
Latins, unhappily for the pence of Europe,
unite in contending for the possession of the
rocky sepulchre at the foot of Olivet — the
scene, according to the belief of both church-
es, of that "Assumption" which has been
immortalized by the genius of Titian and
Raphael, and which, in our later ages, has
passed from the region of poetry and devo-
tion into a literal doctrine. '
Close, however, to the Church of the Vir-
gin is a spot which, as it is omitted in Abb6
Michon's catalogue of Holy Places, we ought
in consistency to pass over. Yet a few
words — and perhaps the fewer the better —
must be devoted to the Garden of Gethse-
mane. That the tradition reaches back to
the age of Constantine is certain. How far
it agrees with the slight indications of its
position in the Gospel narrative will be judged
by the impression of each individual travel-
ler. Some will think it too public. Others
will see an argument in its favor from its
close proximity to the brook Kedron. None
probably will be disposed to receive the tra-
ditional sites which surround it — the Grotto
of the Agony, the rocky bank of the three
Apostles, the " terra damnata" of the Be-
trayal. But in spite of all the doubts that
can be raised against their antiquity and the
genuineness of their site, the eight aged
olive trees — now indeed less striking in the
modern garden- enclosure than when they
stood free and unprotected on the rough
hill-side — will remain, so long as their al-
ready protracted life is spared, the most ven-
erable of their race on the surface of the
earth ; of all the sacred memorials in or
about Jerusalem, the most affecting, and, ex-
cept the everlasting hills themselves, most
nearly earrying back the thoughts to the
events which they commemorate.
3. On the brow of Mount Zion a conspi-
cuous minaret is pointed out froq[i a distance
to the traveller approaching Jerusalem from
the south, as marking the Mosque of the
Tomb of David. Within the precincts of
that mosque is a vaulted Gothic chamber,
which contains within its four walls a greater
confluence of traditions than any other place
in Palestine, after the Holy Sepulchre, t* •-
504
THE HOLT PLAGia
pec.
said to occupy the site of the edi6ce, — it
cannot of course be the very church itself, —
which Epiphanius mentions as having sur-
vived the capture of Jerusalem by Titus.
That in the days of Cyril there was some
such building, in which he delivered his
famous lectures, is evident from his own al-
lusions. But it is startling to hear that this
is the upper chamber of the Last Supper,
of the meeting after the Resurrection, of the
day of Pentecost, of the residence and death
of the Virgin, of the burial of Stephen. If
it were not for the antiquity of some of these
pretensions — dating as far back as the fourth
century, and the interest of all of them — it
would be hardly worth while to allude to
assumptions which rest on a foundation too
fragile to bear discussion. A conjecture
might almost be hnzarded, that the building,
being in ruins or of palpably earlier date
than the rest of the city as rebuilt by Ha-
drian, had served as a convenient receptacle
for every memorable event which remained
unattached. It is impossible at least that it
should be both the scene of the " Coenacu-
lum," and stand within the precincts, or
rather above the vault of the Tomb of David.
The belief that here is the burial-place of
the Royal Psalmist, although entertained by
Christians, Jews, and Mussulmen alike, has
given it a special sanctity only in the eyes of
the last, and M. De Saulcy has endeavored,
in a very elaborate argument, to set up in
preference the catacomb on the north of the
city, commonly called the Tombs of the
Kings. But the old site is maintained by
many zealous upholders of the local tradi-
tions, as, for example, by Mr. Williams, in
his •* Holy City,*** and all that we assert is
the incompatibility of the claim to be at once
the scene of David's burial and of the Last
Supper. The Jewish feeling, at the com-
mencement of the Gospel history, could
never have permitted a residence to exist in
juxtaposition with the Royal Sepulchre.
4. We now approach the most sacred of
the Holy Places ; in comparison of which, if
genuine, all the rest sink into insignificance,
and which, even if spurious, is among the
most interesting spots in the world. It is
needless to attempt on the present occasion
to unravel once more the tangled contro-
versy of the identity of the Holy Sepulchre.f
• Vol. ii. p. 608. ~~^
t The question has already been discussed by us
in an article o^ Dr. Robinson's " Biblical Research-
es." (Q. R. vol. 69, pp. 169-176.) A summary of
both sides of the question is given in the eighth
number of the "Museum of Classical Antiquities,"
April, 1853.
Every thing, we believe, which can be altered
against the claim will be found in the " Bib-
lical Researches" of Dr. Robinson — every
thing which can be said in its favor in the
" Holy City" of Mr. Williams, including, as
it does, the able discussion by Professor
Willis on the architectural history of the
church. It is enough to remind our readers
that the decision mainly turns upon the so-
lution of two questions, one historical, the
other topographical. It is commonly con-
fessed that the present edifice stands on the
site of that which was constructed by Con-
stantine, and the historical question is the
value to be attached to the allegation that
the spot was marked out in the time of the
latter by a temple or statue of Venus, which
the Emperor Hadrian had erected for the
purpose of polluting the spot believed to be
the Holy Sepulchre by the Christians of his
a^e. The Crucifixion, as we all know on the
highest authority, being without the city,
and the tomb in a garden nigh at hand, the
topographical question is, wh«>ther it is pos-
sible, from its position, that the selected lo-
cality could have been on the outer side of
the ancient walls of Jerusalem. On the his-
torical branch of the inquiry we will merely
remark that the advocates of the Sepulchre
have never fairly met the difficulty well urged
by the learned Dean of St. Paul's,* that it is
hardly conceivable that Hadrian could have
had any motive in defiling the spot with
heathen abominations, when his whole object
in establishing his Roman colony at Jerusa-
lem was to insult the Jews, and not the
Christians, who were emphatically divided
from them. It is equally affirmed that Ha-
drian astablished the worship of Venus upon
the scene of the Nativity, and it throws a
further suspicion upon both stories that there
is no allusion, either by Justin or by Origen,
to the desecration at Bethlehem, though
speaking of the very cave over which the
Pagan temple is said to have been erected,
and within a century of its erection. In the
topographical question, while admitting the
weight of the objection drawn from the
proximity, to say the least, of the present
site to the inhabited portion of old Jerusa-
lem, we yet do not think that the opponents
of the Sepulchre have ever done justice (o
the argument stated by Lord Nugent, and
pointedly brought out by Professor Willis,
which is derived from the so-called tombs of
Joseph and Nicodemus. Underneath the
western galleries of the church are two ex-
•- • - ■ ■*
* Mibnan's History of Christianity, voL L p. 417.
1863.]
THE HOLT PLAOE&
606
cavations in the face of the rock, which as
clearly form an ancient Jewish sepulchre as
any that can be seen in the Valley of Hin-
nom or in the Tombs of the Kings. That they
shonld have been so long overlooked both by
the advocates and opponents of the identity
of the Holy Sepulchre, can only he explain-
ed by the perverse dulness of the conventual
guides, who call attention instead to two
graves sunk in the floor,* which may posst-
ly, like similar excavations at Petra, be of
ancient origin, but which, as Dr. Schuiz sug-
gests, may have been dug at a later period
to represent the graves, when the real object
of the ancient sepulchres had ceased to be
intelligible — as the tombs of some Mussul-
man saints are fictitious monuments erected
over the rude sepulchres hewn in the rock
beneath. The names assigned to these sep-
ulchres are fanciful of course, but their ex-
istence seems a conclusive proof that at some
period the site of the present church must
have been without the walls, and lends con-
siderable probability to the belief that the
rocky excavation, which exists in part per-
haps still, and once existed entire, within the
marble casing of the chapel of the Sepulchre,
was a really ancient tomb, and not, as is
often rashly asserted, a modern imitation.
Farther than this we believe that in our
present state of knowledge no merely topo-
graphical considerations can bring us. Even
if these tombs should prove the site of the
present church to have been outside some
wall, they do not prove it to have been the
wall of Herod; for it may have been the
earlier wall of the ancient monarchy; and
although it was satisfactorily established that
the church was outside the wall of Herod,
u would only prove the possibility, and not
the probability, of its identity with the site
of the Crucifixion. But, granting to the full
the doubts — and it may be more than doubts
— which must always hang over the highest
claims of the Church of the Sepulchre, we
do not envy the feelings of the man who can
look unmoved on what has. from the time of
Constantine, been revered by the larger part
of the Christian world as the scene of the
greatest events that ever occurred upon
* Even Mr. Curzon, whilst arguing for the anti-
quity of these tomba» in his graphic account of the
church, speaks of them as " in the floor.'' {Ecatem
Monasteries^ p. 166.) Another slight inaccuracy
may be noticed, (p. 203) because it confuses the
tenor of a very interesting narrative. He con-
founds *' the stone where the women stood during
the anointing" with " the stone where the Virgin
stood during the Crucifixion." The two spots are
wide apart
earth, and has itself become, for that reason,
the centre of a second cycle of events,
which, if of incomparably less magnitude, are
yet of a romantic interest almost unequalled
in human annals. It may be too much to
expect that the traveller, who sees the un-
certainty of the whole tradition, should par-
take those ardent feelings to which even a
man so skeptical as Dr. Clarke of the genu-
ineness of the localities confesses, in the
striking passage in which he describes the
entrance of himself and his companion into
the Chapel of the Sepulchre ; but its later
associations at least may be felt by every
student of history without the faintest fear
of superstition or irreverence.
Look at it as its site was first fixed * by
the extraordinary man who from so many
different sides deeply afiFected the fortunes of
Christendom. Whether Golgotha were here
or far away, there is no question that we can
still trace, as Constantine or his mother first
beheld it, the sweep of rocky hill, in the face
of which the sepulchre stood. If the rough
limestone be disputed, which some maintain
can still be felt in the interior of the Chape]
of the Sepulchre, there can be no doubt of
the rock which contains the " tombs of Jo-
seph and Nicodemus ;" none of that which
in the ** prison" and in the '* entombment of
Adam's head'' marks the foot of the cliff of
the present Golgotha ; or of that which is
seen at its summit in the so-called fissure of
the "rocks rent by the earthquake;" none,
lastly, of that through which a long descent
conducts the pilgrim to the subterraneous
chapel of the " Invention of the Cross." In
all these places enough can be seen to show
what the natural features of the place must
have been before the native stone had been
"violated by the marble" of Constantine;
enough to show that we have at least the
satisfaction of knowing that the church is
built on the native hills of the old Jerusa-
lem.f On these cliffs have clustered the
successive edifices of the venerable pile which
now rises in almost solitary graudeur from
the fallen city. The two domes, between
* We are, of eoune, not ignorant of Mr. Fergus-
son's ingenious, we '.may almost eay, brilliant at-
tempt to disprove even the Constantinian origin of
the present site ; bat till he has shown (aa his ar-
ffoment requires) that the market-place of Jerusa-
lem was at that time in the Valley of Jehoshaphat,
(to omit all other objections,) we cannot think that
he has made out any case.
f Perhaps the most valuable part of Professor
Willis's masterly discussion of the whole subject is
his attempt to restore the original form of the
ground.--(Section8 1 and 9.)
606
THB HOLY FLAOEa
[Deo.,
which the Turkish sheykh was established
by Saladin to watch the pilgrims within —
the lesaer dome surmounting the Greek
church which occupies the place of Constan-
tine's Basilica ; the larger that which covers
the Holy Sepulchre itself, and for the privi-
lege of repairing which the world has so
nearly been roused to arms — the Gothic front
of the Crusaders, its European features
strangely blending with the Oriental imagery
which closes it on everj side ; the minaret of
Omar* beside the Christian belfry, telling its
well-known story of Arabian devotion and
magnanimity ; the open court thronged with
buyers and sellers of relics to be carried
home to the most distant regions of the
earth ; the bridges and walls and stairs by
which the monks of the adjacent convents
climb into the galleries ; the chambers of all
kinds which run through the sacred edifice ;
all these, and many like appearances, unfold
more clearly than any book the long series
of recollections which hang around the tat-
tered and incongruous mass. Enter the
church, and the impression is the same.
There is the place in which to study the
diverse rites and forms of the older churches
of the world. There alone (except at Beth-
lehem) are gathered together all the altars
of all the sects which existed before the
Reformation. There is the barbaric splen-
dor of the Greek Church, exulting in its pos-
session of Constantine's Basilica and of the
rock of Calvary, There is the deep poverty
of the Coptic and Syrian sects, each now
confined to one paltry chapel, and which
forcibly contrast with the large portions of
the edifice which have been gained by the
Armenians through the revenues in which
that church of merchants — the Quakers of
the East, as they have been justly called — ^so
richly abounds. There is the more chastened
and familiar worship of the Latins, here re-
duced from the gigantic proportions which it
bears in its native seat to a humble settle-
ment in a foreign land, yet still securing for
itself a footing, with its usual energy, even
on localities which its rivals seemed most
firmly to have occupied. High on the plat-
* The minaret is said to stand on the spot where
Omar prayed, as near the Church as was compatible
with his abstaining from its appropriation by offer-
ing up his prayers within it The story is ourionsly
illustrated by the account which Michon (p. 72)
S'ves of the occupation of the " Coenaeulum'* by the
ahometanSk A few Muasulmen in the last centu-
ry, who were determined to get possession of the
convent^ entered it on the plea of its being the
tomb of David, said their prayen there, and from
that moment it became a Mahometan sanctuary*
form of Calvary, beside the Greek sanctuary
of the Crucifixion, it has claimed a separate
altar for the Exaltation of the Cross. Deep
in the Armenian chapel of St. Helena it has
seated itself in the corner where the throne
of Helena was placed during the "Inven-
tion." In the Chapel of the Holy Sepulchre
itself, whilst the Greek Church, with its
characteristic formality, confines its masses
to the antechapel, where its priests can cele-
brate towards the East, the Latin Church,
with the no less characteristic boldness of
the West, has rushed into the vacant space
in the inner shrine, and, regardless of all the
points of the compass, has adopted for its
altar the Holy Tomb itself. For good or for
evil, for union or for disunion, the older forms
of Christendom are gathered together, as
no where else in Europe or in Asia, within
those sacred walls.
It would bo an easy though a melancholy
task to dwell on the bitter dissensions which
have thence arisen — to tell how the Arme-
nians stole the angel's stone from the ante-
chapel of the Sepulchre — how the Latins
procured a firman to stop the repairs of the
dome by the Greeks — how the Greeks de-
molished the tombs of the Latin kings, God-
frey and Baldwin, in the resting-place which
those two heroic chiefs had chosen for them-
selves at the foot of Calvary — how the Eng-
lish traveller was taunted by the Latin monks
with eating the bread of their house, and not
fighting for them in their bloody conflicts
with the Greeks at Easter — how the Abys-
sinian convent was left vacant for the latter
in the panic raised when a drunken Abys-
sinian monk shot the muezzin going hb
rounds on the top of Omar's minaret — how,
after the great fire of 1808, which the Latins
charge to the ambition of their rivals, two
years of time, and two-thirds of the cost of
the restoration were consumed in the en-
deavors of each party, by bribes and litiga-
tions, to overrule and eject the others from
the places they had respectively occupied in
the ancient arrangement of the churches —
and how each party regards the infidel Turk
as his best and only protector from his
Cbrislian foe. These dissensions, however
painful, are not without their importance, as
exhibiting in a palpable form the contentions
and jealousies which from the earliest times
to the present day have been the bane of the
Christian Church; making mutual enemies
dearer than rival brethren, and the common
good insignificant in comparison with the
special privileges of each segment of the cir-
1 cle. Yet let us not so part. Grievous as
186d.J
THE HOLY PLAGES.
607
are these coDtentions, we canDot but think
that their extent has been somewhat exag-
gerated. Ecclesiastical history is not all
controversy, nor is the area of the Church of
the Holy Sepulchre at all times and in all
places a battle-field of sects. On ordinary
occasions it exhibits only the singular sight
of different nations, kindreds, and languages
worshipping, each with its peculiar rites,
round what they unite in belieTing to be the
tomb of their common Lord — a sight edify-
ing by the very reason of its singularity, and
suggestive of a higher, and we trust the day
may come when it may be added, a truer
image of the Christian Church than that
which is DOW too often derived from the his-
tory both of holy places and holy things.
There is one more aspect in which the
Church of the Holy Sepulchre must be re-
garded. It is not only the church of all the
ancient communions — it is also in a special
manner the Cathedral of Palestine and of
the East, and it is there that the local reli-
gion which attaches to all the Holy Places
reaches its highest pitch, receiving its color
from the eastern and barbarous nations who
are the principal elements in the congrega-
tion. Most of our readers will have derived
their conception of the Greek Easter at
Jerusalem from Mr. Curzon's graphic de-
scription of the celebrated catastrophe of
1834; but as the extraordmary occurrences
of that year would convey a mistaken im-
pression of the usual routine, it may be well
to subjoin an account of the more customary
celebration of the festival. The time to
which our readers must transport themselves
is the morning of Easter Eve, which by a
strange anticipation, here, as in Spain, eclipses
Easter Sunday. The place is the gallery
of the Latins, whence all Frank travellers
view the spectacle, — on the northern side of
the great Rotunda — the model of so many
European churches, and of which the most
remarkable, perhaps, that of Aix-la- Chapel le,
was built in express imitation of the famous
original. Above is the dome with its rents
and patches waiting to be repaired, and the
sky seen through the opening in the centre,
which, as in the Pantheon, admits the light
and air of day. Below is the Chapel of the
Sepulchre — a shapeless edifice of brown
marble ; on its shabby roof a meagre cupola,
tawdry vases with tawdry flowers, and a
forest of slender tapers ; whilst a blue cur-
tain is drawn across its top to intercept the
rain admitted through the dome. It is di-
vided into two chapels — that on the west
containing the Sepulchre, that on the east
containing the "Stone of the Angel." Of
these, the eastern chapel is occupied by the
Greeks and Armenians, and has a round hole
on its north side, from which the Holy
Fire is to issue for the Greeks, and a corre-
sponding aperture for the Armenians on the
south. At the western extremity of the
Sepulchre, but attached to it from the out*
side, is the little wooden chapel, which is the
only portion of the edifice allotted to the
Copts. Yet farther west, but parted from
the Sepulchre, is the chapel, equally humble,
of the Syrians, whose poverty has probably
been the means of saving from marble and
decoration the so-called tombs of Joseph and
Nicodemus which lie in their precincts.
The Chapel of the Sepulchre itself rises from
a dense mass of pilgrims who sit or stand
wedged together; whilst round them, and
between another equally dense mass which
lines the walls of the church, a circular lane
is formed by two circumferences of Turkish
soldiers, who are there to keep order. For
the first two hours all is tranquil. Nothing
indicates what is coming, except that the
two or three pilgrims who have got close to
the aperture whence the fire is to spring
keep their hands fixed in it with a clench,
which is never an instant relaxed. About
noon, this circular lane is suddenly broken
through by a tangled group rushing violent-
ly round till they are caught by one of the
Turkish soldiers. It seems to be the belief
of the Arab Greeks that unless they run the
circuit of the Sepulchre a certain number of
times, the fire will not appear. Accordingly,
for two hours, or more, a succession of gam-
bols takes place, which an Englishman can
only compare to a mixture of prisoner's base,
football, and leapfrog.* He sees a medley
of twenty, thirty, fifty men, some of them
dressed in sheepskins, some almost naked,
racing and catching hold of each other, lift-
ing one of their companions on their shoul-
* It is pontble that in these performanoee there
may be some reminisoence of the an dent fonend
games, such as those which took place round the pile
of Fatrodnn An illustration which comes more
home may be found in Tischendorf's description of
the races at the tomb of the great Bedouin saint^
Sheykh Saleh, io the Peninsula of Sinai, (Reisen, ii.
p. 207-814,) and in Jerome's account of the wild
fanatics who performed gambols exactly similar to
those of the Greek Easter before Uie reputed sepul-
chres of John the Baptist and Elisha, at Samana —
ululare more loperum, vocibus latrare canum— alios
rotare caputs et poet tergum terram yertioe tangere.
{Epitaph, Pavl,y p. US.) Possibly it was in parody
of some saoh spectacles that the lAtios held their
dances in St Sophia, in the capture of Constantino-
ple^ at the fourth Crusade.
508
THE HOLT PLACES.
[Dec.,
ders, eometimes on tlieir heads, and rushing
on with him till he leaps on the ground,
when a second succeeds. A fugleman
usually precedes the rest, clapping his hands,
to which the others respond by the like
action, adding wild howls, of which the
burden is, " This is the tomb of Jesus Christ
— God save the Sultan" — " Jesus Christ has
redeemed us." What begins in the lesser
groups soon grows in magnitude and extent,
till at last the whole of the passage between
the troops is continuously occupied by a race,
a whirl, a torrent of these wild figures,
wheeling round and round like the Sabbath
of the Witches in Faust. Gradually the
frenzy subsides or is checked ; the race-
course is cleared, and out of the Greek
Church, on the east of the Rotunda, a
long procession, with embroidered banners,
supplying in their ritual the want of images,
defiles round the Sepulchre.
The excitement, which had before been
confined to the runners and dancers, now be-
comes universal. Hedged in by the soldiers,
the two huge masses of pilgrims remain in
their places, but all join in a wild succession
of yells, through which are caught, from time
to time, strangely and almost affectingly min-
gled, the chants of the procession — the
stately chants of the church of Basil and
Chrysostom — mingled with the yell of sav-
ages. Thrice the procession paces round ;
and at the third circuit the two lines of
Turkish soldiers join and fall in behind. The
crisis of the day is approaching, and one
great movement sways the multitude from
side to side. The presence of the Turks is
believed to prevent the descent of the fire,
and at this point they are driven, or consent
to be driven, out of the church. It is difli-
cult to describe the appearance, as of a bat-
tle and a victory, which at this moment per-
vades the church. In every direction the
raging mob bursts in upon the troops, who
pour out of the building at the south-east
corner. The procession js broken through —
the banners stagger, waver, and fall, amidst
the flight of priests, bishops, and standard-
bearers before the tremendous rush. In a
small but compact band, the Bishop of Petra
(who is on this occasion the Bishop of ** the
Fire," the representative of the Patriarch)
is hurried to the chapel of the Sepulchre,
and the door is closed behind him. The
whole church is now one heaving sea of
heads, resounding with an uproar which can
be compared to nothing less than that of the
Guildhall of London at a nomination for the
City. A single vacant space is left — a nar-
row lane from the fire-hole in the northern
side of the chapel to the wall of the church.
By the aperture itself stands a priest ta
catch the flame; and on each side of the
lane, so far as the eye can reach, hundreds of
bare arms are stretched out like the branches
of a leafless forest — Kke the branches of a
forest quivering in some violent tempest.
In earlier and bolder times, the expectation
of the Divine presence was raised at this
juncture to a still higher pitch by the ap-
pearance of a dove hovering above the cupola
of the chapel — to indicate, so Maundrell
was told,* and doubtless truly, the visible
descent of the Holy Ghost. This extraordi-
nary act, whether of extravagant symbolism
or of daring profaneness, has now been dis-
continued ; but the belief remains — and it is
only from the knowledge of that belief that
the full horror of the scene, and intense ex-
citement of the next few moments, can be
adequately conceived. Silent — awfully silent
— ^in the midst of the frantic uproar, stands
the Chapel of the Holy Sepulchre. If any
one could at such a moment be convinced of
its genuineness, or could expect a display of
miraculous power, assuredly it would be
that its very stones would cry out against
the wild fanaticism without, and the fraud
which is preparing within. At last it comes.
A bright flame as of burning wood appears
inside the hole — the light, as every educated
Greek knows and acknowledges, kindled by
the Bishop in the chapel — the light, as every
pilgrim believes, of the descent of God him-
self upon the Holy Tomb. Slowly, gradu-
ally, the fire spreads from hand to hand, from
taper to taper, till at last the entire edifice,
from gallery to gallery, as well as through
the whole of the area below, is blazing with
thousands of burning candles. It is now
that, according to some accounts, the Bishop
or Patriarch is carried in triumph out of the
Chapel, on the shoulders of the people, in a
fainting state, " to give the impression that
he is overcome by the glory of the Almighty,
from whose immediate presence he is believed
to have come."f It is now that a mounted
horseman, stationed at the gates of the
Church, gallops off with a lighted taper to
communicate the sacred fire to the lamps of
the Greek Church In the Convent at Bethle-
hem. It is now that the great rush to escape
from the rolling smoke and suffocating heat,
and to carry the consecrated tapers into the
* With thifl and one or two other slighter varia-
tioDBthe account of Maandrell, in the 17 th century,
is an almost exact transcript of what is still seen.
f CnnEon's Monasteries^ p 208.
1858.]
THE HOLT PLACES.
500
streets and houses of Jerusalem, leads at t
times to the violent pressure at the single
outlet of the church, which, in 1884, cost
the lives of hundreds. For a short time the
pilgrims run to and fro — ^ruhbing their faces
and breasts against the fire to attest its re-
puted harmlessness. But the wild enthusi-
asm terminates the moment after the fire is
co-^municated; and not the least extraordinary
part of the spectacle is the rapid and total
subsidence of a frenzy so intense — the con-
trast of the furious agitation of the morning
with the profound repose of the evening,
when the church is again filled through the
area of the Rotunda, through the chapels of
Copt and Syrian, through the subterranean
Church of Helena, the great nave of Con-
stantine*s Basilica, the stairs and platform of
Calvary itself ; filled in every part, except the
one Chapel of the Latin Church, by a mass
of pilgrims, who are wrapt in deep sleep,
awaiting the midnight service.
Such is the celebration of the Greek Eas-
ter— probably the greatest moral argument
against the identity of the spot which it
professes to honor, and considering the place,
the time, and the intention of the professed
miracle, the most ofifensive imposture to
be found in the world. It is impossible to
give a precise account of the origin of the rite.
The explanation often offered, that it has arisen
from a misunderstanding of a symbolical
ceremony, is hardly compatible with its
remote antiquity. As early as the ninth cen-
tury it was believed that ** an angel came
and lighted the lamps which hung over the
Sepulchre, of which light the Patriarch gave
his share to the bishops and the rest ot the
people, that each might illuminate his own
house."* It was in all probability an imita-
tion of an alleged miraculous appearance of
fire in ancient times — ^suggested perhaps by
some actual phenomenon in the neighbor-
hood, buch as that which is mentioned in
Ammianus's account of Julian's rebuilding
the Temple, and assisted by the belief so
common in the East, that on every Friday a
supernatural light which dazzles the behold-
ers, and supersedes the necessity for lamps,
blazes in the sepulchres of Mussulman saints.
It is a remarkable instance of a great — it may
almost be said awful — ^superstition gradually
deserted by its supporters. Originally all
the sects partook in the ceremony, but one
* Bernard the Wise, a.o. 867. Early Travels in
FaleBtine, p. 26. There is a story of a miraoalooa
supply of oil for the lighting of the lampe on Easter
Eve at Jernaalem, as early as the 2d centoiy. —
Stueb, H, E, vL 9.
by one they have fallen away. The Roman
Catholics, after their exclusion from the
church by the Greeks, denounced it as an
imposture, and have never resumed it since.
Indeed^ next to the delight of the Greek pil-
grims at receiving the fire, is now the delight
of the Latins in deriding what in the "An-
nals of the Propagation of the Faith" for this
very year they describe (forgetful of the past
and of 8. Januarius at Naples) as a ''ridicu-
lous and superstitious ceremony." '<Ah !
vedete la fantasia," exclaim the happy Fran-
ciscans in the Latin gallery, **Ah ! qual fan-
tasia I — ecco gli bruti Greci — noi non facci-
amo cosi." Later, the grave Armenians de-
serted, or only with reluctance acquiesced in
the fraud ; and lastly, unless they are great-
ly misrepresented, the enlightened memberB
of the Greek Church itself, including, it b
said, no less a person than the Emperor
Nicholas, would gladly discontinue the cere-
mony, could they but venture on such a shock
to the devotion of thousands who yearly come
from far and near, over land and sea, for this
sole and special object.
It is doubtless a wretched thought that
for such an end as this Constantine and He-
lena should have planned and builded —
for such a worship Godfrey and Tancred,
Richard and St. Louis, have fought aud died.
Yet, in justice to the Greek clergy, it must be
remembered that it is but an extreme and in-
structive example of what every church suf-
fers which has to bear with the weakness and
fanaticism of its members, whether brought
about by its own corruption or by long and
inveterate ignorance. And however repul-
sive to our European minds may be the fran-
tic orgies of the Arab pilgrims, we ought
rather, perhaps, to wonder that these wild
creatures should be Christians at all, than
that, being such, they should take this mode
of expressing their devotion at this great an-
niversary. The very violence of the par-
oxysm proves its temporary character. On
every other occasion their conduct is sober
and decorous, even to dulness, as though —
according to the happy expression of one of
the most observant of Eastern travellers* —
they were not '' working out," but traraaei-
ing the great business of salvation.
It may seem to some a painful, and per-
haps an unexpected result of our inquiry,
that so great an uncertainty should hang
over spotti thus intimately connected with the
great events of the Christian religion, — that
in none the chain of tradition should be un-
* Eothen, p. 187-148.
510
THE HOLT PLAGES.
[Dee:,
broken, and in most oases hardly reach be-
yond the age of Constantine. Is it possible,
it is frequently asked, that the disciples of
the first age should have neglected to m?.rk
and commemorate the scenes of such events ?
And the answer, though often given, cannot
be too often repeated, that it not only was
possible, but precisely what we should infer
from the absence of any allusion to local sanc-
tity in the writings of the Evangelists and
Apostles, who were too profoundly absorbed
in the events themselves to think of their lo-
calities, too wrapt in the spirit to pay regard
to the letter or the place. The loss of the
Holy Sepulchre, thus regarded, is a testimony
to the greatness of the Resurrection. The
loss of the manger of Bethlehem is a witness
to the universal significance of the Incarna-
tion. The sites which the earliest followers
of our Lord would not adore, theirsuccess ors
could not. The oblileration of the very
marks which identified the Holy Places was
effected a little later by what may, without
presumption, be called the providential events
of the time. The Christians of the second
generation of believers, even had they been
anxious to preserve the recollection of sites
which were familiar to their fathers, would
have found it in many respects an impossible
task after the defacing ruin which attended
the capture of Jerusalem by Titus. The
same judgment which tore up by the roots
the local religion of the old dispensation, de-
prived of secure basis what has since grown
up as the local religion of the new. The to-
tal obliteration of the scenes in some instances
is at least a proof that no Divine Providence,
as is sometimes urged, could have watched
over them in others. The desolation of the
lake of Gennesareth has swept out of memory
places more sacred than any (with the one
exception of those at Jerusalem) thnt are
alleged to have been preserved. The cave of
Bethlehem and the house of Nazareth, where
our Lotd passed an unconscious infancy and
an unknown youth, cannot be compared for
sanctity with that " house** of Capernaum
which was the home of his maahood, and the
chief scene of his words and works. Yet of
that sacred habitation every vestige has per-
ished as though it had never been.
But the doubts which envelop the lesser
things do not extend to the greater, — they
attach to the '^ Holy Places,'* but not to the
•' Holy Land," The clouds which cover the
special localities are only specks in the clear
light which invests the general geography
of Palestine. Not only are the sites of Jeru-
salem, Nazareth, and Bethlehem absolutely
indisputable, but there is hardly a town or
village of note mentioned in the Old and New
Testament which cannot still be identified
with a certainty which often extends to the
yerj spots which are signalized in the his-
tory. If Sixtus V. had succeeded in bis
project of carrying off the Holy Sepulchre,
the essential interest of Jerusalem would have
suffered as little as that of Bethlehem by the
alleged transference of the manger to S. Maria
Maggiore, or as that of Nazareth, were we
to share the belief that its holy house were
standing far away on the hill of Loretto.
The very notion of the transference being
thought desirable or possible, is a proof of
the slight connection existing in the minds of
those who entertain it between the sanctuaries
themselves and the enduring charm which
must always attach to the real scenes of
great events. It shows the difference (which
is often confounded) between the local super-
stition of touching and handling— of making
topography a matter of religion — and that
reasonable and religious instinct which leads
us to investigate the natural features of histor-
ical scenes, sacred or secular, as one of the
best helps to judging of the events of which
they were the stage.
These " Holy Places" have, indeed, a his-
tory of their own, which, whatever be their
origin, must always ^ve them a position
amongst the celebrated spots which have in-
fluenced the fortunes of the globe. The
convent of Bethlehem can never lose the as-
sociations of Jerome, nor can the Church of
the Holy Sepulchre ever cease to be bound
up with the recollections of the Crusades, or
with the tears and prayers of thousands of
pilgrims, which of themselves, amidst what-
ever fanaticism and ignorance, almost conse-
crate the walls withm which they are of-
fered.
But these reminiscences, and the instruction
which they convey, bear the same relation to
those awakened by the original and still liv-
ing geography of Palestine as the later
course of ecclesiastical history bears to its
divine source. The Church of the Holy Sep-
ulchre, in this, as in other aspects, is a type
of the history of the Church itself, and the
contrast thus suggested is more consoling
than melancholy. Alike in sacred topography
and in sacred history, there is a wide and
free atmosphere of truth above, a firm ground
of reality beneath, which no doubts, contro-
versies, or scandals, concerning this or that
particular spot, this or that particular opinion
or sect, can affect or disturb. The churches
of the Holy Sepulchre or of the Holy House
1658.]
THE FASTNER— BKOOLLECTIONB OF A POLIOE^FFIGER.
611
may be closed against us, but we have still
the Mount of Olives and the Sea of Galilee :
the sky, the flowers, the trees, the fields.
which suggested the Parables, — the holy
hills, which cannot be moved, but stand fast
for ever.
~*m-
[From Chamber •'• Journal.]
THE PARTNER— RECOLLECTIONS OF A POLICE-OFFICER.
I HAD virtually, though not formally, left
the force, when a young man, of gentlemanly
but somewhat dinsipated aspect, and looking
very pale and agitated, called upon me with
a note from one of the commissioners, enjoin-
ing me to assist the bearer, Mr. Edmund
Webster, to the utmost of my ability, if, upon
examination, I saw reason to place reliance
upon bis statement relative to the painful and
extraordinary circumstances in which he was
involved.
''Mr. Edmund Webster," I exclaimed after
glancing at the note. ** You are the person,
then, accused of robbing Mr. Hutton, the
corn-merchant, [the reader will, of course, un-
derstand that I make use of fictitious names,]
and whom that gentleman refuses to prose-
cute ?"
"The same, Mr. Waters. But although
the disgraceful charge, so far as regards
legal pursuit, appears to be withdrawn, or
rather is not pressed, I and my family shall
not be the less shamed and ruined thereby, un-
less my perfect innocence can be made mani-
fest before the world. It is with that view we
have been advised to seek vour assistance ;
and my father desires me to say, that he will
hesitate at no expense necessary for the
thorough prosecution of the inquiry."
" Very well, Mr. Webster. The intimation
of the commissioner is, however, of itself all-
potent with me, although I hoped to be con-
cerned in no more snch investigations. Have
the goodness, therefore, to sit down, and favor
me minutely and distinctly with your version
of the affair, omitting, if you please, no cir-
cumstance, however apparently trivial, in
connection with it. I may tell you," I added,
openinff the note-book from which I am now
transcribing, and placing it before me in readi-
ness to begin — *' I may tell yon, by way of some
slight encouragement, that the defense you
volunteered at the police-office was, in my
opinion, too improbable to be an invention ;
and I, as you know, have had large expe-
rience in such matters. That also, I suspect,
is Mr. Hutton's opinion ; and hence not only
his refusal to prosecute, but the expense and
trouble he has been at, to my knowledge, in
preventing either his own or your name from
appearing in the papers. Now, Sir, if jou
please."
^* I shall relate every circumstance, Mr.
Waters, as clearly and truthfully as possible,
for my own sake, in order that you may not
be working in the dark ; and first, 1 must
beg your attention to one or two family
matters, essential to a thorough appreciation
of the position in which I am placed."
"Go on. Sir : it is my duty to hear all you
have to say*
''My father,,' proceeded Mr. Edmund
Webster, '^ who, as you are aware, resides in
the Regent's Park, retired about five years
ago from the business in Mark Lane, which
has since been carried on by the former ju-
nior partner, Mr. Hutton. Till within the
last six months, I believed myself destined for
the army, the purchase- money of a cometcy
having been lodged at the Horse Guards
a few days after I came of age. Suddenly,
however, my father changed his mind, insist-
ed that I should become a partner of Hut-
ton's in the corn- trade, and forthwith withdrew
the money lodged for the commission. I am
not even yet cognizant of all his motives for
this seeming caprice ; but thos^ he alleged
were, first, my spendthrift, idle habits — an
imputation for which, I confess, there was
too much foundation ; though as to whether
the discipline of the counting-house would,
as he believed, effect a beneficial change,
there might be two opinions. Another, and,
I have no doubt, much more powerfully in-
ducing motive with him was, that I had
formed an attachment for Miss Ellen Brams-
512
THE PABTNER^-REOOLLECTIONS OF A POUCB^FFIGER.
[Dec
toD» the second daughter of Captain Bramston,
of the East India Company's service, residing
at Hampstead upon his half- pay. My father
strongly disapproved of the proposed alliance :
like most of the successful City men I have
known or heard of, he more heartily despises
poverty with a laced coat on its hack than in
rags ; and he knew no more effectual plan
could be hit upon for frustrating my wishes,
than by transforming my expected cornetcy
into a partnership in the corn-trade, my im-
aginary sword for a goose- quill ; Captain
Bramston, who is distantly related to an earl,
being even prouder than he is poor, and a
man that would rather see his daughter in
her coffin than married to a trader. " It was
condescension enough," he angrily remarked,
" that he had permitted Ellen Bramston to
encourage the addresses of the son of a City
parvenue, but it was utterly preposterous to
suppose she could wed an actual corn-chan-
dler.' "
" Corn-chandler !"
" That was Captain Bramston's pleasant
phrase, when I informed him of my father's
sudden change of purpose. The proposed
partnership was as distasteful to myself as to
Captain Bramston ; but my father proved in-
exorable— fiercely so, I may say — to my en-
treaties, and those of my sisters ; and I was
placed in the dilemma, either of immediate
banishment from home, and probable forfeit-
ure of my inheritance, or the loss of Ellen
Bramston, to whom, with all my follies, I
was and am devotedly attached. After
much anxious cogitation, I hit upon a scheme,
requiring for a time the exercise of a con-
siderable amount of deceit and dissimulation,
which would, I flattered myself, ultimately
reconcile interest with inclination : give me
Ellen, and not lose my father."
" To which deceit and dissimu^tion you
are doubtless indebted for your present un-
fortunate position."
''You have rightly anticipated. But to
proceed. Mr. Uutton himself, I must tell
you, was strongly adverse to receiving me as
a partner, though for some reason or other,
he durst not openly oppose the project ; his
son, John Hutton, also bitterly objected to
it" •
'* His son, John Hutton 1 I know the
character of Hutton senior pretty well ; pray
what is that of his son ?"
'' Well, like myself, he is rather fast, per-
haps, but not the less a good sort of young
fellow enough. He sailed the week before
last for Riga, on business."
" Before you were apprehended ?"
" On the morning of the same day. Let
me see, where was I ? Oh — Mr. Mutton's
aversion to the partnership, the knowledge
of which suggested my plan of operation.
I induced him to represent to my father that
I should pass at least two or three months in the
counting-house, before the matter was irre-
versibly concluded, for his, Mr. Hutton's sake,
in order that it might be ascertained if there
was any possibility of taming me into habits
of method and application ; and I hypocriti-
cally enforced his argument — ^you see I am
perfectly candid — by promising ultimate
dutiful submission to my father's Irishes, pro-
vided the final decision were thus respited.
The main object I thought to obtain by this
apparent compliance was the effectual loosen-
ing, before many weeks had passed, of the
old gentleman's purse* strings, which had of
lateoeen over- tightly drawn. I had several
pressing debts of honor, as they are called —
defyis of dishonor would, according to my
experience, be the apter phrase — which it
was absolutely necessary to discharge ; and
the success, moreover, of my matrimonial
project entirely depended upon mj ability to
secure a very considerable sum of money."
" Your matrimonial project ?"
" Yes : it was at last arranged, not with-
out much reluctance on the part of EUlen,
but. I have good reason for believing with the
covert approbation of Captain Bramston, that
we should effect a stolen marriage, immedi-
ately set off for the Continent, and reooain
there till the parental storm, which on my
father *s part would, I knew, be tremendous,
had blown over. I did not feel much dis-
quieted as to the final result. I was an only
son : my sisters would be indefatigable inter-
cessors ; and we all, consequently, were pretty
confident that a general reconciliation, such
as usually accompanies the ringing down
of the green curtain at the wind-up of a
stage-coinedy, would, after no great interval
of time, take place. Money, however, was
indispensable — money for the wedding ex-
penses, the flight to France, and living there
for a considerable time perhaps ; and no like-
lier mode of obtaining it occurred to me than
that of cajoling my father into good- humor,
by affecting to acquiesce in his wishes. And
here I may remark, in passing, that had I
been capable of the infamous deed I am ac-
cused of, abundant opportunities of plunder-
ing Mr. Hutton presented themselves from
the first hour I entered hb counting-house.
Over and over again has he left me alone in
his private room, with the keys in the lock
of his iron safe, where large sums were frer
THE PARTNER— RBGOLLECnOIilS OF A POLIC&OPFIGER.
1868.]
qnently deposited, not in bank notes only,
but nntraceable gold/'
" That looks like a singular want of cau-
tion in so precise and wary a man as Mr.
Hutlon," I remarked, half under my breaih.
"Nothing of the sort," rejoined Mr.
Edmund Webster with some heat, and his
pallid face brightly flushing. " It only shows
that, with all my faults and follies, it was
impossible for any one that knew me to
imagine I could be capable of perpetrating
a felony."
" I beg your pardon, Mr. Webster ; I
meant nothing offensive to you : the remark
was merely the partly involuntary expression
of a thought which suddenly glanced across
my mind."
^ I have little more of preliminary detul to
relate," he went on to say. *• Contrary to
' our hopes and expectations, my father be-
came not a whit more liberal with his purse
than before — the reverse rather ; and I soon
found that he intended to keep the screw on
till the accomplishment of the hated partner-
ship placed an insuperable bar between me
and Ellen Bramston. I used to converse
frequently upon these matters with Mr.
Button, as unreservedly as I do now with you ;
and I must say thaty although extremely
anxious to avoid any appearance of opposi-
tion to my father, he always expressed the
warmest sympathy with my aims and wishes ;
so much so, in fact, that I at last ventured
to ask him for the lodn of about five hun-
dred pounds, that being the least sum which
would enable me to pay off the most press-
ing of the claims by w.hich 1 was harassed,
and carry out my wedding project. That
favor, however, he flatly refused, under the
plea that his having done so would sooner or
later come to my father's knowledge."
"And did Mr. Huttm, after that refusal,
continue to afford you opportunities of help-
ing yourself, had you been so minded V
" Yes ; unquestionably he did : but what
of that?" sharply replied the young man',
his pale face again suffused with an angry
flui»h.
^* Nothing, Sir ; nothing. Go on : I am
all attention."
"Well, I made application to several
money-lenders with the like ill success, till
last Monday fortnight, when I was accosted
at Mr. Hutton's place of -business in the
Corn -market, where I happened to be for a
few minutes alone, by a respectable- looking
middle-aged man, who asked me if I was the
Mr. Edmund Webster who had left a note at
Mr. Curtis's, of Bishopgate street, on the
VOL. XXX. NO. IV.
613
previous Saturday, requesting the loan of
five hundred pounds, upon my own accept-
ance at six months'* date. I eagerly replied
in the affirmative ; upon which Mr. Brown,
as the man called himself, asked if I had the
promissory- note for five hundred and fifty
pounds, as 1 had proposed, ready drawn ; as,
if so, he would give me the cash at once. I
answered in a nurry of joyous excitement,
that I had not the note drawn nor a stamp
with me, but if he would wait a few minutes
till Mr. Hutton or a clerk came in, I would
get one and write the acceptance immediately.
He hesitated for a moment, and then said :
' I am in a hurry this morning, but I will
wait for you in the coffee-room of the Bay
Tree Tavern: have the kindness to be as
quick as you can, and draw the note in favor
of Mr. Brown.' He had not been gone
above three or four minutes, when a clerk
came in. I instantly hurried to a stationer's,
wrote the note in his shop, and speeded on
with it to the Bay Tree Tavern. The coffee-
room was full, except the box where sat Mr.
Brown, who, after glancing at the acceptance,
and putting it quickly up, placed a roll of
notes in my hand. * Do not display your
money/ he said, 'before all these people.
You can count the notes under the table.'
I did so : they were quite correct — ten fifties ;
and I forthwith ordered a bottle of wine.
Mr. Brown, however, alleging business as an
excuse, did not wait till it was brought —
bade me good -day, and disappeared, taking,
in his hurry, my hat instead of bis own.
** I was. you will readily believe, exceed-
ingly jubilant at this lucky turp of affairs ;
and, strange as it must appear to you, and
does now to myself, it did not strike me at
the time as at alt extraordinary or unbusiness-
like, that I should have five hundred pounds
suddenly placed in my hands by a man to
whom I was personally unknown, and who
could not, therefore, be certain that I waa the
Edmund Webster he professed to be in search
of. What with the effect of the wine I
drank, and natural exultation, I was, I well
remember, in a state of great excitement
when I left the tavern, and hardly seemed to
feel my feet as I hurried away to Mark Lane,
to inform Mr. Hutton of my good-luck, and
bid his counting-house and the corn-trade a
final farewell. He was not at home, and I
went in and seated myself in his private room
to await his return. I have no doubt that,
as the clerk has since deposed, I did look flus-
tered, agitated ; and it is quite true also,
that after vainly waiting for upwards of an
hour, I suddenly left the place, and, as it
n
514
THE PARTNER— REOOLLECTIONB OF A FOUGKOFnCER.
[Dec.
happened, uonoiiced by any body. Immedi*
ately upon leaving Mark Lane» I hastened to
Uanipstead, saw Misa Bramston; and as
every thing, with the exception of the money,
had been for some time in readiness, it was
soon decided that we should take wing at
dawn, on the following morning, for Scotland,
and thence pass over to France. I next be-
took myself to Regent's Park, where I dined,
and confided every thing to my sisters except
as to how I had obtained the necessary funds.
At about eight in the evening, I took a cab
as far as the Hay market for the purpose of
hiiing a post-chaise-and-four, and of paying
A few debts of honor in that neighborhood.
I was personally unknown to the postmaster ;
it was therefore necessary to prepay the
chaise as far as St. Alban's, and I presented
him with one of the fifty-pound notes for
that purpose. He did not appear surprised
at the largeness of the sum, but requested
me to place my name and address at the
back of the note before he changed it. In
my absurd anxiety to prevent the possibility
of our flight being traced, I endorsed the
note as ^ Charles Hart, Great Wimpole
street/ and the man left the yard.
** He was gone a considerable time, and I
was getting exceedingly impatient, when, to
my surprise and consternation, he reentered
the yard accompanied by a police-oflScer.
'You are the gentleman from whom Mr.
Evans received this fifty* pound note a few
minutes ago — are you not?* 'Yes, to be
sure/ I answered-, stammering and coloring,
why, I scarcely knew. 'Then step this
way, if you please,* said the man. * That
note, with nine others of the same value, is
advertised in the evening papers as having
been stolen from a gentleman's counting-
house in Mark Lane/ I thought I should
have fainted ; and when a paragraph in the
Olobe was pointed out to me, offering a re-
ward, on the part of Mr. Hutton, for the ap-
prehension of the person or persons who had
that day stolen ten fifty-pound Bank-of-Eng-
land notes — the dates and numbers of which
were given — from his office, I was so com-
pletely stunned, that but for the police-offi-
cer I should have dropped upon the floor.
' This perhaps may be cleared up,' said the
officer, 'so far as you, Mr. Hart^ are con-
cerned ; and I will, if you like, go with you
at once to your address at Great Wimpole
street/ It was of course necessary to ac-
knowledge that my name was not Hart, and
that I had given a false address. This was
enough. I was at once secured and taken
off to the station-house, searched, and the
other nine notes being found upon me, no
doubt was entertained of my guilt.- I obsti-
nately declined giving my real name — very
foolishly so, as I now perceive, since Mr.
Hutton 8 clerk, the moment he saw me the
next day at the police-court, disclosed it as a
matter of course. The result you know. Mr.
Hutton, when he heard who it was that had
been taEen into custody, kept resolutely out
of the way; and, after several remands, I
was set at liberty, the magistrate remarking,
that he knew of no case which showed, in a
more striking light, the need of a public pro-
secutor in this country. My account of the
way in which I berame possessed of the
notes was, as you know, scouted, and quite
naturally ; Mr. Curtis, of Bishopsgate street,
having denied all knowledge of Mr. Brown,
or that he had commissioned any one to pre-
sent me with five hundred pounds in ex-
change for my acceptance. Thus stigmatized
and disgraced, I returned home to find my
father struck down, in what was at first
thought would prove mortal illness, by the
blow — Captain Bramston *b door shut against
me — and the settled marriage of my eldest
sister, Jane, with an amiable young man, per-
emptorily broken off by his relatives on ac-
count of the assumed criminality of her
brother."
" This is indeed a sad, mysterious business,
Mr. Webster,** I remarked, when the young
man had ceased speaking ; " but pray tell me,
did either Mr. Hutton or his son know of
your application to Mr. Curtis ?"
" I cannot say that either of them did,
though it is more than probable that I men-
tioned it to both of t£em."
" Well, Mr. Webster, I have confidence in
your veracity ; but it is essential that I should
see your father before engaging iu this busi-
ness."
" He is anxious you should do so, and as
early as possible."
It was then arranged that I should call on
Webster, senior, at three o'clock the same af-
ternoon, and announce myself to the servants
as Mr. Thompson. I was punctual to the
time appointed, and was forthwith ushered
by one of the daughters into her father's
presence. He was not yet sufficiently re-
covered to leave his bed ; and I had hardly
exchanged half-a-dozen sentences with him,
when the same young lady by whom I had
been introduced, hastily returned to say Mr.
Hutton was below, and requested an im-
mediate interview. Mr. Webster bade his
daughter tell Mr. Hutton be was engaged,
and could not be interrupted ; and she was
1853.]
THE PARTNER— RECOLLECTIONS OF A POLICE-OFFICER.
515
tnrning away to do so, when I said hastily :
" Excuse me, Mr. Webster, but I should ex-
ceedingly like to hear, with my own eiirs,
what Mr. Hutton has to say» unobserved by
him."
" You may do so with all my heart," he re-
plied ; " but how shall we manage to conceal
yon r
'* Easily enough under the bed ;" and suit-
mg the action to the word, I was in a mo-
ment out of sight. Miss Webster was then
told to ask Mr. Hutton to walk up, and in a
few minutes that worthy gentleman entered
the room. After a few hypocritical condo-
lences upon the invalid's state of health, Mr.
Hutton came to the point at once, and with
a vengeance.
" I am come, Mr. Webster," he began, in a
determined tone, " to say that I will endure
this shilly-shallying no longer. Either you
give up the bonds you hold of mine, for bor-
rowed moneys"
" Eleven thousand pounds and upwards !"
groaned the sick man.
"About that sum, I am aware, including
interest ; in discharge of which load of debt
I was, you know, to have given a third share
of my business to your admirable son. Well,
agree at once to cancel those bonds, or I
forthwith prosecute your son, who will as cer-
tainly be convicted, and transported for life."
" I tell you again," retorted the excited in-
valid, " that I will not purchase mere for-
bearance to prosecute at the cost of a single
shilling. The accusation would always be
hanging over his head, and we should remain
for ever disgraced, as we are now, in the eyes
of the world."
*' I have turned that over in my mind," re-
plied Hutton, ** and I think I can meet your
wishes. Undertake to cancel the debt I owe
you, and I will wait publicly to-morrow upon
the magistrate with a letter in my hand pur-
porting to be from my son, and stating that it
was he who took the notes from my desk, and
employed a man of the name of Brown to ex-
ohange them for your son's acceptance, he
being anxious that Mr. Edmund Webster
should not become his father's partner ; a
purpose that would necessarily be frustrated
if he» Edmund Webster, was enabled to mar-
ry and leave this country."
There was no answer to this audacious pro-
posal for a minute or two, and then Mr. Web-
ster said slowly : " That my son is innocent, I
am thoroughly convinced "
" Innocent I" exclaimed Mr. Hutton with
savage derision. " Have you taken leave of
your senses ?"
" Still," continued the invalid, unmindful of
the interruption, " it might be impossible to
prove him so ; and your proposition has a
certain plausibility about it. I must, how-
ever, have time to consider of it."
" Certainly ; let us say till this day week.
You cannot choose but comply ; for if you
do not, as certainly as I stand here a living
man, your son shall, immediately after the ex-
piration of that time, be on the high-road to
the hulks." Having said this, Mr. Hutton .
went away, and I emerged from my very un-
digni6ed lurking-place.
" I begin to see a little clearer through this
hlack affair," I said in reply to the old gen-
tleman's questioning look ; " and I trust we
may yet be able to turn the tables upon the
very confident gentleman who has just left
us. Now, if you please," I added, address-
ing Miss Webster, who had again returned, "I
shall be glad of a few moments' conversation
with your brother." She led the way down
stairs, and I found Mr. Edmund Webster in
the dining-room. "Have the kindness," I
said, " to let me see the hat Mr. Brown left
behind at the tavern in exchange for yours."
The young man seemed surprised at the ap-
parent oddness of the request, but immedi-
ately complied with it. "And pray, what
maker or seller's name was pasted inside the
crown of t/our hat, Mr. Webster."
** Lewis, of Bond street," he replied : " I
always purchase my hats there."-
" Very good. And now as to Mr. Brown's
personal appearance. What is he at all like?"
''A stoutish middle-aged man, with very
light hair, prominent nose, and a pale face,
considerably pock-marked."
" That will do for the present, Mr. Web-
ster ; and let me beg that, till you see me
again, not a soul receives a hint that we are
moving in this business."
I then left the house. The hat had furnished
an important piece of information, the printed
label inside being, " Perkins, Guilford, Sur-
rey ;" and at the Rose and Crown Inn, Guil-
ford, Surrey, I alighted the very next day at
about two o'clock, in the strong hope of
meeting in its steep streets or adjacent lanes
with a stoutish gentleman, distinguished by
very light hair, a long nose, and a white,
pock-marked face. The chance was, at all
events, worth a trial ; and I very diligently
set to work to realize it, by walking about
from dawn till dark, peering at every head I
passed, and spending the evenings in the
most frequented parlors of the town. Many
a bootless chase I was led by a distant
glimpse of light or red hair ; and one fellow
516
THE PARTNER-REGOLLECnonS OF A POLICE-OFFICER.
[Dee.,
with a sandy poll, and a pair of the longest
legs I ever saw, tept me almost at a run for
two mortal hours one sultry hot morning, on
the road to Cherts^y, before I headed him,
and confronted a pair of fat cheeks, as round
and red as an apple, between which lay,
scarcely visible, a short snub- nose. Patience
and perseverance at length, however, met
with their reward. I recognized my man as
he was cheapening a joint of meat in the
market-place. He answered precisely to the
description given me, and wore, moreover, a
fashionable hat, strongly suggestive of Bond
street. After awhile he parted from his
wife, and made towards a public- house, into
the parlor of which I entered close after him.
I had now leisure to observe him more close-
ly. He appeared to be a respectable sort of
man, but a care-worn expression flitted at
times over his face, which to me, an iideptin
such signs, indicated with sufficient plainness
much anxiety of mind, arising, probably, from
pecuniary embarrassment, not, I judged, from
a burdened conscience. I presently obtained
further and decisive proof, though that was
scarcely needed, that Mr. Skinner, as the
waiter. called him, was my Mr. Brown: in
rising to leave the room, I took his hat, which
he had hung up, in apparent mistake for my
own, and in the half-minute that elapsed
before I replaced it, saw, plainly enou|rh,
" Lewis, Bond street, London," on the inside
label. The only question now was, how to
best avail myself of the lucky turning up of
Mr. Brown ; and whilst I was meditating
several modes of action, the sight of a board,
upon which was painted, *' This ground to be
let in Building Leases; Apply to Mr. Skin-
ner, Builder," at once decided me. I called
upon Mr. Skinner, who lived about half a
mile out of Guilford, the next morning, in-
quired as to the conditions of the said leases,
walked with him over the ground in ques-
tion, calculated together how much a hand-
some country-house would cost, and finally
adjourned to the Rose and Crown to discuss
the matter further over a bottle of wine.
Skinner was as free a soul, I found, as ever
liquor betrayed into indiscretion ; and I soon
heard that he had lately been to London, and
had a rich brother-in-law there of the name
of Hutton, with other less interesting particu*
lars. This charming confidence, he seemed
to think, required a return in kind, and after
he had essayed half-a-dozen indirect ques-
tions, I came frankly out with : " There s no
occasion to beat about the bush, Mr. Skinner :
you wish to know who I am, and especially
if I am able to pay for the fine house we
have been talking of. Well, then, I am a
money -dealer. I lend cash, sometimes, on se-
curity."
•*A pawnbroker?" queried Mr. Skinner
doubtfully.
*' Not exactly that : I oftener take persons
in pledge, than goods. What I mean by
money-dealer, is a man who discounts the
signatures of fast men with good expecta-
tions, who don't mind paying handsomely ill
the end for present accommodation."
" I understand ; a bill discounter ?"
" Precisely. But come, drink, and pass the
decanter."
A gleam that shot out of the man's gray
eyes strengthened a hope I had hardly dar^
entertain, that I was on the eve of a great
success ; but the trout, it was clear, required
to be cautiously played. Mr. Skinner pre-
sently fell into a brown study which I did
not interrupt, contenting myself with refilling
his glass as fast as he mechanically emptied
it. "A bill discounter," said he at last, pat-
ting down his pipe, and turning towards me
with a settled purpose in his look. "Is
amount and length of time to run of any con-
sequence ?"
^* None whatever, if the parties are safe.''
" Cash down on the nail ?"
"Cash down on the nail, minus of course
the interest."
" Of course. Well, then, Mr. Thompson,
I have a promissory-note signed by a Mr.
Edmund Webster of London, for five hun-
dred and fifty pounds, at six months' date,
which I should like to discount."
" Webster of the Minories ?"
" No ; his father is a .retired com-mer*
chant residing in the Regent's Park. The
bill 's as safe as a Bank-ot-England note."
" I know the party. But why doesn't the
rich brother-in-law you spoke of cash it for
you ?"
'' Well," replied Skinner, " no doubt be
would ; but the fact is, there is a dispute
between us about this very note. I owe him
a goodish bit of money ; and jf he got it into
his hands, he'd of course be for deducting
the amount ; .and I've been obliged to put
him off by pretending it was accidentally
burned soon after I obtained it.
" A queer story, my friend ; but if the
signature's genuine, I don't mind that, and
you shall have the cash at once."
« Here it is, then,'* said Skinner, unclasp-
ing a stout leather pocket-book. " I don't
mind throwing back the odd fifty founds."
I eagerly grasped the precious document,
glanced at it, saw it was all right, placed it
1853.]
OORBIERES.
517
in my pocket, and then suddenly changing
my tone, and rising from the table, said —
" Now then. Skinner, a/tos Brown, I have to
inform you that I am a detective f)olice-
officer, and that you are my prisoner."'
" Police ! prisoner !*' shouted the astound-
ed man, as he leaped to his feet : " what
are you talking of?"
" I will tell you. Your brother-in-law
employed you to discount the note now in
my possession. You did so, pretending to
be a Mr. Brown, the agent of a Mr. Curtis;
but the villanous sequel of the transaction —
the charging young Mr. Webster with hav-
ing stolen the very fifty-pound notes you
gave him in the coffee-room of the Bay Tree
Tavern — I do not believe, thanks to Master
Hutton's success in suppressing the names
in the police reports, you can be aware of."
The bewildered man shook as with ague in
every limb, and, when I ceased speaking,
protested earnestly that he had had no evil
design in complying with his brother-in-
law's wishes.
'*! am willing to think so," I replied;
''but, at all events, you must go with me to
London— quietly were best."
To this he at last, though very reluctantly,
consented ; and half an hour afterwards we
were in the train, and on our road to London.
The next morning, Mr. Webster's solicitors
applied to Mr. Button for the immediate
liquidation of the bonds held by their client.
This, as we had calculated, rendered him
furious ; and Edmund Webster was again
arrested on the former charge, and taken to
the Marlborough street police-office, where
his father. Captain Bramston, and other
friends, impatiently awaited his appearance.
Mr. Hutton this time appeared as prosecutor,
and deposed to the safe custody of the notes
oq the morning of the robbery.
"And you swear," said Mr. Webster^s
solicitor, " that you did not with your own
hand9 give the pretended ly stolen notes to
Brown, and request him to take theoa in Mr.
Curtis's name to young Mr. Webster?"
Hutton, greatly startled, glanced keenly
in the questioner s face, and did not imme-
diately answer. - '' No, I did not," he at last
replied, in a low, shaking voice.
** Let me refresh your memory. Did you
not say to Brown, or rather Skinner, your
brother-in-law"
A slight scream escaped the quivering lips
of the detected conspirator, and a blaze of
frenzied anguish and alarm swept over his
countenance, leaving it as white as marble.
No further answer could be obtained from
him ; and as soon as possible he left the
office, followed by the groans and Wia&es of the
excited auditory. Skinner was then brought
forward : he made a full and ample confession,
and Edmund Webster was at once discharg-
ed, amid th^ warm felicitations of the magis-
trate and the uproarious gratulations of his
friends. It was intended to indict Mr. Hut-
ton for perjury ; but the unhappy man chose
to appear before a higher tribunal than that
of the Old Bailey. He was found dead in
bis bedroom early the next morning. His
affiEiirs were found to be in a state of in-
solvency, though the deficit was not large —
15«. in the pound having been, I understood,
ultimately paid to the creditors. Miss Ellen
Bramston, I must not in conclusion omit to
state, became Mrs. Edmund Webster shortly
after the triumphant vindication of her lover's
character; and, I believe, Miss Webster was
made a wife on the same day.
CoRBiERss. — ^Monsieur de Corbieres, Min-
ister of the Interior, under the Restoration
of the Bourbons, having risen from the
humbler ranks of life, and frequented only
the society of the middle classes, was, though
an able man, naturally ignorant of a thousand
minor points of etiquette which emigrated,
with the royal family, from Versailles to
Hartwell, and returned with them from Hart-
well to the Tuileries. The Breton lawyer
was, consequently, perpetually committing
himself by lapses of politeness, which afford-
ed much laughter to the King and court.
But his ready wit never failed to get him out
of the scri^.
One day, while submitting some important
plans to Louis XVIII., so pre-occupied was
he by the subject under discussion, that, after
taking a pinch of snuff, he placed his snuff-
box on the table among the papers ; and, im-
mediately afterwards, laid his pocket-hand-
kerchief by its side.
" You seem to be emptying your pockets,
Monsieur de Corbieres," remonstrated the
King, with offended dignity.
"A fault on the right side on the part of
a minister. Sire I" was the ready retort. ** I
should be far more sorry if your Majesty had
ac(yi8ed me oi filling them !"
518
THE HOUSE OF BRUNSWICK IN OERMAKY AND ENGLAND.
[Dec.
From Frftiai'i^Margftxint.
THE HOUSE OF BRUNSWICK IN GERMANY AND ENGLAND.*
Tbe pen of the learned Gibbon wais em-
ployed upon the antiquities of the noble
House of Brunswick, of which the rojal
family of England are a younger branch.
Daring the middle ages, the Guelphs fought
a good fight against tbe Ghibelline party,
which was, however, the successful one, and
for a long time the Guelphs had to feel the
oppression of their foes. But their star was
once more in the ascendant during the reign
of £rnest Augustus, the first Elector of llano-
ver, whose marriage with Sophia Stuart, the
daughter of Frederick, the unfortunate King
of Bohemia, and of Elizabeth Stuart, opened
to the small House of Hanover tlfe succession
to the English throne.
Sophia Stuart's youth was passed in the
stormy times of the Thirty Years* War. She
was born in Holland in 1630, the year when
Gustavus Adolphus entered Germany, and
was educated in England. She was one of
tbe few among princes who turned the
misfortunes and miseries' of her youth to good
account. Her greatest, friend in after-life
was Liebnitz,who never called her by any other
name than *' our great Electress." Her shin-
ing qualities completely cast her husband
into the shade. The Great Electress, how-
ever, never lived to enjoy the honor she so
much coveted, of having engraved on her
tombstone, "Sophia. Queen of England."
She died on the 8th June, 1714, but two
short months before the death of Queen
Anne opened the succession to her. She
was struck by apoplexy in her garden at
Herrenhausen, in her eighty-sixth year. It
was an unusually fine evening, and she had,
as was her custom, been walking with her son
George, the Elector, in full health ; a shower
came on, and after runniDg in, she sank on
the ground, and in a few minutes was dead.
We will not folio wDr.Vehse in his account of
the in trigues and counter-intrigues of the two
rival factions into which England was split at
the time when George I. ascended the throne,
* Geschichte de Hofe dea Hausea JBrausehweig in
DeutBchland und England, By Dr. Edward Vefcae.
4 Tola. Hamhurg, 1868.
more especially as his authorities are all ac-
cessible to the English reader. Dr. Vehse
has laid Walpole*8 Memoirs and Letters,
WraxalPs Memoirs, the Lexington Correspon-
dence, and various other subsequent English
works, good, bad, and indifferent, under
heavy contribution, and has produced ao
amusing, gossipping book out of these ma-
terials. His estimate of the German House of
Hanover is high, but his picture of the
English is flattering enough to our national
vanity ; much of the interest of the book b
derived iVom seeing ourselves so favorably
portrayed through German spectacles.
The precautions taken by the Earl of
Shewsbury and his party in the Government,
prevented the slightest disturbances when
Queen Anne died, on the 12th August, 1714,
and the Elector of Hanover was proclaimed
King of Great Britain and Ireland.
Lord Clarendon, the English Minister at
the Court of Hanover, was the first to con-
vey this piece of news to George I.
It was an important, but by no means a plea-
sant announcement, says Dr. Vehse, the intelli-
gence that the people of England expected himaa
their king. We possess testimony lo this effect
in a confidental letter written by Marshal Schn-
lenburg to Baron Steinghens, the envoy of tbe
Palatinate in London, in which, under the date of
the 10th August, 1714, only two days before tbe
death of Queen Anne, he says, — ** It is quite
evident that George is profoundly indifferent as to
the upshot of this question of succession ; nay, I
woula even bet that when it really comes {to the
point he will be in despair at having to five up
(lis place of residence, where he amuses himself
with trifles, in order to assume a post of honor
and dignity. He is endowed with all the qualities
requisite to make a finished nobleman, but he lacks
all those that make a king." George's instinct
tauffht him that he would play a sorry part in Eng-
land. He, a petty German prince, among a nation
of princes, the great lords and the rich gentry. He
came from a country where the prince was almost
absolute, and would go into a land where the
people treated him almost on the footing of equal-
ity ; where the whole of the best society, which
had the entrS at court, consisted of people who
united the courtier with the repnblic&n, the DoUe
with tbe rotnrier. He was not so far wrong in
1858.J
THE HOUBE OF BRUNSWICK IK GERMANY AND ENGLAND.
510
kwking^ forward to bia entry into sach a country
with some anxiety. People of quality were not to
his taste, ceremony was not to his liking.
However, spite of his unwitlingnessy go he
most. He put off his departure for a whole
month. On the 11th of September he left
Herrenhausen, accompanied by his son, and
Caroline of Anspach, his daughter-in-law.
Their children followed in October.
George I. (says Dr. Vehae) appeared to the
English to be a type of the Stuarts, after the Ger-
man fashion, tie was obstinate and tyrapnical,
but he had no spark of that romantic spirit which
cost Mary Stuart and Charles I. their heads, and
James II. his throne. George I. was passionate,
but after his own peculiar manner ; he was even
cruel and hateful : but he was all this, as it seem-
ed to the English, after a middle-class vulgar fa-
shion, without any trace of that elegance or grace
which the nobility and gentry of England possess-
ed, and expected to fincTin those who were called
to reign over them. But George was a Protestant,
and old England was determined to remain Pro.
testant, at any price. It therefore put up with
him. Not less than fifty-four members of reign-
ing houses in Europe, who all had a better title to
it than George I., were excluded from the English
throne. . . . Sophia Stuart, George's mother, the
daughter of the beautiful Elizabeth of Bohemia,
the only sister of the beheaded Charles, came, ac-
cording to actual law, after all these, but she was
the only one who happened to be a Protestant.
George was deficient in intellectual qualities,
in tact and dignity, in short, in all the attributes
which should adorn a king, or even a subject; but
be had the one qualification needed, he was op-
posed to Catholicism, and an enemy to France and
Louis XIV. So he was selected before scores of
others, who had a better right to the throne than he.
George appeared in Engrland with a seraglio of
hideous old women, some of whom came with him,
and others joined him afterwards. There was the
Countess Kielmansegge, nick-named the "Ele-
phant," and the " May.pole," Schulenburg, who
had her two nieces, as they were called, with her.
The King of England shut himself up with them
every evening. The London mob surrounded the
coaches of these German women, and hissed them,
partly for their total want of beauty, partly be-
cause it was soon discovered that they sold their
influence with the King for money. A host of
broadsides and caricatures issued from the press.
The first Elector, Ernest Augustus, had in-
troduced into Hanover the French custom of
royal mistresses. He, his son George I.,
and his grandson, took their favorites from
one and the same family. For nearly one
hundred years, the family of Platen supplied
this article of royal luxury. First, there was
the " wicked Countess Platen," to whom we
shall presently have occasion to return ; her
daughter, the Countess Kielmansegge, who
subsequently was created Countess of Dar-
lington ; her step-daughter, the younger
Countess Platen ; Frau von der Bussche, a
sister of the wicked Countess Platen ; and a
fifth lady. Countess Walmoden, afterwards
created Countess of Yarmouth, who was
grand-niece of the same " wicked Platen."
In 1682, George I., then Crown Prince of
Hanover, had married his couiin, Sophia
Dorothea, the daughter of George, Duke of
Zell, of whose memoirs an English version
appeared in 1845. This publication was
chiefly founded upon a biography of Sophia
Dorothea, entitled A short Account of my
Fate and Prison^ by the Princess Dora of
Aquilon, published in Hamburg, in 1840 ;
and the original of this again was written in
French, and called Precis de mon Destin et
de ma Prison. The memoirs, published in
London, contain this autobiography, and an
account, written by the Princesses intimate
friend and faithful servant, Fraulein von
Knesebeck, to the Crown Princess of Prussia,
the daughter of Sophia Dorothea. The se*
cond volume contains the ** Diury of Conver-
sations." The biography commences with
the first appearance of Count Konigsmark in
Hanover, in the year 1665, and ends with
the last days of Sophia Dorothea's imprison-
ment in the fortress of Ahlden, in 1726.
From this place she took the name of Prin-
cess of Ahlden. This work treats the
Princess as a martyr, but these illusions, say^
Dr. Vehse, have been dispelled by some let-
ters between the Princess and her lover,
Konigsmark, published by Professor Palm-
blad,in Upsala, in 184Y, which leave scarcely
any doubt as to the intimate connection sub-
sisting between them. The Princess of Ahl-
den obviously meant to add the sanction of
marriage to her connection with Konigsmurk,
if she could have escaped from her husband ;
but the catastrophe took place shortly before
the preparations for flight were finally ar-
ranged.
Sophia Dorothea, the Crown Princess of
Hanover, bom in the year 1666, the daugh-
ter of George William, Duke of Zell, and his
French wife, Eleonora d'Olbreuse, was mar-
ried at sixteen, in 1682, to her cousin George
of Hanover. The French blood that flowed
in her veins, and the education she received
at the gay court of Zell, had their effect.
" Her mother," says her cousin, the Duchess
of Orleans, "brought her up to coquetry
and gallantry." She was clever, excitable,
and full of imagination. She was of the
I middle size, and of exquisite form, with fair
520
THE HOUSE OF BRUNSWICK IK GEBMANY XSJ> ENGLAND.
[Dec.,
brown hair, her face oval, and her complexion
good. This lively young girl was ill suited
to her silent, dull husband ; and their mar-
ried life was not happy. George was often
absent in the wars, and his return did not
improve matters. She loved pleasure, he
nothing but hunting and his favorites — Frau
von der Bussche, Melusina Schulenburg,
afterwards Duchess of Kendal, and Countess
Kielmansegge. Sophia Dorothea soon be-
stowed her affections upon Count Philip of
Konigsmark, the handsome brother of Aurora,
the famous mistress of Augustus the Strong,
King of Poland, and the mother of Marshal
Saxe.
Philip, Count Konigsmnrk, was descended
from an old Brandenburg family. Some of
the race had settled in Sweden. Philip's
Grandfather, Hans Christopher, had made
imself a name during the Thirty Years' War,
as a partisan-leader under Oustavus Adol-
phus and Wrangel. After the peace of
Westphalia, he became Governor of Bremen
and Yerden, which were garrisoned by Swe-
dish troops. He left his children an immense
fortune, won by his right hand. At the
taking of Prague he acquired great booty.
This Count Hans Christopher, like all his
race, was herculean in form, and of a wild,
savage temper : when inflamed with passion,
his face assumed the most hideous aspect,
his hair stood on end like the bristles of a
wild boar, and he inspired terror among hia
enemies.
His grandson, Philip of Konigsmark, was
born in 1662, and inherited his mother's
beauty. She was a daughter of the Swedish
house of Wrangel, famous for their beauty.
Philip was brought up at the Court of Zell,
and passed much of his youth with Sophia
Dorothea, for whom he entertained a youth-
ful passion. Depuis que je vous ai vue, he
writes to her during one of his campaigns on
the Rhine, man cceur 8*€8t senti toucki sans
oser le dire, et quoique Ven/ance, ou fStaiSy
rrCempechaii de vous declarer ma passion, je
ne vous ai pas moins aimi. From 2^11 young
Konigsmark was sent to finish his education
in England, at the corrupt court of Charles
II. In this country, he was involved with
his elder brother Charles John, in a scandal-
ous matter — the murder of Thomas Thynne,
''Tom of ten thousand," as he was called,
who bad married the heiress of the Percy
family, whom Konigsmark wanted for himself.
This murder was committed on the 12th Feb-
ruary, 1682, in the public streets, in Pall-
Mall, nearly opposite the opera-house colon-
nade. Thynne was shot by three hired mur-
derers, George Borosky, Christopher Yraats*
and John Storn, who were subsequently all
executed for the murder: the principal,
Charles John Count Konigsmark, fled, but
was taken at Gravesend ; Yraats was offered
a free pardon if he would peach against the
Konigsmarks ; but Yraats held his peace, and
was executed. Charles John Count Konigs-
mark was killed fighting against the Turks
in the Morea, in 1686 ; and the subsequent
catastrophe of Philip, Count Konigsmark, was
looked upon as a just punishment for the
share he had in this transaction, and in the
sacrifice of Yraats's life.
Philip of Konigsmark next took service, in
1685, under the Elector Ernest Augustus of
Hanover, and renewed his old acquaintance
with the lively Crown Princess, who lived, as
we have said, unhappily with her cold and
uncongenial husband.
It appears from the correspondence quoted
by Dr. Yehse that the lovers met in secret:
the Princess even went to Konigsmark's lodg-
ings, which, according to tradition, were m
the present ** Hotel de Strelitz," on the
"Neumarkt." In one of his letters, K5n-
igsmark writes : Demain a dix keurta je
serai au rendezvous. In another : Mon anpe^
c*est pour toi seule^ queje vis et queje respire.
At an evening party Count Koningsmark lost
out of his hat a billet dotix, written to him by
the Princess ; great was his consternation :
he did not fear for himself — but to lose her
for ever! The Princess consoles him by
telling him that if he thought that the fear
of exposure or of losing her reputation (these
words were written in cipher) prevented her
from seeing him, he did her great injustice.
She steadfastly hoped some day to marry
him, and to withdraw into some remote cor-
ner of the world, while Koningsmark dreamt
of winning her and a position, by some chir-
alrous enterprise. He was jealous when she
spoke to any one else — particularly to an
Austrian, Count Yon Piemont. All this did
not escape the lynx eyes of others. The
" wicked Countess of Platen" (whose ad-
vances Count Koningsmark had repelled)
saw in this the means of wreaking her ven-
geance on one who had spurned her love,
and on a hated rival. The " wicked Countess
Platen" simulated the warmest interest in
the confiding Princess, and pretended to
favor the intrigue, while she 'drew the net
tighter round her two victims. Konings-
mark's indiscretion, in boasting at a dinner-
table of his connection with the Princess,
and of his scorn for Countess Platen — the
spreta injuria fornuB — words which were
18j»3.]
THE HOUSE OF BRUNSWICK IN QJBRlfANY AND ENGLAND.
521
transmitted forthwith to Countess Platen,
brought matters to a crisis : the scorned one
TOwed to ruin Konigsmark and the Prin«
cess.
The Crown Prince was about to proceed
to Berlin, and this seemed a good opportu-
nity for the two lovers to carry their long-
cherished plan for flight into execution ; it
was proposed by Konigsmark to escape by
way of Hamburg into France ; the Princess
preferred seeking shelter at the court of
buke Antony Ulrich of Brunswick.
On the 1st of July, 1694, between ten and
eleven at night, Konigsmark paid his last
visit to the Princess in the palace at Hano-
ver. He had disguised himself in " a pair of
old grav linen trousers, an old white shirt,
(camisol,) and a brown overcoat." This
visit was to talk over the arrangements for
their flight, Konigsmark's servants and car-
riages being all ready for instant departure
to Dresden or elsewhere.
The interview lasted longer than was pru-
dent; the Princess's faithful attendant, Frau-
lein voh Knesbeck, frequently urged them to
bring it to a close. At .length Kdnigsmark
went away, and the rest of the night was
passed by the Princess in packing up
such valuables as she meant to take with
her.
The wicked Countess Platen had received
notice from her spies that Konigsmark was
with the Princess, and had obtained the
Elector's authority to have him arrested,
under the plea of saving the honor of the
princely house.
The Crown Princess lived in that part of
the palace at Hanover which now forms the
state apartments. A corridor leads out of
these apartments by the Rittersaal, a large
hall which joined the rooms occupied by the
Princess to those inhabited by the Crown
Prince. Konigsmark went along this corri-
dor, humming a tune, till he came to a small
door, leading down some steps into the gar-
den— a door which was usually left open ;
but this time he found it locked. He then
went along another corridor, running along
the length of the Rittersaal, and came to an
ante-room built over the court chapel, where
there was a large chimney built to receive
the smoke from the apparatus to heat the
chapel. Four halberdiers had been posted
in this dark corner. Countess Platen had
charged these halberdiers to take Kdnigsmark
prisoner, but in the event of his offering any
resistance, they were to use their weap-
ons. It appears from the statement after-
wards made by one of these halberdiers to a
clergyman of the name of Cromer, that Kd-
nigsmark was noi without suspicions of un-
fair play, as he had unsheathed his sword,
and, when attacked, defended himself brave-
ly, wounding several of his opponents, until,
his sword breaking, he was overpowered.
He was borne, mortallv wounded, into a
room close by, where his old enemy Count-
ess Platen was ; on seeing her, he collected
his last remaining strength to pour his exe-
crations upon her, to which she replied by
stamping with her feet upon his bleeding
face. Konigsmark was then taken into a
small cellar, which could be filled with wa-
ter by means of a pipe; there he was
drowned. The following morning his body
was burned in an oven, and this was wallea
up.
For a long time no one knew what had
become of Konigsmark ; the most extraordi-
nary rumors were current about him ; ail the
inquiries set on foot by the Court of Dres-
den, at the instigation of Aurora, Konigs-
mark*8 sister, the reigning favorite of the
new Elector of Saxony, were fruitless. Au-
rora was told by the Elector of Hanover
that he was not her brother's keeper.
Tbe Princess, on hearing the news of this
horrible catastrophe, gave way to the most
violent expressions of grief; "whereby,"
says Fraulein Knesbeck, " she exposed her-
self to the suspicion that the murdered Count
was something more than a common friend."
She declared loudly that -she would no long-
er live among barbarians and murderers. She
was even said to have attempted self-de-
struction. The breach between her husband
and her father-in-law and herself was made
wider ; the scandal was notorious, and could
no longer be concealed. Proceedings were
therefore instituted against the Princess ; the
reasons given for the separation were her
attempts at flight, and the Princess was con-
demned to imprisonment for life. The
circumstance that the Princess swore in the
most solemn manner that she had kept her
marriage vow, and that her lady-in-waiting
confirmed this statement, rendered the mat-
ter of the Princess's guilt highly problemati-
cal, till the publication of the letters by Palm-
blad and others. In her own autobiogro-
phy, the Princess is no longer the ardent,
mcautious lover of former years. The sepa-
ration took effect at Hanover on the 28th
October, 1604, and the Princess, who was
then eight-and-twenty, was carried to Ahl-
den, a small place about four German miles
from Zell, the residence of her father and
mother.
522
THE HOUSE OF BRUNSWICK IN GBRliANY AND ENGLAND.
[Dec,
The Princess's friend and companion,
Frauleio von Knesbeck, was imprisoned in the
fortress of Schwarzfels, in the Harz ; bat
escaped, after three years' durance. She
was aided in her escape by a faithful old
servant, disguised as a tiler. This man let
himself down from the roof in front of her
window, entered her room, and, placing her
in a sort of rope cradle, let her down into
the moat, and himself after her. Horses
had been prepared, with which they escaped,
first to Wolfenbiitte], and then to Berlin,
where Fraulein von Knesbeck entered the
service of the Queen of Prussia. The Com-
mander of the fortress of Schwarzfels report-
ed to the Elector of Hanover that the Devil,
in the shape of a tiler, had carried off the
Fraulein through a hole in the roof. He
could not account'for her escape in any other
way.
Sophia Dorothea passed two-and-thirty
years in her prison. The dea^h of her father
in 1705, and of her mother in 1Y23, gave
her a very tolerable income. The company
she saw consisted of two ladies and a gen-
tleman-in-waiting, and the Commandant of
Ahlden, who dined regularly every day with
her. She was allowed free intercourse with
mechanics and tradesmen, but not with peo-
ple of the higher class. She employed
herself during her imprisonment in the man-
agement of her domains — the inspection of
her household accounts — needle-work — read-
ing, and in works of charity and the offices
of religion.
It was said that when George I. ascended
the English throne, it was proposed to her to
quit her retreat ; but that she replied, if she
were guilty she was unworthy to be a Queen ;
and if innocent, the King was unfit to be
her husband ; and thus she remained at Ahl-
den.- At first, she was kept a close prisoner ;
but afterwards she was allowed to drive out
some miles from the town, but always with
an escort. She corresponded with her son
and daughter, and frequently saw her mother.
The Prjncess once made an attempt to
escape, which was unsuccessful ; a certain
Count von Bar, of an Osnabruck family, re-
ceived 125,000 florins to aid her in her flight.
This man kept the money, in spite of an ac*
tion at law. The treason of one in whom
she trusted affected the Princess to such a
degree as to bring on a fever, which carried
her off at the age of sixty.
George I. survived her one year. There
was a sort of prophecy that he would not
outlive her a year, and her death made a
freat impression upon him. He fell into a
eep melancholy, and expressed a strong
anxiety to see Hanover once more. On his
way thither, with the Duchess of Kendal, be
fell ill at Bentheim ; he proceeded, however,
on his journey, and was struck with apo-
plexy at Ippenburen, in Westphalia. His
eyes became glassy, and his tongue hung
from his mouth ; he reached Osnabruck a
corpse.
According to vulgar report, Sophia Doro- •
tliea, on her death-bed, summoned her hus-
band to appear before the judgment-seat of
God within a year and a day. This letter
was not delivered to him in England, but was
kept for his arrival in Germany. He opened
it in the carriage, and was seized with faint-
ing fits, which ended in a stroke of apoplexy.
The appearance of his face caused the report
to be spread abroad that the Devil had twist-
ed his neck round.
The wicked Countess Platen, the murder-
ess of Count Konigsmark, was blind for se-
veral years before her death, which took place
in 1706. During her last illness she was
haunted by Konigsmark's ghost perpetually
seated at her bed-side.
We have now disposed of most of the
dramatis personoB who played a part in the
catastrophe of the Princess of Ahlden and
Count Konigsmark, and can only refer such
of our readers who like gossip and amusing
scandal, culled from various sources, to Dr.
Yehse's work. The learned Doctor promises
to go seriatim through all the petty courts
of Germany. Let them look well to it, for
nothing seems to escape him. He has a keen
nose and the patience of the sleuth-hound
for the discovery and recording of royal de-
linquencies.
1858.]
THE DUCHESS OF NEWCASTLE AND HER WORKS.
528
From the Retrosp ectiTe Review.
THE DUCHESS OP NEWCASTLE AND HER WORKS.*
When the peculiarities of individual ec-
centricity are thrust upon the notice of the
world hy the boldness of authorship, it is at
least well for those whose attention is thus
publicly arrested when honesty of purpose
and a high tone of virtuous sentiment are
found to have directed the feelings and intel-
lect of the writer. Nor are we sure that in
cases where a spirit of truthfulness is mani-
festly predominant, a conformity with th.e re-
ceived and conventional notions of the day,
or even with those of the world at large, is
the most propitious vehicle for its conveyance
to the reader's conscience or judgment. It
is not among the uneccentric and conformable
that we may hope to meet with the most
earnest and genuine expression of character
and feeling. We have been led into these
observations by a consideration of the char-
acter of the remarkable woman whose auto-
biography forms the subject of the present
notice. Vain, pedantic, utterly wanting in
taste and judgment, and so bitten with the
Cacoethea scribendi as to have brought down
upon herself, with some show of justice, the
unmiligated contempt and ridicule of Wal-
pole, she has nevertheless in some of her
numerous productions exhibited an exalted
tone of moral feeling which challenges our
admiration and respect, while its utterance
has, in oub judgment, derived additional pi-
quancy and life from those very foibles whose
fuller development exposed her to ridicule.
More especially, we think, does this prove to
be the case when, as in the work here noticed,
she undertakes to describe the details of her
own character and the realities of her own
history. In an honestly written autobiogra-
phy, the facts of which it must be constructed
serve as checks upon those often involuntary
falsifiers of the character, pride, ambition,
and vanity, while these very weaknesses in
their turn not unfrequently engender a sen-
sitiveness to all appertaining to self, which
*A true Relation of the Birth, Breeding, and
Life of Margaret Cavendish, Jhteheee of Newcaetle.
Written hy hereelf extracted from her folio vol-
ume entitled ^Nature^e Pictures draion hy Fan-
ejf»$ Pencil to the Life.' Fol. London : 1666.
supplies the memory with details, and the
feelings with warmth to depict them. Sul-
lied virtues must be acknowledged to be vir-
tues still, and he is no wise man who rejects
the sterling metal for the tarnish that may
happen to obscure its brilliancy. Of such
metal do we esteem the authoress of this au-
tobiography to have been made. She was,
it is true, as proud, as vain, and as ambitious
as any among the daughters of ambitious
Eve, nor can we even say that her ambition
or her pride were of an exalted order, inas-
much as they appear to have been the servants,
rather than the accomplices, of her vanity :
nevertheless we are bold to assert that this
same unworthy vice of vanity, being itself in
her the bondmaid of truth, was forced into
most beneficial service when she put her
hand to paper to write ** The true Relation
of the birth, breeding, and life of Margaret
Cavendish, Duchess of Newcastle.'' Hear
in what explicit terms of submission the Vice
makes her surrender to the victorious Virtue.
" I fear ambition," says the Duchess, *' in-
clines to vain-glory ; for I am very ambi-
tious ; yet it is neither for beauty, wit, titles,
wealth, or power, but as they are steps to
raise me to Fancy's Tower, which is to live
by remembrance in after ages."
But as, spite of the numerous productions
by which she aimed at securing to herself
this " remembrance in after ages, ' it is prob-
able that many of our readers may not have
met with any of her works, except perhaps
a few lines, descriptive of Melancholy, quoted
with commendation in the *' Connoisseur,"
No. 69, or possibly not have met with any
notice of her biography beyond the few inci-
dental remarks on her eccentricities which
occur in contemporaneous history, we will at
once, and briefly, introduce them to her lady-
ship's acquaintance. Margaret Cavendish,
second wife to William, the first Duke of
Newcastle, was the youngest daughter of Sir
Charles Lucas, of St. John's, near Colches-
ter. The date of her birth is never specified,
but Anthony k Wood (art. Charlton] makes
her fifty when she died ; hence she was bom
in 1623. To use her own words, ** her father
524
THB DUCHESS OF NEWCASTLE AND HER WQBEa
[Dee.
was a gentlemaD, wbich title is grounded and
given by merit, not by princes, and 'tis tbe
act of time, not favor ;*' a remark, as Sir Eger-
ton Brydges observes, which had already
been used by Lord Bacon, with regard to old
nobility ; " and though my father was not a
peer of the realib, yet there were few peers
who had much greater estates, or lived more
noble therewith ; yet at that time great titles
were to be sold, and not at so high rates, but
that his estate might have easily purchased,
and was prest for to take ; but my father
did not esteem titles, unless they were gained
by heroic actions, and the kingdom being in
a happy peace with all other nations, and in
itself being governed by a wise king (King
James), there was no employments for heroic
spirits." Towards the latter end of Queen
Elizabeth's reign her father had been com-
pelled to flee the country, and the severity
of the Queen, for having killed, in a duel, one
Mr. Brooks, a brother of Lord Cobham, ** a
great man with Queen Eh'zabeth ;" but, on
the accession of King James, he obtained his
pardon and leave to return home, where "he
lived happily and died peaceably, leaving a
wife and ei^ht children, three sons and five
daughters,' our authoress being an infant
when he died.
This state of seclusion and restriction na-
naturally engendered a reserve which, when
a separation took place upon her becom-
ing one of the maids of honor to Queen Hen-
rietta Maria, in 1643, showed itself in so dis-
tressing a degree of tnauvaiae honte, that
" she durst neither look up with her eyes,
nor speak, nor be any way sociable, insomuch
as she was thought a natural fool." The
naivete of her account of her going into the
world, and her subsequent attachment and
marriage to the Marquis of Newcastle, is
truly exquisite. It is most curious to contrast
the excessive reserve therein described,
doubtless the result of her secluded educa-
tion, with the bold eccentricity of demeanor
exhibited in the later years of her life and
subsequent to the date of this autobiography.
It is hence most important to observe the
dates at which these different manifestations
of the character of this strange woman are
presented to our notice, and thus we may
find a clue to its apparent inconsistencies.
We are inclined to believe that excessive re-
serve is almost always based upon a deep-
seated and often an unconscious pride, and
when we read the following brief snatches
of description occurring incidentally in Pepys'
graphic ^* Diary," we think that an explana-
tion must be looked for in the fact that the
Duchess's vanity may have increased and her
reserve decreased with the advance of life,
and especially with the prosperity of her
later years.
The following are the extracts from Pepys
to which we allude :
•* nth April, 1667.— To White Hall, thinking
there to havn seen the Duchesse of Newcastle
coming this night to Court to make a visit to tbe
Qaeene, the King having been with her yester-
day, to make her a visit since her coining to Town.
The whole story of this lady is a romance, and all
she does is romantic. Her footmen in velvet
coats, and herself in an antique dress, as they
say ; and was the other day at her own play ' The
Humorous Lovers ' the most ridiculous thing that
ever was wrote, and yet she and her Lord might-
ily pleased with it, and she at the, end made her
respects to the players from her box, and did give
them thanks. There is as much expectation of
her coming to Court, that so people may come to
see her, as if it were the Queene of Sheba ; bat
I lost my labonr, for she did not come this nij^ht.
'* 26ih of April, 1667.— Met my Lady ^ew-
castle going with her coaches and footmen all in
velvet ; herself whom I never saw before, as I
have heard her oflen described, for all tbe town-
talk is now-a-daysof her extravagancies, with her
velvet cap, her hair about her ears, many black
patches, oecause of pimples about her mouth,
naked necked, without any thing about it, and a
black just-au-corps. She seemed to me a very
comely woman ; but I hope to see more of her on
May-day.
" Ist May, 1667.— Thence Sir W. Pen and I
in his coach, Tiburn way into tbe Park, where a
horrid dust and number of coaches, without plea-
sure or order. That which we and aln.ost all
went for, was to see my Lady Newcastle ; which
we could not, she being followed and crowded
upon by coaches all the way she went, that no-
body could come near her ; only I could see she
was in a large black coach adorned in silver in-
stead of gold, and so white curtains, and every-
thing black and white, and herself in her cap.
" 10th May, 1667.— Drove hard towards Clerk-
enwell, thinking to have overtaken my Lady New-
castle whom I saw before us in her coach, with
100 boys and girls running looking upon her, but
I could not, and so she got home before I could
come up to her. But I will get a time to see
her."
This affectation is confirmed by Granger,
who describes a portrait of her at Welbeck,
one of the Duke's mansions, attired in a thea-
trical habit, wbich she usually wore. And
Evelyn also states that when he went to make
court to the Duke and Duchess at thdr
house in Glerkenwell, " he was much pleas^
with the extraordinary fanciful habit, garb,
and discourse of the Duchess.'' And on a
subsequent occasion, he says, " went, againe
with my wife to the Dutchess of Newcastle,
who received her in a kind of transport, suit-
able to her extravagant humor and dresse
which was very singular."
1858.]
THE DUOHEISS OF NEWOASTLE AST) HER WOBSS.
626
There is an excess of bizarrerie ezbibited
in this description which we feel inclined to
think attached to the later and more prosper-
ous years of her life ; but while contrasting it
with the reserve' of her early days, it is re-
markable to notice that she herself, with
apparent unconsciousness of their ineoogruitj,
relates these two peculiarities in her charac-
ter in almost the same breath, aa follows:
*' For my part I had rather sit at home and write
or walk in my chamber and contemplate. But I
hold it necessary sometimes to appear abroad ; be-
sides I do find that several objects do bring new
materialls for my thoughts and fancies to build
upon. Yet I must say this in the behalf of my
thoughts, that I never found them idle; for if the
senses bring no work in, they will work of them-
selves, like silk-worms that spinn out of their own
bowels. Neither can I say I think the time tedi-
ous when I am alone, so I be neer my Lord and
know he is well. I always took delight in a singu-
larity, even in accoutrements of habits; but what-
soever I was addicted to either in fashions of
cloths, contemplation of thoughts, actions of life,
they were lawful, honest, honorable, and modest ;
of which I can avouch to the world with a great
confidence, because it is a pure truth."
If there be vanity in the following frank
delineation of personal character, we must
acknowledge that we are supplied with a
picture of manifest truthfulness which we
might hope for in vain from the hand of a
would-be modest person.
"As for my disposition, it is more inclining to
be melancholy than merry, but not crabbed or
peevish melancholy: and I am apt to weep rather
than laugh ; not that I do oHen either of them.
Also, I am tender natured ; for it troubles my con-
science to kill a fly, and the groans of a dying
beast strfke my soul. Also, where I place a par-
ticular affection, I love extraordinarily and con-
stantly, yet not fondly, but soberly and observ-
ingly; not to hang about them as a trouble, but to
wait upon them as a servant ; but this affection
will take no root, but where I think or find merit,
and have leave both from Divine and Moral laws;
yet I find this passion so troublesome, as it is the
only torment of my life, for fear any evil misfor-
tune, or accident, or sickness, or death should
come unto them, insomuch as I am never freely
at rest. Likewise I am grateful, for I never re-
ceived a curtesy but I am impatient and troubled
until I can return it ; also 1 am chaste, both by
nature and education, insomuch as I do abhor an
unchaste thought ; likewise I am seldom angry,
as my servants may witness for me, for I rather
chose to suffer some inconveniences than disturb
my thoughts, which makes me wink many times
at their faults ; but I am easily pacified, if it be
not such an injury as may create a hate; like-
wise I am neither spiteful, envious nor malicious ;
1 repine not at the gifts that nature or fortune
bestows upon others, yet I am a great emulator ;
for though I wish none worse than they are, yet
it is lawful forme to wish myself the best, and
to do my honest endeavour thereunto ; for I think
it no crime to wish myself the exactest of Nature's
works, my thread of life the longest, my chain of
destiny the strongest, my mind the peaceablest,
my life the pleasantest. my death the ea^est, and
[myself] the greatest Saint in heaven."
Her marriage with the Marquis of New-
castle, at that time a widower, took place in
1645 at Paris, whither she had accompanied
Queen Henrietta Maria. This was during the
Marquis's exile, he having abruptly left the
country after the fatal battle of Marstoa
Moor, in which he had shown his usual gal-
lantry in the cause of the King, but the event
of which was the almost total destruction of
his infantry. During the long pei iod of his
exile, in which he often labored under great
pecuniary distress, no less than after his re-
turn with his royal master and restoration to
wealth and honor in his native country, his
Duchess presented an example of conjugal
devotedness and affection to which, unless
perhaps we mention Mrs. Lucy Hutchinson,
we should scarcely be able to adduce a com-
parison.
The following passage upon her- marriage
is, as Sir Egerton Brydges justly remarks, in
spite of the awkward construction of some
of its parts, both in sentiment and the spirit
of the language, highly admirable, eloquent,
and affecting.
** My Lord Marquis of Newcastle did approve
of those bashful fears which many condemned,
and would choose such a wife as he might bring
to his own humours, and not such an one as was
wedded to self-conceit, or one that had been tem-
pered to the humours of another; for which he
wooed me for his wife; and though I did dread
marriage, and shunned men's companies as much
as 1 could, yet I could not, nor had not the power
to refuse him, by reason my affections were fixed
on him, and he was the only person I ever was in
love with. Neither was I ashamed to own it, but
glorified therein, for it was not amorous love ; I
never was infected therewith ; it is a disease, or
a passion, or both, I only know by relation, not by
experience ; neither could title, wealth, power, or
person entice me to love ; but my love was honest
and honorable, being placed upon merit, with affec-
tion joyed at the fame of his worth, pleased with
delight in his wit, proud of the respect he used to
me, and triumphing in the affections he nrofest
for me, which affections he hath confirmed to me
by a deed of time, sealed by constancy, and as-
signed by an nnalterable decree of his promise ;
which makes me happy in despight of Fortune's
frowns, for thongh misfortunes may and do oft
dissolve base, wild, loose, and ungrounded affec-
tions, yet she hath no power of those that are
526
THE DUCHESS OF NEWCA8TLE AND HER WOBEB.
Pec.,
united either by merit, justice, gratitude, duty,
fidelity, or the like ; and thoujzh my lord hath lost
his estate, and banished out of his country for his
loyalty to his king and country, yet neither dis-
Eised Poverty, nor pinching Necessity could make
im break the bonds of friendship, or weaken his
loyal duty to his king or country."
The losses which the .Marquis sustained by
the civil war were computed by the Marchio-
ness at the enormous sum, especially for those
times, of £941,303.
Nor was it in her wedded life alone that
the Marchioness -suffered through the un-
happy wars of the period. Her mother and
brothers, by reason of their unflinching ad-
herence to the royal cause, were plundered of
their "goods, plate, jewels, money, corn, cat-
tle, and the like," and her two younger bro-
thers. Sir Thomas and Sir Charles Lucas,
killed. The latter was shot in cold blood,
together with Sir George Lisle, from a spirit
of vengeance for the persevering bravery
with wtiich thev maintained the defense of
Colchester, the last city which held out in the
Ployalist cause. In connection with these
sufferings the Marchioness uses a tone of rev-
erence and affection in describing her mo-
ther's person and fortitude under affliction
which engages our deepest respect and admi-
ration, not only for the person described, but
for her who could dictate the description.
** But not only the family I am linkt to is ruined
but the family from which 1 sprung, by these un-
happy wars ; which ruin my mother lived to see,
and then died, having lived a widow many years,
for she never forgot my father so as to marry
again ; indeed, he remained so lively in her mem-
ory, and her grief was so lasting, as she never
mentioned his name, though she spoke oflen of
him, but love and grief caused tears to flow, and
tender sighs to rise, mourning in sad complaints :
she made her house her cloyster, inclosing herself
as it were therein, for she seldom went abroad,
unless to church ; but these unhappy wars forced
her out, by reason she and her children wer& loyal
to the king ; for which they plundered her and
my brothers of all their goods, plate, jewels, money,
corn, cattle, and the like; cut down their woods,
pulled down their houses, and sequestered them
from their lands and livings; but in such misfor-
tunes my mother was of an heroic spirit, in suf-
fering patiently where there is no remedy, or to
be industrious where she thought she could help;
she was of a grave behaviour, and had such a
majestic grandeur as it were continually hung
about her, that it would strike a kind of an awe
to the beholders, and command respect from the
rudest; 1 mean the rudest of civilized people. I
mean not such barbarous people as plundered
her and used her cruelly, for they would have
pulled God out of heaven, had they had power, as
they did Royalty out of his throne : also her
beauty was beyond the ruin of Time, for she had
a well-favoured loveliness in her face, a pleasing
'sweetness in her countenance, and a well-tem-
pered complexion, as neither too red nor too pale,
even to her dying hour, although in years ; and
by her dying, one might think death was enam-
oured with her, for he embraced her in a sleep,
and eo gently, as if he were afraid to hurt her :
also she was an affectionate mother, breeding ber
children with a most industrious care, and tender
love ; and having eight children, three eons and
five daughters, there was not any one crooked, or
any ways deformed ; neither were they dwarfish,
or of a giant-like stature, but every ways pro-
portionable ; likewise well featured, clear com-
plexions, brown hairs, but some lighter than others,
sound teeth, sweet breaths, plain speeches, tune-
able voices, I mean not so much to sing as in
speaking, as not stuttering, nor wharling in the
throat, or speaking through the nose, or hoarsely,
unless they had a cold, or squeakingly, which im-
pediments many have ; neither were their voices of
too low a strain, or too high, but their notes and
words were tuneable and timely ; I hope this truth
will not offend my readers, and lest they should
think I am a partial register, I dare not commend
my sisters, as to say they were handsome ; al-
though many would say they were very hand-
some: but this I dare say, their beauty, if any
they had, was not so lasting as my mother^s, time
making suddener ruin in their faces than in hers ;
likewise my mother was a good mistress to her
servants, taking care of her servants in their
sickness, not sparing any cost she was able to
bestow for their recovery : neither did she exact
from them more in their health than what they
with ease, or rather like pastime, could do : she
would freely pardon a fault, and forget an injury,
yet sometimes she would be angry ; but never
with her children, the sight of them would pacify
her, neither would she he angry with otliers, but
when she had cause, as with negligent or knavish
servants, that woald lavishly or unnecessarily
waste, or subtlely or thievishly steal ; and though
'she would often complain that her family was too
great for her weak management, and often pressed
my brother to take it upon him, yet 1 observe she
took a pleasure, and some little pride, in the gov-
erning thereof; she was very skilful in leases,
and setting of lands, and conrt-keeping, ordering
of stewards, and the like affairs ; also I observe
that my mother, nor brothers, before these wars,
had ever any law-suits, but what an attorney dis-
patched in a Term with small cost: but if they
had, it was more than I knew of : but, as I said,
my mother lived to see the ruin of her children,
in which was her ruin, and then died."
So straitened were the circumstances of
the noble pair during their stay at Antwerp,
— in which city, after a short residence of
six months in Rotterdam, the Marquis set-
tled himself and family, '* choosing it for the
most pleasantest and quietest place to retire
himself and ruined fortunes in," — that at
last necessity enforced the Marchioness to
THE DUCHEaS OF NEWCASTLE AND HER WORESL
1853.]
▼isit England, in the hope of rescuing some-
thing from the sale of her lord's estate, hut
on applying at Goldsmiths' Hall, received an
ahsotute refusal, " by reason I was married
since my lord was made a delinquent I could
have nothing nor should have anything, he
being the greatest traitor to the state, which
was to be the most loyal subject to his king
and country ; . but I whisperingly spoke to
my brother to conduct me out of that un-
gentlemanly place, so that without speaking
to them one word good or bad, I returned
to my lodgings, and as that committee was
the first so was it the last I ever was at as a
petitioner."
Her ladyship remained a year and a half
in England, during which she wrote her poems
and her ** Philosophical Fancies," to which she
made large additions after she returned
abroad. It was after her return also that she
wrote her work entitled ** Nature's Pictures,
drawn by Fancy's Pencil," to which her
autobiography was added as an appendix.
We cannot help feeling that a tone of con-
tempt or derogation is not lightly to be used
OD the score of subsequeni extravagances,
when speaking of the character of one who,
after enjoying exalted rank and the advan-
tages of a splendid fortune, could submit to
poverty, exile, and even political disgrace as
regarded her beloved lord, with the expres-
sion of such sentiments as the following :
" Heaven hitherto hath kept us, and though for-
tune hath been cross, yet we do submit, and are
both content with what is, and cannot be mended ;
and are so prepared, that the worst of fortunes
shall not afflict oar minds ; so as to make us un-
happy, howsoever it doth pinch our lives with
poverty, for if tranquility lives in an honest mind
the mind lives in peace, although the body suffer."
Sir Egerton Brydges appropriately re-
marks, that under the blighting gloom of
such oppression, to create wealth and a king-
dom '* within the mind" shows an intellectual
(and, we may add, a moral) energy which
ought not to be defrauded of its praise. At
the same time we are inclined to believe that
with her, as with us all, adversity held a check
upon the weaker points of her character, to
which her subsequent height of prosperity
unpropitiously allowed the most unlimited
scope.
Upon the reinstatement of her husband in
his fortunes after the Restoration, she devoted
the greater portion of her time to the com-
position of plays, poems, letters, philosophi-
cal discourses, orations, <&c., and became one
of the most voluminous writers of her sex
upon record.
627
That she had a power of intellect beyond
that of women in general, rendered promi-
nent, it is likely, mainly from the very exer-
cise she gave it from her thirst for fame, we
think is abundantly manifest ; but her works
exhibit an indiscriminate recklessness and a
want of mental discipline, tact, and taste, in
condensing and applying her thoughts and
her materials to the purpose of her pen,
greatly calculated to offend the exactor judg-
ment of later times. We have already sug-
gested reasons why this defect should be less
apparent in her autobiography. That she
was not deficient in poetical fancy will be
seen from the following extract, taken from
" The Pastime and Recreation of the Queen
of Fairies in Fairyland, the Centre of the
Earth :"—
** Queen Mab and all her company
Dance on a pleas^ant mole-hvil high,
To small straw-pipes, wherein great pleasure
Thev take, and keep just time and measure ;
All hand in hand, around, around,
They dance upon this fairy ground ;
And when she leaves her dancing-bdll,
Slie doth for her attendants call,
To wait upon her to a bower,
Where she doth sit under a flower,
To shade her from the moon^shine bright,
Where gnats do ring for her delight ;
The whilst the bat doth fly about
To keep in order all the roui.
A dewy waving leafs made fit
For the Queen's bath where she doth sit.
And her white limbs in beauty show,
Like a new fallen flake of snow ;
Her maids do put her garments on,
Made of the pure light from the sun,
Which do 80 many colors take^
As various objects shadows make.
"Then to her dinner she goes strait,
Where fairies all in order wait :
A cover of a cob-web made,
Is there upon a mush-room laid ;
Her stool is of a thistle down,
And for her cup an acorn's crown,
Which of strong nectar full isfilTd,
That from sweet flowers is distilPd.
When dined, she goes to take the air.
In coach, which is a nut-shell fair ;
The lining's sofl and rich within,
Made of a glistering adder's skin ;
And there six crickets draw her fast,
When she a journey takes in haste ;
But if she will a hunting go,
Then she the lizard makes the doe,
Which is BO swift and fleet in chase.
As her slow coach cannot keep pase ;
Then on a grasshopper she'l ride,
And gallop in the forest wide :*
Her bow is of a willow branch,
To shoot the lizard on the haunch ;
Her arrow sharp, much like a blade,
Of a rose-roary leaf is made ;
528
THE DUGHiaaS OF NEWCASTLE AND HER WORKS
[Dec.,
And when the morn doth hide her head,
Tiieir day is gone — she goes to bed.
Meteors do serve when they are bright,
As torches do, to give her light.
Glow-worrriM, for candles, lighted up,
Stand on her table, while she doth sup : —
But women, that inconstant kind,
Can neVr fix in one place their mind;
For she impatient of long stay,
Drived to the upper earth away/' 9
•
Walpole, who seldom speaks of her with
patience, adduces as a proof of her unbounded
pasbion for scribbling, that she seldom re-
vised the copies of her works, le&t it should
disturb her following conceptions; but
whether this charge is fairly tenable may be
judged from the fact that copies of some of
ber most lengthy publications in the British
Museum contain manuscript evidence of her
revision of them, in her own hand. That her
first inditing of them, however, was hasty and
ill-digested, is shown by the following state-
ment of Dr. Lort, if only it be correct. " So
fond," he says, ** was her Grace of these con-
ceptions, and so careful lest they should be
still-born, that I have heard or read some-
where that her servant John was ordered to
lie in a truckle bed in a closet within her
Grace's bedchamber, and whenever at any
time she gave the summons by calling out
^Johnl I conceive I' poor John was to get
up and commit to writing the offspring of his
mistresses reveries."
A more credible story is related of the
Duchesses female attendants being similarly
required to arise in the night when the
Duchess rung her hell for the purpose here
described. Dr. Lort does not seem very
accurate in his statements respecting her, as
. in describing a beautiful print prefixed to one
of her works, he says that the Duke and
Duchess are sitting at a table with their child-
ren, which could not be, as they had none,
the Duke having had but one child, and that
by his former wife. She herself supplies us
with a description of her habits of thinking
and writing in a tone full of candor and sim-
plicity : —
" I pass my time rather with scribbling than
writing, with words than wit ; not that I speak
much, because I am addicted to contemplation,
unless I am with my lord ; yet then I rather at-
tentively listen to what he says, than impertinently
speak; yet when I am writing, and sad fained
stories, or serious humors, or melancholy passions,
I am forced many times to express them with the
tongue before I can write them with the pen, by
reason those thoughts that are sad, serious, and
melancholy, are apt to contract and to draw too
much back, which oppression doth as it were
overpower or smother the conception in the brain;
but when some of those thoughts are sent out in
words, they give the rest more liberty to place
themselves in a more methodical order, marching
more regularly with my pen, on the ground of
white paper; but my letters beem rather as a
ragged rout, than a well armed body ; for the brain
being quicker in creating than the hand in writing,
or the memory in retaining, many fancies are lost
by reason they odtimes outrun the pen ; where I,
to keep speed in the race, write so fast as I stay
not so long as to write my letters plain, insomuch
as some have taken my hand-writing for some
strange character ; and being accustomed ^o to
do, I cannot now write very plain, when ] strive
to write my best ; indeed, my ordinary hand-writ-
ing is so bad as few can read it, so as to write it
fair for the press ; but, however, that little wit I
have it delights me to scribble k out, and disperse
it about, for I being addicted irom my childhood
to contemplation rather than conversation, to soli-
tariness rather than society, to melancholy rather
than mirth, to write with the pen than to work
with a needle, passing my time with harmless
fancies, their company being pleasing, their con-
versation innocent, in which I take such pleasure,
as I neglect my health ; for it is as great a grief
to leave their society, as a joy to be in their com-
pany ; my only trouble is, lest my brain should
grow barren, or that the rod of my fancies should
become insipid, withering into a dull stupidity for
want of maturing subjects to write on ; for I bieing
of a lazy nature, and not of an active disposition,
as some are that love to journey from town to town,
from place to place, from house to house, delights
ing in variety of company, making still one where
the greatest number is; likewise in playing at
cards, or any other games, in which I neither have
practised, nor have I any skill therein : as for
dancing, although it be a graceful art, and becom-
eth unmarried persons well, yet for those that
are married, it is too light an action, disagreeing
with the gravity thereof; and for revelling I am
of too dull a nature to make one in a merry soci-
ety : as for feasting, it would never agree with
my humor or constiiuiion, for my diet is for the
most part sparing, as a Hule boiled chicken, or the
like, my drink most commonly water, for though
I have an indifferent good appetite, yet I do often
fast, out of an opinion that if I should eat much,
and exercise little, which I do, only walking a
slow pace in my chamber, whilst my thoughts run
apace in my brain, so that the motions of my mind
hinders the active exercises of my body ; for
should I dance or run, or walk apace, 1 should
dance my thoughts out of measure, run my fancies
out of breath, and tread out the feet of my num-
bers."
The philosophical specalations of the
Duchess certainly constituted the most tuI-
nerable part of her literary character. An-
thony k Wood informs us that James Bris-
tow, of Corpus Christt College, Oxford, a man
of admirable parts, had begun to translate
into Latm some of the *' Philosophy of Mar-
1863.1
THE DtTGHESS OF NEWCASTLE AND HER WORKS.
520
garet, Ducbess of Newcastle," upon the de-
sire of those whom she had appointed to in-
quire out a fit person for such a matter ; but
he, finding great difficulties therein^ through
the confusedness of the subject, gave over, as
being a matter not to be well performed by
any. Nor is this to be wondered at, for she
confesses that she was near forty when she
applied to the reading of philosophical
authors, in order to learn those names and
words of art that are used in schools. Her
desire of a reputation for science was very
great. Dr. Birch records a resolution of the
Royal Society, May 23, 1667, that the
Duohess of Newcastle, having intimated her
desire to be present at one of the meetings
of the Society, be entertained with some ex-
periments at the next meeting, and that Lord
Berkeley and Dr. Charlton be desired to give
notice of it to her Grace, and to attend her to
the meeting on the Thursday following. Of
this visit Pepys gives the following humorous
account : —
<« 30th May, 1667.— After dinner I walked to
Arundel! House, the way very dusty, the day of
the meeting of the [Royal] Society being chang^ed
from Wednesday to Thursday, which I Knew not
before, because the Wednesday is a Council day,
and several of the Council are of the Society, and
would come but for their attending the King at
Council, where I find much company in expecta-
tion of the Duchess of Newcastle, who had
desired to be invited to the Society, and was, afler
much debate rtro and con, it seems many bein^
against it ; and we do believe the town will be fun
of ballads of it. Anon comes the Duchess, with
her women attending her; among others the
Ferabosco,* of whom so much talk is, that her
lady would bid her show her face and kill ^he
gallants. She is indeed black, and hath good
black little eyes, but otherwise a very ordinary
woman I do think, but they say sings well. The
Duchess hath been a good, comely woman, but
her dress so antick, and her deportment so ordi-
nary, that I do not like her at all; nor do I hear
her say anything that was worth hearing, but that
she was full of admiration — ^all admiration.
Several fine experiments were shown her of
colors, loadstones, microscopes, and of liquors,
among others of one that did, while she was there,
turn a piece of roasted mutton into pure blood,
which was very rare. Here was Mrs. Moore, of
Cambridge, whom I had not seen before, and I
was gladto see her, as also a very black boy that
run up and down the room, somebody's child in
Arunaell House. Afler they had shown her many
experimenfs, and she cried still she was full of
admiration, she departed, being led out and in by
several Lords that were there, among others Lord
• Note by Lord Brajbrooke. Was she of the
family of Alfonso Ferrabosoo, who, in 1609, pnb-
liflhea a book of Ayers^ containing a sonnet ad-
dressed to the author by Ben Jonson ff
VOL. XXX. NO. IV.
George Barkeley and Earl of Carlisle, and a very
pretty young man, the Duke of Somerset.'*
Perhaps the work in which her best and
worst qualities are the most fally portrayed, is
the life of her husband the Duke ; and while
speaking of it, we cannot refrain from smil-
ing at the absurd conceitedness with which
she touches both upon his and her own cha-
racter. No sympathy with the unmitigated
devotedness of attachment with which it
teems, can avert our amusement at the over-
weening flattery which sometimes compares
him to Julius Caesar ; and certes, right mer-
rily did the worthy couple bandy the ball of
flattery from one to the other. Pepys has
given us the following droll account of his
impressions on reading the work : —
"ISth of March, 1668. Thence home and
there in favor to my eyes staid at hr.me, reading
the ridiculous History of my Lord Newcastle,
wrote by his wife,whicn shows her to be a mad, con-
ceited, ridiculous woman, and he an asse to suffer
her to write what she writes to him and of him."
But that our readers may judge of the
sterling merit that exists in the work in spite
of its eccentric absurdities, wo quote the
opinion of one whose refined taste and
graphic criticism will never cease to claim
our respectful and affectionate attention.
Charles Lamb, in his " Essays of Elia,*' when
speaking of the binding of a book, observes,
"Bat where a book is at once both good and
rare, where the individual is almost the species,
and when that perishes,
We know not where is that Promethean torch
That can its light relumine.
Such a book, for instance, as the life of the Duke
of Newcasde, by his Duchess : no casket is rich
enough, no casinff sufficiently durable, to honor
and keep safe such a jewel."
The romantic character of the Duke, his
loyalty and well-tested bravery in the peril-
ous times through which he had passed, his
skill as a commander, and his attachment to
literature, were well calculated to make him
the subject of earnest and glowing laudation
from his affectionate Duchess. We think
Walpole perfectly just in the following com-
ment on his character. He calls him
^A man extremely known from the course of
life into which he was forced, and who would
soon have been forgotten in the walk of fanae
which he chose for himself. Yet as an authoi' he
is familiar to those who scarce know any other
author — from bis book of horsemans hip. Though
'amorous in poetry and music,* as my Lord
»4
580
THE DUCHESS OF NEWCASTLE AND HER WORKa
[Decn
Clarendon sayp, he was filter to break Pegasus
for a manage, than to mount him on the steeps of
Parnassos. Of all the riders of that steed, per-
haps there have not been a more fantastic couple
than hid grace or his faithful Duchess, who was
never off her pillion."
He published a great number of comedies,
one of which was the " Humorous Lovers,"
which Walpole a^serto " was received with
great applause, and esteemed one of the best
plays of that time." Pepys, however, seem-
ed to think differently, but erroneously
ascribed it, as already shown in the extract
we have given from his Diary, to the pen of
the Duchess.
His " Triumphant Widow" was so much
admired by the Laureate Thadwell, that he
transcribed part of it into his " Busy Fair,"
one of his most successful plays. His matter
was evidently suggestive, as it has supplied
materials to other copyisU, Langbaine, among
others, acknowledging his obligations to bis
works. He wrote many scenes for the plays
which bear the Duchess's name, and divers
of his poems are scattered amongst her
works.
The literary labors of such an industrious
life as that of the Duchess, especially when
her sex is considered, deserve enumeration.
To the following list are added some obser-
vations which, we believe, have never belore
appeared in print :
The World's Olio. London, 1655. Folio.
This work was for the most part written
at Antwerp, before her ladyship's visit to
England. At the end of a copy in the
British Museum occur some verses, at the
foot of which is written in her own hand, —
« This copy of verses belongs to my * Philoso-
phical Opinions.'
In another copy is a beaudful full-length
portrait by Diepenbeke, of Antwerp, repre-
senting the Duchess stonding in a niche.
Orations of Divers Sorts, accommodated to
divers places. London, 1662. Folio.
Player London, 1662. Folio.
Philosophical Fancies. London, 1653. 12mo.
Philosophical and Physical Opinions. Lon-
don, 1666. Folio.
To this volume was prefixed by the Duke a
copy of verses and an epistle to justify the
noble authoress. These were followed up
by .her Grace by an address to the reader,
another to the two universities, an epilogue
to her " Philosophical Opinions/' an epistle
to her honorable readers, another to the
reader for her book of philosophy^ &c
These show her Grace's solicitude, as Walpole
says, to have the book considered as the pro-
duce of her own brain, " being the beloved of
all her works and preferring il as her master-
piece."
Another edition, bearing the title, ** Grounds of
Natural Philosophy," with an Appendix, much
altered from the first edition. London, 16($3.
Folio.
Observations upon Experimental Philosophy;
to which is added the Description of a New World.
London, [1666] 1668. Folio.
We have already alluded to the attempt-
ed translation of these philosophical dis-
courses into Latin by Mr. Bristow.
Philosophical Letters; or Modest Reflections
upon some opinions in Natural Philosophy, main-
tained by several famous and learned authors of
this age, expressed by way of Letters. London,
1664. Folio. .
Poems and Phancies. London, 1663. Folio*
The copy in the British Museum has MS.
Notes in the Duchess's hand. At the end
of some prefatory verses is the following :
" Reader, let me intreat you to consider only
the fancyes in this my book of poems, and not the
languagh, numbers, nor rimes, nor fals printing,
for if you doe, you will be my condeming judg,
which will grive me much."
Another edition. London, 1664. Folio.
CCXI Sociable Letters. London, 1664. Folia
Observations upon Experimental Philosophy.
London, 1666. Folia
The Life of William Cavendish, Duke, Mar-
quess, and Earl of Newcastle. London, 1667.
Folia
Another edition. London, 1675. 4to.
Translated into Latin. London, 1668. Folio.
The copy in the British Museum has MS.
Notes in the Duchess's hand.
Plays never before printed. London, 1668.
Folio.
Her plays alone are nineteen in number,
and some of them in two parts. One of
them, " The Blazing World, is unfinished.
In another, "The Unnatural Tragedy," a
whole scene is written against Camden's
" Britannia." Walpole suggests that her
Grace thought a geographic satire in the
middle of a play was mixing the utile with
the dulce. Three unpublished MS. plays are
reported by Gibber to have been in the pos-
session of Mr. Thomas Richardson and Bisnop
wniis.
Last in the list of her productiona, as con-
1853.]
THE PUOHESS OF irBWOASTLB AND HER WORKS.
631
taming the work with which we have at
present most to do, is that entitled
"Nature's Pictare drawn by Fancy's Pencil"
to the Life. London, 1666. Folio.
** In this yolunne (says the title) are several
feigned stories of natural descriptions, as comical,
tragical and tragi-comical, poetical, romancical,
philosophical, and historical, both in prose and
yerse, some all yerse, some all prose, some mixt,
partly prose and partly verse. Also, there are
some morals and some dialogues, but they are as
the advantage loaf of bread to the baker's dozen,
and a true story at the latter end, wherein there is
no feigning."
Upon this work Walpole remarks : ** One
may guess how like this portrait of nature
is by the fantastic bill of the features." In
the copy of this work in the Grenville
Library is the extremely rare and exquisite
print by Diepenbeke of Antwerp, done while
the noble pair were resident in that city,
representing the Duke and Duchess sitting
at a table with sonde children, (not her own,
ad described by Dr. Lort, for she had none,)
to whom the Duchess is telling stories. A
proof of this print sold at Sir M. Syke's sale
for £64 Is. This copy, as well as another
in the British Museum, contains MS. notes
in the Duchess's own hand, pointing out the
songs and passages written by the Duke,
who was then Marquis of Newcastle. It is
to this work that the memoir now under
notice is attached, and even Lord Orford
acknowledges it to be creditable to her in
every point of view.
This memoir was reprinted separately in
1814 by Sir E^erton Brydges, at the private
press of Lee Priory, the impression being
limited to one hundred copies ; Sir Egerton,
in his critical preface, remarking that these
memoirs appear to him very eminently to
possess the double merit of entertaining and
mstructing.
" Whether," says he, ** they confirm or refute
the character of the literary and moral qualities
of her Grace given by Lord Orford, I must leave
the reader to judge. The simplicity by which
they are marked will, in minds constituted like
that of the noble critic, seem to approximate to
folly ; others, less inclined to sarcasm, and less
infected with an artificial taste, will probably
think far otherwise.
" That the Duchess was deficient in a culti-
vated judgment, that her knowledge was more
multifarious than exact, and that her powers of
fancy and sentiment were more active than her
powers of reajoning, I will admit ; but that her
productions, mmglea as they are with great ab-
I surdity, are wanting either in talent or in virtue,
or even in genius, I cannot concede. There is
an ardent ambition which may, perhaps, itself be
considered to prove superiority of intellect."
As regards the vanity which may be con-
sidered as the most striking defect of her
autobiography, we would remind the reader
of the remark of Hume, that " it is difficult
for a man [and we presume he did not ex-
clude the other sex from the observation] to
speak long of himself without vanity," and
the Duchess, wishing to defend herself from
the accusation, gives us the following excul-
pation at the close :
**I hope my readers will not think me vain for
writing my life, since there have been many that
have done the like, as Csesar, Ovid, and many
more, both men and women ; and I know no rear
son I may not do it as well as they : but I verily
believe some censuring readers will scornfully
say, * Why hath this lady writ her own life ?
since none cares to know whose daughter she
was, or whose wife she is, or how she was bred,
or what fortune she had, or how she lived, or what
humor or disposition she was of?' I answer that
it is true, that 'tia to no purpose to the readers^
but it is to the authoress, because 1 writ it for my
own sake, not theirs: neither did I intend this
piece for to delight, but to divulge ; not to please
the fancy, but to tell the truth, lest after ages
should mistake, in not knowing I was daughter
to one Master Lucas of St. John s, near Colches-
ter, in Essex, second wife to the Lord Marquis of
Newcastle ; for my lord having had two wives, I
might easily have been mistaken, especially if I
should die, and my lord marry again."
It is remarkable that her prognostic was
reall J fal filled. See "The Lounger's Com-
mon Place Book," vol. iii. p. 398.
Her death, which preceded that of the
Duke by three years, took place in 1673,
She was buried, m Westminster Abbey, and
upon the sumptuous monument which covers
the remains of this well-asisorted pair is in-
scribed the following epitaph, containing that
remarkable panegyric on her family noticed
by Addison in the Spectator :
*' Here lyes the Royall Duke of Newcastle and
his Dutches, his second wife, by whom be bad no
issue ; her name was Margarett Lucas, youngest
sister to the Lord Lucas of Colchester, a noble
familie, for all the Brothers were Valiant and all
the Sisters Virtuous. This Dutches was a wise,
wittie, and learned lady, which her many bookea
well testifie. She was a most Virtuous and a
Loveing and carefull wife and was with her Lord
all the time of his banishment and miseries, and
when he came home never parted from him ia.
his solitary retirements."
5S2
OUVEB WENDELL HOLMES.
[Dee.
From the New Monthlj Magmsine.
OLIVER WENDELL HOLMES
Professor Holmes is distinguished in
materia medica as well as in lays and lyrics.
He is familiar with the highways and byways
of those
Realms nnperfumed by the breath of song,
Where flowers ill-flavored shed] their sweets
around,
And bitterest roots invade the ungenlal ground.
Whose gems are crystal from the Epsom mine,
Whose vineyards flow with antimonial wine,
Whose gates admit no mirthful feature in,
Save one gaunt mocker, the Sardonic grin* —
and with rare devotion he pursues the sternly
prosaic calls of the healing art — unable as
his poetic temperament sometimes may be to
repress a sigh for the beautiful, or a sonnet
on the sublime, and, in passing disgnst at
the restraints of professional study, to ask
himself,
Why dream I here within these csging walls.
Deaf to her voice while blooming Nature calls ;
Peering and eazing with insatiate looks
Through blinding lenses, or in wearying books ?f ,
But, resisting temptation, and cleaving with
full purpose of hieart to M.D. mysteries, with
leech-like tenacity to the leech's functions, he
secures a more stable place in medical annals
than many a distinguished medico- literary
brother, such as Goldsmith, or Smollett, or
Akenside. Nor can the temptation have
been slight, to one with so kindly a penchant
towards the graces of good fellowship, and
who can analyze with such sympathetic gusto
what he calls *' the warm, champagny, old-
particular, brandy-punchy feeling" — and who
may arrogate a special mastery of the
Quaint trick to cram the pithy line
That cracks so crisply over bubbling wine.
Evidently, too, he is perfectly alive to the
pleasure and pride of social applause, and
accepts the " three times three of round-
table glorification as rightly bestowed. In-
deed, m more than one of his morceaux, he
* Urania.
f Astriea.
plumes himself on a certain irresistible power
of waggery, and even thinks it expedient to
vow never to give his jocosity the full length
of its tether, lest its side-shaking violence
implicate him in unjustifiable homicide.
His versification is smooth and finished,
without being tame or straitlaced. He takes
pains with it, because to the poet's paintings
'lis
Verse bestows the varnish and the frame —
and study, and a naturally musical ear, have
taught him that
Our grating English, whose Teutonic jsi
Shakes the racked axle of Art*8 rattling car,
Fits like mosaic in the lines that gird
Fast in its place each many-angled word.
In his own " Poetry : a Metrical Essay," he
marks how
The proud heroic; with its pulse-like beat.
Rings like the cymbals clashing as they meet ;
The sweet Spenserian, gathering as it flows,
Sweeps gently onward to its dying close.
Where waves on waves in long succession pooff
Till the ninth billow melts along the shore.
His management of the " proud heroic/'
in serious and sustained efiforts, reminds us
more of Campbell than any other poet we
can name. But it is in that school of grace-
ful badinage and piquant satire, represented
among ourselves by such writers as Frere,
and Spencer, and Mackworth Praed, that Dr.
Holmes is most efficient. Too earnest not to
be sometimes a grave censor, too thoughtful
not to introduce occasionally didactic pas-
sages, too humane and genial a spirit to in-
dulge in the satirist's scowl, and sneer, and
snappish moroseness, he has the power to be
pungent and mordant in sarcasm to an alarm-
ing degree, while his will is to temper his
irony with so much good-humor, fun, mercu-
rial fancy, and generous feeling, that the
more gentle hearts of the more gentle sex
pronounce him excellent, and wish only he
would leave physic for song.
1808.]
OUYEB WElfDELL HOLMBS.
633
la some of his poems the Doctor is not
without considerable pomp and pretension —
we use the terms in no slighting tone.
"Poetry : a Metrical Essay," parts of "Terp-
sichore," " Urania," and "Astraea," " Pitts-
field Cemetery," "The Plouffhman," and
various pieces among the lyricaTeffusions, are
marked by a dignity, precision, and sonorous
elevation, often highly effective. The diction
occasionally becomes almost too ambitious —
verging on the efflorescence of a certain Eng-
lish M.D., yclept Erasmus Darwin — so that
we now and then pause to make sure that it
is not the satirist in his bravura, instead of
the bard in his solemnity, that we hear. Such
passages as the following come without stint :
If passion's hectic in thy stanzas glow,
Thy heart's best life-blood ebbinff as they flow ;
If with thy verse thy strength ana bloom distil,
Drained by the pulses of the fevered thrill ;
If sound's sweet effluence polarize thy brain,
And thoughts turn crystals in thy fluid strain —
Nor rolling ocean, nor the prairie s bloom,
Nor streaming cliffs, nor ray less cavern's gloom,
Need'st thou, young poet, to inform thy line ;
Thy own broad signet stamps thy song divine !*
Fragments of the Lichfield physician's
''Botanic Garden," and "Loves of the
Plants," seem recalled — revised and cor-
rected, if you will — in lines where the Boston
physician so picturesquely discriminates
The scythe's broad meadow with its dusky blush ;
The sickle's harvest with its velvet flush ;
The men-haired maize, her silken, tresses laid,
In soft luxuriance, on her harsh brocade ;
The gourd that swells beneath her tossing plume ;
The coarser wheat that rolls in lakes of bloom —
Its coral stems and milkt white flowers alive
With the wide murmurs of the scattered hive;
The glossy apple with the pencilled streak
Of morning painted on its southern cheek :
The pear's long necklace, strung with golden
drops,
Arched, like the banyan, o'er its hasty props;
&c.t
Many of the more labored efforts of his
muse have an imposing eloquence — rather
crude land unchastened, however, and to be
ranked perhaps with what himself now calls
his ''questionable extravagances." To the
class distinguished by tenderness of feeling,
or a quietly pervading pathos, belong — with
varying orders of merit — the touching stanzas
entitled " Departed Days," the pensive record
of "An Evening Thought," " From a Bache-
lor's Private Journal," " La Grisctte," " The
Last Reader," and "A Souvenir." How
* Ursnia.
t Pittifield Cemetery.
natural the exclamation in one for the first
time conscious of a growing chill in the blood
and calmness in the brain, and an ebbing of
what was the sunny tide of youth :
Oh, when love's first sweet, stolen kiss
Bum«Hi on my boyish brow,
Was that young forehead worn as this?
Was that flushed cheek as now ?
Were that wild pulse and throbbing heart
Like these, which vainly strive.
In thankless strains of soulless art,
To dream themselves alive ?*
And again this mournful recognition of
life's inexorable onward march, and the " dis-
limning" of what memory most cherishes :
But, like a child in ocean's arms.
We strive against the stream,
Each moment farther from the shore.
Where life's young fountains gleam ;
Each moment fainter wave the fields.
And wider rolls the sea ;
The mist grows dark — the sun goes down-*
Day breaks — and where are we ?t
An interfusion of this pathetic vein with
quaint humor is one of Dr. Holmes's most no-
table " qualities," as in the stanzas called
" The Last Leaf,'' where childhood depicts
old age tottering through the streets — con*
trasting the shrivelled weakness of the de-
crepit man with the well-vouched tradition of
his past comeliness and vigor :
But now he walks the streets.
And he looks at all be meets
Sad and wan ;
And he shakes his feeble head.
That it seems as if he said,
** They are gone."
The mossy marbles rest
On the lips that he has prest
In their bloom.
And the names he loved to hear
Have been carved for many a year
On the tomb.
My grandmamma has said, —
Poor old lady, she is dead
Lon^ ago, —
That he had a Roman nose.
And his cheek was like a rose
In the snow.
But now his nose is thin,
And it rests upon his chin
Like a staff,
And a crook is in his back,
And a melancholy crack
In his laugh.
* An Evening Thought f Departed D^
634
OLIVER WENDELL HOLMES.
[Dec.
I know it is a sin
For me to sit and grin
At him here ;
But the old three-cornered ha%
And the breeches, and all that.
Are so qaeer !
And if I should live to be
Ttie last leaf upon the tree
In the spring, —
Let them smile, as I do now,
At the old forsaken bough
Where I cling.
These admirable verses — set in so aptly
framed a metre too — would alone suffice to
make a reputatioD. In a like spirit, dashed
with a few drops of the Thackeray essence,
are the lines beaded '* Questions and An-
swers,"— among the queries and responses
being these sarcastic sentimentalisms :
Where, O where are the visions of morning,
Fresh as the dews of our prime ?
Gone, like tenants that quit without warning,
Down the back entry of time.
Where, 0 where are life's lilies and roses,
Nursod in the golden dawn^s smile ?
Dead as the bulrushes round little Moses,
On the old banks of the Nile.
Where are the Marys, and Anns, and Elizas,
Loving and lovely of yore 7
Look in the columns of old Advertisers,-—
Married and dead by the score.
In such alliance of the humorous and fan-
ciful lies a main charm iu this writer's pro-
ductions. Fancy he has in abundance, as be
proves on all occasions, grave and gay.
Sometimes, indeed, be indulges in similes that
may be thought rather curious than felicit-
ous; as where he speaks of the "half-built
tower," which, thanks to Howe's artillery.
Wears on its bosom, as a bride might do,
The iron breast-pin which the '^Rebels" threw.*
A steamboat is likened to a wild nymph,
now veiling her shadowy form, while through
the storm sounds the beating of her restless
heart — now answering,
like a courtly dame
The reddening surges o'er.
With flying scarf of spangled flame,
The Pharos of the shore.f
Gazing into a lady's eyes, he sees a mat-
ter of
«
Ten thousand angels spread their wings
Within those little azure rings. {
fUratia. f The Steamboat Stanzas
The Spirit of Beauty he bids
Come from the bowers where summer's life-blood
flows
Through the red lips of June's half-open rose.*
In his summary of metrical forms :
The glittering Ivric bounds elastic by,
With flaahinff ringlets and exulting eye.
While every image, in herairv whirl,
Gleams like a diamond on a uancing-girl.f
We are told how
Health flows in the rills,
As their ribbons of silver unwind from the hill84
And again, of a
Stream whose silver-braided rills
Fling their unclasping bracelets from the hills.^
In such guise moves the Ariel fancy of the
poet. In its more Puck- like, tricksy, mirth-
ful mood, it is correspondingly sportive. A
comet wanders
Where darkness might be bottled up and sold for
** Tyrian dye."|T
Of itinerant musicians — the
Discords sting through Burns and Moore, like
hedgehogs dressed in lace. IT
A post-prandial orator of a prononcS face-
tious turn, is warned that
All the Jack Homers of metrical buns
Are prying and fingering to pick out the puns.**
A strayed rustic stares through the wedged
crowd.
Where in one cake a throng of faces runs,
All stuck together like a sheet of buns.ff
But we are getting Jack-Homerish, and
must forbear ; not for lack of plums, though.
The wit and humor, the vers de sociiU and
the jeuX'd' esprit of Dr. Holmes, bespeak the
gentleman. Not that he is prim or particu-
lar, by any means ; on the contrary, he loves
a bit of racy diction, and has no objection to
a sally of slang. Thus, in a lecture on the
toilet, he is strict about the article of gloves :
Shave like the goat, if so your fancy bids.
But be a parent, — don't neglect your kids.i{
* Pittsfield Cemetery.
i Song for a Temperanoe Diuner.
g Pittefield Cemetery.
^ The Music Grinders.
•♦ VerBea for After Dinner. ft Terpeichore.
XI Urania.
t Poetry.
I The Comet
1853.]
OLIYEB WENDELL HOLBCEa
535
A superlative Mr. Jolly Green is shown up.
Whom schoolboys qaestion if his walk transcends '
The last advices of maternal friends;*
which polite periphrasis is discarded where
Achilles' death is mourned :
Accursed heel that killed a hero stout !
Oh, had your mother known that you were out.
Death had not entered at the trifling part
That still defles the small chirurgeon*s art
With corns and bnnions.f
The last passage is from a protracted play
upon words, in which poor Hood is emulated
—though the author owns that
Hard is the job to launch the desperate pun«-
A pun-job dangerous as the Indian one'" —
in unskilful hands turned back on one's self
by "thecurrent of some stronger wit," so that,
Like the strange missile which the Australian
throws,
Yoar verbal boomerang slaps you on the nose.
A vunster, however, Dr. Holmes will be —
and already we have had a taste of his quali-
ty in the kid-glove case; so again, the
*' bunions" annexed to the Achilles catas-
trophe reminds him to explain, that he refers
not to
The glorious John
Who wrote the book we all have pondered on, —
But other bunion?, bound in fleecy hose,
To "Pilgrim's Progress" unrelenting foes !t
A gourmand, sublimely contemptuous of
feasts of reason, argues that
Milton to Stilton must give in, and Solomon to
Salmon,
And Roger Bacon be a bore, and Francis Bacon
gammon. §
And the irresistible influence of collegiate
convivial associations is thus illustrated :
We're all alike ;— Vesuvius flings the scorie from
his fountain.
But down they come in volleying rain back to the
burnini; mountain ;
We leave, like those volcanic stones, our precious
Alma Mater,
But will keep dropping in again to see the dear
old crater. II
As a satirist, to shoot Folly as it flies. Dr.
Holmes bends a bow of strength. His ar-
* Astnea. f A Modest Request
Kuz PostooBoatica.
t Ibi
I Ibi
Ibid.
Ibid.
rows are polished, neatly pointed, gaily fea-
thered, and whirr through the air with cut-
ting emphasis. And he hath his quiver full
of them. But, to his honor be it recorded,
he knows how and when to stay his hand,
and checks himself if about to use a shaft of
undue size and weight, or dipped in gall of
bitterness. Tiken he pauses, and says :
Come, let us breathe ; a something not divine
Has mingled, bitter, with the flowing lin<
for if he might lash and lacerate with Swift,
he prefers to tickle and titillate with Addison,
and therefore adds, in such a case.
If the last target took a round of grape
To knock its beauty something out of shape.
The next asks only, if the listener please,
A schoolboy's blowpipe and a gill of pease.*
Oenial and good-natured, accordingly, he
appears throughout — ^using his victims as old
Izaak did his bait, as though he loved them —
yet taking care that the hook shall do its
work. Amonff the irksome shams of the day,
he is " smart * upon those cant-mongers who
With uncouth phrases tire their tender lungs,
The same bald phrases on their hundred tongues ;
" Ever" ♦* The Ages" in their page appear,
" Alway" the bedlamite is called a " Seer ;*'
On every leaf the *' earnest" sage may scan.
Portentous bore ! their *' many-sided man, —
A weak eclectic, groping vague and dim,
Whose every angle is a half-starved whim.
Blind as a mole and curious as a lynx.
Who rides a.beetle, which he calls a *' Sphinx. "f
Here is another home-thrust :
The pseudo-critic-editorial race
Owns no allegiance but the law of place ;
£ach to his region sticks through thick and thin,
Stiff as a beetle spiked upon a pin.
Plant him in Boston, and his sheet he Alls
With all the slipslop of his threefold hi Up;
Talks as if Nature kept her choicest smiles
Within his radius of a dozen miles,
And nations wailed till his next Review
Had made it plain what Providence must do.
Would you believe him, water is not damp
Except in buckets with the Hingham stamp.
And Heaven should build the walls of Paradise
Of Quincy granite lined with Wenham ice.^
Elsewhere he counsels thm, festina lente, his
impetuous compatriots :
Don't catch the fidgets; yon have found your place
Just in the focus of a nervous race.
Fretful to change, and rabid to discuss.
Full of excitements, always in a fuss ; —
Astnea.
t Terpsichore.
{Astnea.
536
8EM0NVILLB.
Pec^
Think of the patriarchs ; then compare as men
These lean-cheeked maniacs of the tongue and
pen!
Ran, if you h'ke, hat try to keep yoar breath ;
Work like a man, bat aon*t be worked to death ;
And with new notions — let me chan^ the rale —
Don't strike the iron till it's slightly cool.*
Once more : there is pilhy description in a
list be furnishes of
Poems that shuffle with saperfloous legs
A blindfold minuet over addled eggs.
Where all the syllables that end in ed,
Like old dragoons, have cuts across the head;
Essays so dark, Cham poll ion might despair
To guess what mummy of a thought was there;
Where our poor English, striped with foreign
phrase,
Tiooks like a Zebra in a parson's chaise. . . .
Mesmeric pamphlets, which to facts appeal,
Each fact as slippery as a fiesh-caught eel ;
&c., &c.t
There is pleasant and piquant raillery in
the stanzas to "My Aunt,'' who, mediseval as
she is, good soul ! still " strains the aching
clasp that binds her virgin zone :'*
I know it hurts her, — ^though she looks as cheerful
as she can ;
Her waist is ampler than her life, for life is but a
span.
My aunt! my poor deluded aunt! her hair is
almost gray:
Why will she train that winter curl in such a
spring-like way ?
How can she lay her glasses down, and say she
reads as well, ^
When, through a double convex lens, she just
makes out to spell 7
* Urania.
t Terpsichore.
Que dejolis vers, et de ipirituelUs nudicea !
And 60 again in "The Parting Word,"
which maliciously predicts, sta^e by stage, in
gradual but rapid succession, the feelings of
a shallow-hearted damosel after parting with
her most devoted — from tearing of jetty
locks and waking with inflamed eyes, to com*
placent audience of a new swain, three weeks
after date. We like Dr. Holmes hetter in
this style of graceful banter than when he
essays the more broadly comic — as in " The
Spectre Pig," or " The Stethoscope Song."
The lines " On Lending a Punch-bowl" are
already widely known and highly esteemed
by British readers^ — and of others which de-
serve to be so, let us add those entitled ^' Noz
Postcoenatica," "The Music- grinders," "The
Dorchester Giant," and " Daily Trials,'*—
which chronicles the acoustic afflictions of a
sensitive man, beginning at d&ybreak with
yelping pug-dog's Memnonian sun- ode, clos-
ing at night with the lonely caterwaul.
Tart solo, sour daet, and general squall
of feline miscreants, and including during the
day the accumulated eloquence of women's
tongues, ''like polar needles, ever on the jar/'
and drum-breating children, and peripatetic
hurdy-gurdies, and child-crying bell- men —
an ascending series of torments, a sorites of
woes I
On the whole, here we have, in the words
of a French critic, "-un poete d'elite et qui
comte : c'est nne nature individuelie tres-fine
et tre8-marqu6e" — one to whom we owe
" des vers gracieux et aimables, vifs et 16ger8»
d'une gaiety nuanc^e de sentiment." And
one that we hope to meet again and again.
-»♦■
■♦•■
Semonville. — Monsieur de Semonville,
one of the ablest tacticians of his time, was
remarkable for the talent with which, amidst
the crush of revolutions, he always managed
to maintain his post, and take care of his
personal interests. He knew exactly to
whom to address himself for support, and
the right time for availing himself of it-
When Talleyrand, one of his most intimate
friends, heard of his death, he reflected fo
a few minutes, and then drily observed, —
" I canH for the life of me make out what
interest Semonville had to serye by dying
just now."
1858.]
THAGKBRAT'B LEOTUBEB OK THE ENGLISH HUHOBIBm
587
From Colburn's New Monthly.
THACKERAY'S LECTURES ON THE ENGLISH HUMORISTS.
WITH A FORTBAIT OF MR. THACKBRAT.
" Heroes and Hero-worship'* — ^a subject
chosen by Mr. Carlyle, when he arose to dis-
course before the sweet- shady-sidesmen of
Pall Mall and the fair of Mayfair — is not all
the res vexanda one would predicate for a
course of lectures by Mr. Titmarsh. If the
magnificence of the hero grows small by de-
grees and beautifully less before the micro-
scopic scrutiny of his valet, so might it be ex-
pected to end in a minus sign, after subjec-
tion to the eliminating process of the '^ Book
of Snobs." Yet one passage, at least, there
is in the attractive volume* before us, in-
stinct with hero-worship, and, some will
think, (as coming from such a quarter,) sur-
charged with enthusiasm, — where the lec-
turer affirms, " I should like to have been
Shakspeare's shoeblack — ^just to have lived in
his house, just to have worshipped him — to
have run on his errands, and seen that sweet
serene face." At which sally, we can im-
agine nil admirari'io\k& exclaiming, (if they
be capable of an exclamation,) ''Oh, you
little snob!" Nevertheless, that sally will
go far to propitiate many a reader hitherto
steeled against the showman of "Vanity
Fair," as an inveterate cynic — ^however little
of real ground he may have given for such
a prejudice. Many, we believe, who resorted
to the lectures when orally delivered, were
agreeably disappointed in findmg so much
of genial humanity in the matter and man-
ner of the didaskalos —
the best good Christian he,
Although they knew it not.
And the vastly enlarged circle of observers
to whom this volume will make the lectures
known, will find in it clear, if not copious
proof of the man's fine, open, loving nature —
* The ED|;liab HamoHsts of the Eighteenth Gen-
tfiry : a Senes of Leotares deliverecT in England,
SooUand, and the United States of America. By
W. M. Thackeray. London: Smith, Elder i
Ca 1868.
its warmth, and depth, and earnestness —
not to be belied by an outward show of cap-
tious irony, a pervading presence of keen-
witted raillery. There seems a ludicrously
false notion rife among not a few, that Mr.
Thackeray's creed is of close kin to that of
our laureate's " gray and gap-tooth'd man as
lean as death, who slowly rode across a
wither'd heath, and lighted at a ruin'd inn,
and said" — inter alia —
Virtue ! — to be good and just —
Every heart, when sifted well,
Is A clot of warmer dost,
Mix'd with cunning imparks of hell.
Fill the can, and fill the cup :
All the windy ways of men
Are but dust that rises up,
And is lightly laid again.
Let any infatuated sufferer under such obsti-
nate delusion at once buy and study this
series of lectures, and learn to laugh and
love with the lecturer, and so satisfy himself
that although ever and anon medio defonte
leporum surgit amari aliquidy there is heart
as well as brain in the writer's composition,
and that simplicity, and sincerity, and faith
are ever reverenced, and unhesitatingly pre-
ferred to the loftiest intellectual pretensions
as such.
As with clerical sermons, so with laio lec-
tures, there are few one pines to see in print.
In the present instance, those who were of
Mr. Thackeray's audience will probably, in
the majority of cases, own to a sense of com-
parative tameness as the result of deliberate
perusal. Nerertheless, the book could be
ill spared, as books go. It is full of sound,
healthy, manly, vigorous writing — sagacious
in observation, independent and thoughtful,
earnest in sentiment, in style pointed, clear,
and straightforward. The illustrations are
aptly selected, and the bulky array of foot-
notes, (apparently by another hand,) though
not drawn up to the best advantage, will
588
THAOKBBATB LEOrUBBB OK THE ENOUBH HUMORIBI&
pec.
interest the too numerous class to whom
^' Queen Anne's men'' are but clerks in a
dead-letter office— out of date, and so out of
fashion — out of sight, on upper shelves, and
BO out of mind, as a thing of naught.
If we cared to dwell upon them, we might,
however, make exceptions decided if not
Slentifnl against parts of this volume. That
[r. Thackeray can be pertinaciously one-
sided was seen in his " Esmond" draught of
the Duke of Marlborough. A like restriction
of vision seems here to distort his present-
ment of Sterne and of Hogarth. We are
ready to recognize with Lord Jeffrey* the
flaws of ostentatious absurdity, affected odd-
ity, pert familiarity, broken diction, and ex-
aggerated sentiment, in '* Tristram Shandy ;"
nor have we any delight in the Reverend
Lawrence, whether regarded simply as a man,
or as a man in cassock and bands. It is in-
deed as men rather than authors — it is in*
deed biographically rather than critically,
that Mr. Thackeray treats the English hu-
morists who come before him. But his dis-
like of the " wretched worn-out old scamp,"
as he calls Sterne, extends fatally to the old.
scamp's literary as well as social characteris-
tics. We are told how the lecturer was once
in the company of a French actor, who be-
gan after dinner, and at his own request, to
sing "French songs of the sort called »de8
chansons grivaises, and which he performed
admirably, and to the dissatisfaction of most
persons present," and who, having finished
these, began a sentimental ballad, and sane
it so charmingly that all were touched, and
none so much as the singer himself, who was
" snivelling and weeping quite genuine tears"
before the last bar. And such a maudlin
ballad-singer we are instructed was Law-
rence Sterne. His sensibility was artistical ;
it was that of a man who has to bring his
tears and laughter, his personal griefs and
joys, his private thoughts and feelings, to
market, to write them on paper, and sell
them for money. " He used to blubber per-
petually in his study, and finding his tears
infectious, and that they brought him a great
popularity, he exercised the lucrative gift of
weeping, he utilized it, and cried on every
occasion. I own that I don't value or respect
much the cheap dribble of those fountains."
And so a^ain with the reverend gentleman's
jests: '*The humor of Swift and Rabelais,t
*~See his review of " Wilhelm Meister.^'
f This comparison of Stenie with Rabelais re-
minds us of what a distinguished French critic has
said, in allusion to the weuknown story of Sterne's
apology to a lady for his objectionable freedoms in
eompoaiiion — ^moet offensive, we aver, and qute
whom he pretended to succeed, poured from
them as naturally as song does from a bird ;
they lose no manly dignity with it, but laugh
their hearty great laugh out of their broad
chests, as nature bade them. But this man —
who can make you laugh, who can make you
cry, too — ^never lets his reader alone, or will
permit his audience to repose ; when you are
quiet, he fancies he must rouse you, and turns
over head and heels, or sidles up and whis-
pers a nasty story. The man is a great jester,
not a great humorist. He goes to work
systematically and of cold blood ; paints his
face, puts on his rough and motley clothes,
and lays down his carpet and tumbles on it."
Sterne is properly rated for whimpering
^' over that famous dead donkey," for which
Mr. Thackeray has no semblance of a tear to
spare, but only laughter and contempt ; com-
paring the elegy of " that dead jackass" to
the cuisine of M. de Soubise's campaign, in
such fashion does Sterne dress it, and serve
U up quite tender, and with a very piquant
sauce. "But tears, and fine feelings, and a
white pocket-handkerchief, and a funeral
sermon, and horses and feathers, and a pro-
cession of mutes, and a hearse with a dead
donkey inside I Psha ! Mountebank 1 I'll not
give thee one penny more for that trick,
donkey and all !" This, and similar passages
in the lecture, will jar somewhat on the
judgment of those who go only part of the
way with Mr. Leigh Hunt, in his affirma-
tion,* that to accuse Sterne of cant and sen-
timentality, is itself a cant or an ignorance ;
or that, at least, if neither of these, it is but
to misjudge him from an excess of manner
here and there, while the matter always con-
tains the solidest substance of truth and
duty. Such readers will probably be un-
shaken in their allegiance to one of proven
sway over their smiles and tears, and mur-
mur to themselves the closing lines of a son-
net in his praise, by the rigorous, keen-
scented censorf who exposed, unsparingly,
his plagiarisms from old Burton and Rabelais :
without excuse, but mere bagatelles when the enor-
mities of the Gaul are considered. "Une dame
faisait an jour reproche a Sterne,'' says M. Sainte
Benve, "des naait6s qui se trouvent dans son
' Tristram Shandy ;' au mSme moment, un enfant
de trois ans jouait k terre et se montrait en touts
innocence: *Voyez!' dit Sterne, *mon livre;c'e8t
cet enfant de trois ans qui se roule sur le tapis.'
Mais, avec Rabelais^ I'enfisnt a grandi; c'est on
homme, c'est un g^ant, c'estOargaDtua,c*eetPant«p
gruel ou pour le moins Fftnurge, et il continue de
ne rien oaoher.'' That Sterne, neverthele8^ was
inherently a purer-minded roan than Rabelaifl^ it
might be rash to assert.
• " Table-Talk." f ^- Ferriar.
1853,]
THAGKERAT'S LEOTURIS OK THE ENGLISH HUHORIBia
569
But the quick tear that checks our woDdering
smile,
In suddeii pause or unexpected story.
Owns thy true mastery — and Le Pevre's woes,
Maria's wanderings, and the Prisoner's throes,
Fix thee conspicuous on the throne of glory.
As for Hogarthy perhaps the most em-
phatic characterization he meets with from
the lecturer lies in the remark: "There is
very little mistake about honest Hogarth's
satire; if he has to paint a man with his
throat cut, he draws him with bis bead al-
most off." No man, we are assured, was
ever less of a hero ; he was but a hearty,
plain* spoken fellow, loving his laugh, bis
friends, his glass, bis roast beef of Old Eng-
land, and hating all things foreign — foreign
painters first and foremost. The tender, the
touching, the imaginative — never mention
any thing of that sort in connection with his
name. Another scandal, to those who re-
spond to Elia's estimate of William Hogarth,
to those who, like Southey, make bold to im-
paradise, in the seventh heaven of invention,
•Hogarth, who followed no master,
Nor hy pupil shall e*er be approached ; alone in
his greatness.*
There still survive sturdy Britishers who
persist, like Hartley Coleridge,f in setting
bim high above every name in British art, or
rather who would separate bim altogether
from our painters, to fix his seat among our
greatest poets.
Swift, who comes first in the series, is the
humorist upon whose portraiture most care
seems to have been bestowed. He at least
meets with his full deserts, so far as admira-
tion is concerned. Some pretty hard hits
are dealt him, notwithstanding. Mr. Thack-
eray would like, as we have seen, to have been
Shakspeare's shoeblack and errand boy — to
have "kept" on the same staircase with
Harry Fielding, to help him up to bed if need
be, and in the morning shake hands with him,
and hear him crack jokes over his mug of
small-beer at breakfast — to hob-a-nob with
Dick Steele — to sit a fellow-clubman with
brave old Samuel Johnson — to go holiday-
making with Noll Goldsmith. But Swift ?—
what says the lecturer to " hail fellow" in-
timacy with the Dean ? Why, this : «* If
you had been his inferior in parts, (and that,
with a great respect for all persons present,
I fear is only very likely,) bis equal in mere
social station, he would have bullied, scom-
• "A Viaion of Jndgment/' pt. 10.
f '^Eaaaya and Miurginalia : Ignoramus on the
FineArti.'^
ed, tod insulted you; if, undeterred by his
great reputation, you had met him like a man,
be would have quailed before you, and not
had the pluck to reply, and gone home, and
years after written a foul epigram about you
— watched for you in a sewer, and come out
to assail you with a coward's blow and a
dirty bludgeon. If you had been a lord with
a blue ribbon, who flattered his vanity, or
bould help bis ambition, he would have been
the most delightful company in the world.
He would have been so manly, so sarcastic,
so bright, odd, and original, that you might
think he had no object in view but the in«
dulgence of bis humor, and that he was the
most reckless, simple creature in the world.
How he would have torn your enemies to
pieces for you ! and made fun of the Opposi-
tion I His servility was so boisterous that it
looked like independence ; he would have
done your errands, but with the air of patron-
izing you; and after fighting your battles
masked in the street or the press, would have
kept on bis hat before your wife and daugh-
ters in the drawing-room, content to take that
sost of pay for bis tremendous services as a
bravo." Excellent is the conduct of the me-
taphor by which the Dean is made to stand
out as an outlaw, who says, " These are my
brains; with these I'll win titles and com-
pete with fortune. These are my bullets;
these I'll turn into gold," — and who
takes the road accordingly, like Macheath,
and makes society stand and deliver, easing
my Lord Bishop of a living, and his Grace of
a patent place, and my Lady of a little snug
post about the court, and gives them over to
followers of his own. " The great prize has
not come yet. The coach with the mitre
and crosier in it, which he intends to have
for his share, has been delayed on the way
from St. James' ; and he waits and waits untd
nightfall, when his runners come and tell bim
that the coach has taken a different road, and
escaped him. So he fires his pistols into the
air with a curse, and rides away into bis own
country." A bold but strikingly significant
figure of the clerical polemic — the restless,
scornful heautontimoroumenost whose youth
was bitter, " as that of a great genius bound
down by ignoble ties, and powerless in a
mean dependence," and whose nge was bit-
ter, 'Mike that of a great genius that had
fought the battle and nearly won it, and lost
it, and thought of it afterwards writhing in a
lonely exile."
Mr. Thackeray holds that Swift's was a
reverent and pious spirit — the spirit of a man
who could love ana pray. We incline to
540
THACKERATB LEOTURBB ON THE ENGLISH HUHORISIB.
[Dec,
think, with Mr. De Quincey,* that Swift was
essenCfally irreligious, and that his rigid in-
capacity for dealing with the grandeurs of
Bptritual themes is signally illustrated by his
astonishment at Anne's refusing to confer a
bishopric on one who had treated the deep-
est mysteries of Christianity, not with mere
skepticism, or casual sneer, but with set
pompous merriment and farcical buffoonery —
who, in full canonicals, had made himself a
regular mountebank — who seems to have
thought that people differed, not by more and
less religion, but by more and less dissimula-
tion. But Mr. Thackeray does recognize in his
clerical career a "life-long hypocrisy" — he
does see that Swift, ** having put that cassock
on, it poisoned him : he was strangled in his
bands. He goes through life, tearing, like a
tnan possessed with a devil. Like Abudah
in the Arabian story, he is always looking
out for the Fury, and knows that the night
will come and the inevitable ha^ with it.
What a night, my God, it was I— what a
lonely rage and long agony ! — what a vulture,
that tore the heart of thai giant I" And it
is good to read the comment on the fourth
part of <* Gulliver," and the denunciation of
Its '' Yahoo language," its gibbering shrieks,
and gnashing imprecations against mankind,
— ^* tearing down all shreds of modesty, past
all sense of manliness and shame ; filthy in
word, filthy in thought, furious, raging, ob-
scene." Well may it be called a "dreadful al-
legory," of which the meaning^ is that man is
utterly wicked, desperate, and imbecile, with
passions so monstrous, and boasted powers
so mean, that be is, and deserves to be, the
slave of brutes, and ignorance is better than
his vaunted reason. " A frightful self-con-
sciousness it must have been, which looked
on mankind so darkly through those keen
eyes of Swift." And a bitter reaction on
himself was the penalty of his misanthropic
wrath — ^as was said to the Greek tyrant,
'Opyi] X*P'^ ^®"f » ^ ^' ^'^ Xof«iiv«rai.
The lecture on Congreve is Titmarsh all
over. The dramatist's comic feast is described
as flaring with lights, with the worst com-
pany in the world, without a pretense of
morals — Mirabel or Belmour heading the
table, dressed in the French fashion, and
waited on by English imitators of Scapin and
Mascarille. The young sparks are born to
win youth and beauty, and to trip up old
age — ^for what business have the old fools to
* See his review of Schloaeer's " Literary HiBtory
of the Eighteenth Gentory." Tdt 1847.
hoard their money, or lock up blushing
eighteen ? " Money is for youth ; love is for
youth; away with the old people." Then
comes the sigh we all know so well: " Bat
ah 1 it's a weary feast, that banquet of wit
where no love is. It palls very soon ; sad
indigestions follow it, and lonely blank head-
aches in the morning." The banquet is, to
this observer, but a dance of death : every
madly-glancing eye at that orgy is artificial —
every tint of bloom is from the rouge-pot, and
savors of corruption —
Every face, however fall,
Padded round with fiesh and fat.
Is but modell'd on a skoli.*
With that graphic emphasis which makes him
at his best so memorably impressive, the lec-
turer likens the feelings aroused by a perusal
•of Congreve's plays to those excited at Pom-
peii by an inspection of Sallust's house and
the relics of a Roman ''spread" — "a dried
wine-jar or two, a charred supper-table, the
breast of a dancing-girl pressed against the
ashes, the laughing skull of a jester, a per-
fect stillness round about, as the Cicerone
twangs his moral, and the blue sky shines
calmly over the ruin. The Congrreve muse is
dead, and her song choked in Timers ashes.
We gaze at the skeleton, and wonder at the
life which once revelled in its mad veins. We
take the skull up, and muse over the frolic
and daring, the wit, scorn, passion, hope, de-
sire, with which that empty bowl once fer-
mented. We think of the glances that allured,
the tears that melted, of the bright eyes that
shone in those vacant sockets, and of lips
whispering love, and cheeks dimpling with
smiles, that once covered yon ghastly frame-
work. They used to call those teeth pearls
once. See ! there's the cup she drank from,
the gold chain she wore on her neck, the
vase which held the rouge for her cheeks,
her looking-glass, and the harp she used to
dance to. Instead of a feast, we find a grave-
stone, and in place of a mistress, a few bones I"
How tellingly expressive, and how like the
moralist, whose brightest sallies so often speak
of saddest thought !
Addison meets with warmer eulogy than
might have been anticipated. He is inva-
riably mentioned with loving deference. He
is pictured as one of the finest gentlemen the
world ever saw — at all moments of life se-
rene and courteous, cheerful and calm — ad-
mirably wiser, wittier, calmer, and more in-
structed than almost every man he met with
•Tennyson; " Virion of SBnJ^
1853.]
THAGEERATS LECTURES OK THE ENGLISH HUHORISTSL
541
— one who could scarcely ever have had a
degrading thought — and as for that " little
weakness for wine" — why, without it, as we
could scarcely have found a fault with him,
so neither could we have liked him as we do.
The criticism on his papers in the Spectator
is delightfully genial and true ; and the pero-
ration of the lecture has a sweetness and na-
tural solemnity of affecting reality, where al-
lusion is made to Addison's heavenly ode,
(*<Tbe spacious firmament on high,") whose
" sacred music," known and endeared from
childhood, none can hear " without love and
awe" — verses that shine like the stars, '' out
of a. deep great calm" — verses enriched with
the holy serene rapture that fills Addison's
pure heart, and shines from his kind face,
when his eye seeks converse with things above:
for, '^ when he turns to heaven, a Sabbath
comes over that man's mind: and his face
lights up from it with a glory of thanks and
prayer.' We have not the heart to inquire,
here, whether the portrait, as a whole-length,
is not too flattering in its proportions, and too
bright in coloring. But doubtless the lec-
turer might, and many, we surmise, expected
that he would, take a strangely opposite view
of Pope's "Atticus."
Steele is one of Mr. Thackeray's darlings.
We have an imaginary record of Corporal
Pick's boyhood — his experiences at the
flogging-block of Charterhouse School — his
everlastingly renewed debts to the tart-wo-
man, and I.O.U. correspondence withloUipop-
▼enders and piemen — his precocious passion
for drinking mum and sack — and his early
instinct for borrowing from all his comrades
who had money to lend. In brief, " Dick
Steele, the schoolboy, must have been one
of the most generous, good-for-nothing, ami-
able little creatures that ever Conjugated the
▼erb tupto, I beat, tuptomai, I am whipped, in
any school in Great Britain." His reckless-
ness and good-humor to the last are fondly
dwelt on — his cordial naturalness is eagerly
appreciated — his tenderness and humanity
gracefully enforced. ''A man is seldom more
manly," we are well reminded, *' than when
he is what you call unmanned — the source of
bis emotion is championship, pity, and cour-
age ; the instinctive desire to cheri&h those
who are innocent and unhappy, and defend
those who are tender and weak. If Steele is
not our friend, he is nothing. He is by no
means the most brilliant of wits, nor the deep-
est of thinkers : but he is our friend : we love
him, as children love their love with an A.,
because he is amiable. Who likes a man best
because he is. the cleverest or the wisest of
mankind; or a woman because she is the
most virtuous, or talks French, or plays the
piano better than the rest of her sex ? I
ow:n to liking Dick Steele the man, and Dick
Steele the author, much better than much
better men and much better authors." In
the same manner, that sad rake and spend-
thrift, Henry Fielding, is sure of a kind word.
The great novelist is not made a hero of, but
shown as he is ; not robed in a marble toga,
and draped and polished in an heroic attitude,
but with inked ruffles, and claret stains on his
tarnished laced coat — but then we are bid
observe on his manly face the marks of good
fellowship, of illness, of kindness, of care; and
admonished that, wine-stained as we see him,
and worn by care and dissipation, that man
retains some of the most precious and splen-
did human qualities and endowmenUf. Among
them, an admirable natural love of truth, and
keenest instinctive scorn of hypocrisy — a
wonderfully wise and detective wit — a great-
hearted, courageous soul, that respects female
innocence and infantine tenderness — a large-
handed liberality, a disdain of all disloyal
arts, an unselfish diligence in the public ser-
vice. And then, ** what a dauntless and con-
stant cheerfulness of intellect, that burned
bright and steady through all ibe storms of
his life, and never deserted its last wreck I
It is wonderful to think of the pains and
misery which the man suffered ; the pressure
of want, illness, remorse, which he endured ;
and that the writer was neither malignant nor
melancholy, his view of truth never warped,
and his generous human kindness never sur-
rendered." Goldsmith, again, is reviewed
in the same spirit — ** the most beloved of
English writers" — " whose sweet and friendly
nature bloomed kindly always in the midst of
a life's storm, and rain, and bitter weather" —
" never so friendless but he could befriend
some one, never so pinched and wretched, but
he could give of his crust, and speak his
word of compassion" — enlivenidg the child-
ren of a dreary London court with his flute,
giving away his blankets in college to the
poor widow, pawning his coat to save his
landlord from jail, and spending his earnings
as an usher in treats for the boys. ^* Think
of him reckless, thriftless, vain, if you like-
but merciful, gentle, generous, full of love
and pity. . , . Think of the poor pen-
sioners weeping at his grave ; think of the
noble spirits that admired and deplored him;
think of the righteous pen that wrote his epi-
taph, and of the wonaerful and unanimous
response of affection with which the world
has paid back the love he gave it." Yet is
542
THACBIERAT'S LECTURES ON THE ENGUBH HUMORISTS.
[Dec,
Mr. Thackeray cautious not to dismiss the
Steeles, and FieldiDgs, and Goldsmiths, and
kindred literary prodigals, without a renewal
of his much-discussed protest against the
license claimed for them as such. For reck-
less Imhits, and careless lives, the wit, he in-
sists, must suffer, and justly, like the dullest
prodigal th^t ever ran in debt, and moreover,
must expect to be shunned in society, and
learn that reformation must begin at home.
Prior, Gay, and Pope are classed together
}n one lecture — a highly piquant and enter-
taining one, too. The ease and modern air of
Mat Prior's lyrics are happily asserted, and
Mat himself pronounced a world-philosopher
of no small genius, good-nature, and acumen.
John Gay is a favorite, as in life, and enjoys
a good place. Such a natural good creature,
80 kind, so gentle, so jocular, so delightfully
brisk at times, so dismally woe-begone at
others — lazy, slovenly, for ever eating and
saying good things ; a little, round, French
abbi of a man, sleek, soft-handed and soft-
hearted. Honest John's pastorals are said to
be to poetry '* what charming little Dresden
china figures are to sculpture — ^graceful, min-
nikin, fantastic, with a certain beauty always
accompanying them. The pretty little per-
sonages of the pastoral, with gold clocks to
their stockings, and fresh satin ribbons to
their crooks, and waistcoats, and boddices,
dance their loves to a minuet-lune played on
a bird-organ, approach the charmer, or rush
from the false one daintily on their red- heeled
tiptoes, and die of despair or rapture, with
the most pathetic little grins and ogles ; or
repose, simpering at each other, under an
arbor of pea-green crockery ; or piping to
pretty flocks that have just been washed with
the best Naples in a stream of Bergamot."
To Pope is freely conceded the greatest
name on the lecturer's list — the highest among
the poets, and among the English wits and
humorists here assembled — the greatest lite-
rary artist t^at England has seen — the de-
crepit Papist, whom the great St. John held
to be one of the best and greatest of men.
Of course (and there is a warm compliment
in this of course) Mr. Thackeray dwells ad-
miringly on Pope's filial devotion, on that
constant tenderness and fidelity of affection
which pervaded and sanctified his life. The
closing lines of the ** Dunciad" are quoted as
reaching the very greatest height of the
sublime in verse, and proving Pope to be
" the equal of all poets of all times." But
the satire of the '' Dunciad*' is charged, on
the other hand, with generating and estab-
lishing among us "the Grub-street tradi-
tion; and the *' ruthless little tyrant," who
revelled in base descriptions of poor men's
want, is accused of contributing more than
any man who ever lived to depreciate the
literary calling. Grub-street, until Pope's
feud with the Dunces, was a covert offense —
he made it an overt one. " It was Pope that
dragged into light all this poverty and mean-
ness, and held up those wretched shifts and
rags to public ridicule," so that thenceforth
the reading world associated together author
and wretch, author and rags, author and dirt,
author and gin, tripe, cowheel, duns, squalling
children, and garret concomitants.
Smollett is assigned a place between Ho-
garth and Fielding, and is honorably en-
treated as a manly, kindly, honest, and iras-
cible spirit ; worn and battered, but still
brave and full of heart, after a long struggle
against a hard fortune — of a character and
fortune aptly symbolized by his crest, viz., a
shattered oak tree, with green leaves yet
springing from it. Without much invention
in his novels, but having the keenest percep-
tive faculty, and describing what he saw with
wonderful relish and delightful broad humor,
and, indeed, giving to us in "Humphrey
Clinker" the most laughable story that has
ever been written since the goodly art of
novel-writing began, and bequeathing to the
world of readers, in the letters and loves of
Tabitha Bramble and Win Jenkins, ** a per-
petual fount of sparkling laughter, as inex-
haustible as Bladud's well."
But here we must close these desultory
notes, and commend our readers to the volume
itself, if they have not forestalled such (in
either case needless) commendation. Thej
may stumble here and there — one at the esti-
mate of Pope's poetical status, another at
the panegyric on Addison, and some at the
scanty acknowledgments awarded to Hogarth
and to Sterne. But none will put down the
book without a sense of growing respect for
the head and the heart of its author, and a
glad pride in him as one of the Representa-
tive Men of England's current literature.
1858.]
FLBGHDSR, THB FRENCH P0LPIT OBATOR.
543
[From the Eclectic Review.]
FLECHIER, THE FRENCH PULPIT ORATOR.*
The funeral eulogiums which have been
handed down to us from the best times of
antiquity bear a considerable resemblance to
certain of the poems of Horace and Ana-
creon, wherein we find Death casting his
shadow athwart the riotous excesses of the
banquet. The only perceptible difference
between these two styles of literature is, that
the one is more lofty, more grave, more
closely allied to great and solemn thoughts,
whilst the other seems only to delight, like a
joyous guest, in counting the flowers which
are so soon to wither. Both, however, are
bounded by the same horizon, and the hero
who, by Torce of artis or might of genius,
has traced out for himself a brilliant path-
way upon the earth, ends like the sybarite
who has all his lifetime been swimming in a
sea of material pleasures.
The hero and the beggar, the sage and the
fool, the useful citizen, as well as the sensual
voluptuary, on the completion of their earth-
ly course, dash alike against an insurmount-
able boundary — the rig^d marble of the tomb.
And this circumstance explains to us the
reason why the ancient legislators were as
careful to reward all as to punish all. They
strove to offer to the individual, during his
sojourn in this world, those indemnities
which the Christian is taught to look for in
the next. Their Olympus was open only to
the gods and demi-godp ; and as to the Ely-
aian Fields, that vague and fantastic cloud-
land, it is with difficulty that we discern
wandering through its shadowy meads the
few heroes who have been unable to ascend
higher. Hence it was, that the loss of a
great citizen was so keenly felt, and his end
deplored in such moving strains. At the
present day, governments occupy themselves
but little in perpetuating the memory of
illustrious noen; in France we find that to
the Church is left the task of apportioning to
the good as well as to the evil the shares
they merit. As late as the Revolution of
* (Euvre$ ComplHe de FUchier, 10 tomes. 8vo*
Paris. 2. Let OraitaM Jf^nkhreB di FUeMer, 1
lome. 12ma Paris: Didot
*80, the French priest was the sole dispenser
of praise and blame. As the self-dubbed
interpreter of the Divine Hill, he weighed in
a balance — supposed to be equitable — the
vices and virtues of his ** subject ;*' and, while
branding human foibles, sought to excuse
them in the name of an all-merciful and all-
charitable doctrine. At times, however,
there would get mixed up with that holy fire
which burned upon the altar, a few grains of
idolatrous incense, the smoke from which
would not unfrequently prove sufficiently
dense to obscure the brilliancy of evangelical
truth.
Louis XIV.p that monarch who so power-
fully contributed to the unity and extension
of French nationality, and whose panegyric
might certainly be made without exposing
the eulogist to a charge of flattery, has in
many pircumstanceb, and for many acts of
his life, richly deserved the formidable re-
prisals of the Church. Yet, with the ex-
ception of a few rare and short passages,
wherein the too vivid tints of flattery would
seem to have escaped the pencils of Flechier
and Bobsuet, their funeral orations, generally
speaking, in nowise materially contradict the
"stubborn facts" of truth telling history.
They abound, moreover, in solemn warnings;
and we ever find a strain of the loftiest
morality running through, and as it were
interlacing the minutest details of the lives of
those princesses, nobles, and great men of
the day, whose earthly careers one might at
first sight have imagined would aflbrd merely
vapid subjects of eulogiums, like themselves,
"stale, flat and unprofitable." Thus the
gap existing in modern legislations has been
marvellously filled by the solemn rites of a
religion which feared not to lend itself to the
exigences of poor humanity.
But the indulgence which this religion dis-
played for the infirmities of its disciples was
always counterbalanced by the high moral les-
sons it alone had the right of giving. If, for
example, it at one moment placed a resplen-
dent crown upon the brow of the hero whose
virtues were the theme of praise, it was onl^
544
FLECHIER, THE PBBNCH PULPIT ORATOR.
[Dec.,
at the next, to tarnish its ephemeral lustre,
and to deplore the rapid and irreparable
flight of all terrestrial things. It built up
with its own hands a pompous catafalque, on
the adornment of which all the treasures of
art had been profusely lavished, and after
having for an instant exalted to the skies
those paltry trappings of the earth which
we are obliged to leave behind us on the
brink of the grave, at a single breath it
scattered all this golden dust to the four
winds of heaven. It raised man upon a
pedestal which immeasurably increased his
stature ; but this imaginary Colossus it would
afterwards cast down from its elevation, and
display to the assembled crowd of hero-
worshipperi in all the naked deformity
of its mean and ^^raceless proportions. Even
while flattering earthly hopes and earthly
desires, it found occasion to remind all men
of their immortal state. It reduced itself,
as it were, to the level of carnal understand-
ings, but only for the purpose of better rais-
ing them aloft on divine wings, and bearing
them into those regions of endless bliss
where nothing passes away, and where all
things participate in the eternity of the
Creator.
These contrasts between the perishable
things of earth and the unchangeable beati-
tudes of heaven are very beautifully ex-
hibited in the funeral orations of Bossuet and
F16chier; nor does the panegyric materially
differ from the sermon either in the general
arrangement of the subject, th& learned con-
texture of the discourse, or in the energetic
conciseness of the style. Take for example
the funeral oration on the Duchess of Orleans,
by the Bishop of Meaux, and compare it
with the admirable sermon by the same
author, composed on the occask>n of the
** profession" of the Duchess de la Villiere :
we defy the most critical eye to discern the
slightest difference in style between these
two compositions. We might interleave
many passages of the funeral oration with
those of the sermon, without fearing to dis-
turb the general harmony of the orator's
tone. One might suppose that the conform-
ity of the subject had melted into one effu-
sion sentiments capable of so many different
expressions ; for we cannot doubt that the
analogy between these two touching figures,
but lately surrounded with all the splendors
of a court, and now buried, one in the grave
appointed for all living, the other in the
living sepulchre of the convent, must have
vividly struck the oriental imagination of
Bossuet. And without laymg ourselves
open to a charge of French sentimentality,
we cannot but think that this great man must
have been filled with sadness at the sight of
these fading flowers so rudely scattered by
the wintry blast, while tears of pity must
have flowed from those eyes which had
proudly contemplated the solar rays of Louis's
throne, and had followed the great Cood4
amid the terrible mUees of Rocroy and Nord-
lingcn. The vigorous, yet eminently fune-
real pencil of the Michael Angelo of French
pulpit oratory, has, in the composition of
these discourses, found tints as delicate and
tender in their hues as could have been em-
ployed to depict the two women whose end
he deplores ; and the Homeric and Dan-
tesque singer of the Revolution of England
and the wars of Louis of Bourbon, we find
now, as it were, unconsciously sighing fortjb
melodious elegies.
But Bossuet^ is the only one among the
preachers of the seventeenth century who
equally excelled in the sermon, properly so
called, and the funeral oration ; and he msy
also be said to have brought th^se two
branches of Christian literature to their
highest perfection-.; ; "Neither Bourdalouenor
Massillon has ever composed any thing su-
perior to his sermon upon the " Unity of the
Church," or to that upon •' Honor. " The logic
of the Bishop of Meaux possesses som^ing
vivid and original, which revivifies even the
most threadbare topics. It never loses
itself in those subtle mazes of abstract rea-
soning wherein the greater number of the
preacners of the day were far too prone to
wander. Straightforward and simple as the
truth he enunciates, be rapidly crosses all
useless intermediary spaces, and flies toward
the end in view, disdaining to pause even for
an instant in the perilous tread of a formal
antithesis. It is very evident that the ser-
mons of Bossuet cannot be proposed as
models of rhetoric, for all the rules of art
are so completely set aside in their compo-
sition, that no man, unless gifted with the
highest genius, could possibly attempt their
imitation. But let us leave the " Ea^le of
Meaux" to explore as a sublime solitary
those far-off regions whose conquest he has
assured to himself, not hoping, by the aid of
an artificial rhetoric, to impart to inferior
minds strength sufficient to overstep the
boundaries of ordinary conceptions. A
powerful dialectician, as well as an historian
of the first order, such are the two qualities
which have gained so brilliant a reputation
for the eulogist of Cond6, and by whose aid
he has acquired undisputed sovereignty over
1868.]
FLEOHIEB, THB FRENCH PULPIT ORATOR.
546
the two great domains of French pulpit ora-
tory. If Bourdaloue and Massillon, who dis-
played Fo much talent in the pulpit, have
remained helow themselves in the funeral
oration, the cause of this inferiority must, in
our opinion, he traced to their comparatively
limited acquaintance with the philosophy of
history.
Many persons are apt to imagine that no-
thing is more easy than to compose a good
uari alive ; yet it is a style of composition de-
manding perhaps a more careful treatment
than any other. A peculiar aptitude for this
branch of literature is requisite, to enable the
writer to dispose the various circumstances
of a narrative in perspicuous order, to omit
all unimportant details, and to bring promi-
nently forward those portions more especially
deserving of attention. That writer who can
handle with the happiest facility the most
subtle and complicated abstractions, linking
them systematically together with irreproach-
able method, is frequently embarrassed in
the comparatively light and trifling incidents
of the narrative, and succeeds in unravelling
th^m only after a series of lame and awk-
ward attempts. Do we not every day see
advocates obtaining brilliant triumphs in
causes wherein merely a clever or artful
exposition of facts is essential to success, and
who are utterly lost so soon as the case turns
upon dry points of law? That species of
sagacity which, like a sunbeam, can penetrate
the complicated labyrinth of philosophical
inquiry, shedding a floo4 of light over its
must secret recesses, is often times completely
at fault on the broad plains of historical fact.
And when history, instead of being exhib-
ited to us in all its truth, with its equal ad-
mixture of good and evil ; instead of present-
ing its features at one time comic, at another
sublime, sometimes impressed with heroic
majesty, more frequently hideous and blood-
stained ; when history, we say, having puri-
fied its waters, and fertilized on its banks all
the thousand treasures of a luxuriant vegeta-
tion, presents to our ear only murmurs wor-
thy by their sweetness of competing with-
the blast of the epic trumpet, how much
more difficult may we not suppose that artist's
task must be who makes it the subject of his
inspirations? Now, let the reader turn to
the funeral oration of Cond6 by Bossuet, and
that of Turenne by Fl^chier, and he will at
once be convinced that the exploits of these
two great generals have in these discourses
been neither minutely nor yet coldly related,
as they have been in the greater portion of
the memoirs of the time. F16chier and Bos-
VOI4 XXX, NO. IV.
suet have here left to military men those 8tra>
tegetic details which would have been incom-
prehensible to the majority of their auditors ;
they have also very properly passed over in si-
lence the host of insignificant anecdotes bear-
ing on the lives of these individuals; anecdotes
which, though they mightexcite the curiosity,
could neither shed any light on the myste-
ries of the human heart, nor in any way har-
monize with the heroic deeds of the illustri-
ous men whose loss their mourning country
deplored. Attaching themselves exclusively
to the more salient points in their narrative,
they engraved them on all hearts by their
vivid and forcible treatment. Language be-
came like fire in their hands, communicating
to their slightest expressions a brilliancy
almost supernatural. We have here poetry
and history united in a fruitful alliance, the
first adorning, with all the treasures of its
rich and varied hues, the ruder and more
solid materials of the second, an edifice being
by these means erected of the fairest and
most beautiful proportions. We do not exag-
gerate when we affirm that the orator who
celebrates the triumphs of a hero ought, io
addition to the solid qualities of the historian,
to possess also the more brilliant faculties of
the poet. We know that F16chier, before
devoting himself exclusively to preaching,
had successfully cultivated Latin poetry ;
indeed, it was through his classical know-
ledge that he obtained his early successes in
Paris, and it was this knowledge also which
afterwards opened for him a path to honors
and celebrity. Elis lines upon the "Carrousel"
of 1669 were at first printed in folio along
with those by Per rault upon the "Carrousel** of
1662 In this composition the classical schol-
ars of the day admired the exquisite harmo-
ny of the rhythm, the picturesque choice of
expression, and the facility with which the
author had triumphed over the difficulties
inherent in the very nature of his subject, —
a subject which, more, perhaps, than any
other, could hardly be treated in the lan-
guage of the Romans, seeing that they had
no festival analogous to a French carrousel
In this little composition might be remarked
the germs of those rare merits which, later,
acquired for F16chier the honor of being
placed for an instant on the same line with
Bossuet. Besides some Latin verses, which
are still read with pleasure by his country-
men, F16chier had also attempted history
with considerable success. His ''Life of Theo-
dosius the Great,'* written for the Dauphin,
(son of Louis XIV.,) which appeared in 1679,
though not by any means to be compared to
85
540
FLECHIER, THE FRENCH PULPIT OBATOR.
[Dec.,
Bossuet's ** Discourse on Universal History,"
is for all that an excellent work, evidencing
in the quiet and correct style of its composi-
tion no mean talent, as well as considerable
historical research, and evincing, moreover,
in the writer a mind well trained in the art of
classifying facts with judgment and method.
. There is some similarity between the man-
ner of FI6chier and that of the Abb6 Fleury.
If neither of these writers ever descends
into the mysterious abysses whence social
revolutions take their rise, nor yet ascends
to those higher considerations which sum up
in a few words the most complex political pro-
blems ; if their recitaU never strongly move us
by sudden outbursts of impassioned eloquence,
on the other hand they always interest by
the instructive reflections so liberally strewn
throughout the narrative, and by the substan-
tial, elegant, and perspicuous style of the
composition. Fl^chier possessed in a remark-
able degree the two qualities which appear
to us indispensable to the orator who is
called to sing the praises ^of the illustrious
dead beneath the roof of a Christian temple.
As a poet and historian, he could not fail of
succeeding in the funeral oration equally with
Bossuet, whose ardent imagination could
color and animate the dry details of histori-
cal fact with wonderful felicity ; but, on the
Other hand, it would be difficult to cite a
single sermon of F16chier's which can add
any thing to bis reputation. Although his
sermons at the period of their delivery were
greeted with much favor, and may even be
considered as having formed the basis of his
oratorical reputation, they evince but faint
traces of that talent which was destined to
raise him to so high a position among the
divines of his country. Logic and passion
are the two distinctive merits required in a
sermon. Now, we may be permitted to say
that Fl^chier occupies himself more exclu-
sively with the symmetrical arrangement of
bis sentences than with the regular and lucid
distribution of his ideas. His excessive
attention to form and detail prevents him
bestowing on the more important ground-
work the care it requires. Like a patient
artist, he enriches with the most elaborate
workmanship the vilest as well as the most
precious metals. A simple note from his pen
was written in a style as pure and chaste as
the funeral oration of Turenne. The reader
must not seek the brilliant vegetation of the
tropics in this beautifully laid -out parterre,
whose simplest flowers are the objects of the
Sardener's daily care and love ; were he to
o so, bis labor would be in vain ; he will
meet with only well-known, and sometimes
even vety common-place shrubs, but which,
however, possess all the charms of novelty
through the learned and patient cultare
which has been bestowed on them. Fl^chier
has been frequently censured for the too
minute and labored harmony of his periods,
but it should be borne in mind that this cor-
rect and harmoniouH diction has rescued the
name of F16chier from that oblivion which
has enveloped many of the most illustrious
minds of the seventeenth century, and was,
at the epoch when it excited such universal
admiration, a true creation of genius.
The French language at that period did
not possess the suitableness of expression,
fitness, and musical rhythm, which, in the
writings of the Bishop of Nimes, never failed
to satisfy the taste, as well as charm the ear.
At the present day, similar qualities are in-
sufficient to assure immortality for the works
of modern French authors ; the idiom of the
language has become so flexible and refined
through the successive eflforts of the last two
centuries, that even those persons who do
not follow the career of letters possess ele-
gance and harmony of style. But we must
not imagine that the reputation of F16chier
was based on no solid foundation, because
the secret of those harmonious periods,
which produced so lively a sensation upon
his contemporaries, has been discovered.
Even were the phraseology of the present
day more varied and ingenious than that of
this admirable writer, he would no less pos-
sess the merit of having been one of the most
powerful promoters of the improvements in
style and language obtained after his time.
We perform an act of courage in defending
the reputation of those who have preceded
us in the battle of life. The Frenchmen of
the present day, we cannot help thinking, are
far too much absorbed with the present^ which
they are in consequence easily led to regard
as an epoch of unequalled splendor in the
annals of their country. We are far from being
the obstinate partisans of a past age, which is
now but a phantom, and whose extinct glorj
men may seek in vain to restore. The throne
of Louis Quatorze has for ever lost that bril-
liant retinue of intellect which formed for i(
an impregnable barrier. Where sball we
now find those illustrious men who rendered
the very name of France glorious? They
have not only passed away for ever from the
stage of life, but their ashes have been
scattered abroad, nor can the four winds of
heaven now tell where they have capriciously
disposed them.
1858.]
FLEGHIEB» THB FBENCH PULPIT OBATOB.
547
But without regarding the literature of the
seventeenth century as the only literature of
which France ought to be proud,U is very cer-
tain that it does not enjoy with the masses that
high degree of popularity it in many respects
80 eminently deserves. The excutive partisans
of Voltaire and Rousseau — still very nume-
rous, though their ranks are sensibly thinning
— ^nourish against those writers who have
not made of their pens instruments of demo-
lition, certain prejudices which will be eztin-
gmshed, perhaps, only with the breath of life
which animates them. Those ardent and
fiery spirits who take an interest only in
passionate polemics, soon weary of books
which reflect world-wide ideas with the
serene grandeur of those rivers in whose
placid waters the marvels of the firmament
are reflected without distortion. For the
resty a work interests the bulk of readers
only in so far as it expresses their interests
and sympathies of the moment. Moral
problems cease to captivate their attention,
unless bearing in some measure on the squab-
bles of a day, that hold in suspense many
minds which the simple truth alone would
not satisfy. But, it may be asked, if the ba-
sis of those thoughts which we find scattered
through the literature of the great century
fails to satisfy the taste of a public absorbed
in contemporary disputations, the form, at
least, with which they are clothed must find
favor in its sight ? We answer, no : it iip-
pears too stiff and formal, or rather, it is in
fact too simple and natural for these effer-
vescing imaginations, which even the mon-
strous excesses of the modern school of
French literature have not succeeded in turn-
ing back to more sound and healthy doc-
trines.
A calm and even flow of words, develop-
ing the idea with a certain degree of slowness
and deliberation, and not unfrequently de-
scribing a winding course before attaining its
end, cannot, it is evident, possess attractions
for those readers who reach forward impa-
tiently towards the goal, and who prefer
clearing for themselves a perilous footway
along the brinks of precipices to following a
sure and painless, but more circuitous route.
Hence, what recklessness of style, what
strangeness of expression, what obsolete, or
else newly-coined phrases, are required to
attract and retain the attention, excite the
sympathies, and please the vitiated tastes of
these furious iconoclasts, who take pleasure
only in the adoration of shapeless fragments,
and turn away in contempt at the aspect of
an harmonious statue I We consider that the
writings of Fl^chier well deserve being read
at the present day, and that an attentive study
of their many beauties could not fail of exert-
ing a salutary influence upon the rainds and
tastes of the rising generation of authors.
The funeral orations of Flechier, and, above
all, those of Turenne and the Duke of Mon-
tansier — on both of which we purpose offer-
ing some special remark before we conclude
— present excellent examples of a diction at
once pure, elegant and unaffected ; and which,
though abounding in new and picturesque
turns of expression, never sins against good
taste. True it is that the same oratorical
tropes and figures occasionally return with a
somewhat fatiguing monotony under the
more ingenious than creative pen of the
illustrious prelate ; but we recommend the
works of Fl^chier, less as monuments, where-
in are displayed the inexhaustible genius of
invention, than as regular edifices, having the
inconvenience, it is true, of being almost all
constructed upon the same plan, and of never
striking the imagination by novel and unfore-
seen combinations, but which, however, fully
satisfy the critical eye of the most exacting
spectator. Although it must be confessed
that the harmony of tliis somewhat formal
style be the result of labor rather than the
outpouring of genius, it still enchants the
ear, and not unfrequently insinuates itself
into the most secret recesses of the heart.
Fl^chier's style has been censured by many
critics as abounding too much in antitheses
and symmetrical contrasts, and this we admit
is a defect observable in his writings ; in fact,
he almost invariably proceeds by means of
antitheses ; if he speak of the mortal lives of
his heroes, it is to persuade us of their bless-
ed immortality. He seeks to bring to our
memory the graces which Providence has be-
stowed upon them, in order that wo may
adore the mercy which He has displayed
towards them. He seeks to edify rather than
to please. He announces that all earthly
things must have an end, in order to lead us
to the contemplation of God and heav*
enly things, which are eternal. He recalls to
our minds the fatal curse of death, in order
to inspire us with the desire of a holy life.
This course, it must be owned, is the very
opposite to that of Bossuet. These two pre*
lates h^ve been frequently compared togeth-
er ; we know not if they were rivals during
their lives, but at the present day they most
certainly are not. F16chier possesses rather
the art and mechanism of eloquence than its
genius. He never abandons himself to its in-
spired influence; his discourses never lead
548
FLECHTER» THE FRENCH PULPIT ORATOR
[Dec,
us to feel that self li&s been forgotten, that
the orator h lost in the subject ; his defect is
that of always wriiing and never speaking;
he methodically arrangres and carefully pol-
ishes a sentence, proceeds afterwards to an-
other, applies the compass to it, and so on to
a third. We remark and feel all the repose
of his imagination, whilst the discourses of
Bossuet, and perhaps all great works of elo-
quence, are, or at least appear, like those
bronze statues which the artist has cast at
a single melting.
After these strictures on some of Fl^chier's
defects, let us render full justice to his
many beauties. F16chier possessed alt those
secondary qualities whose brilliant union
would seem for an instant almost to hold the
pUce of genius, but which vainly seek to
till the void caused by the absence of inspi-
ration— that emanation of the creative power
of (tod. His style, though never impetuous,
is always chaste; in default of strength, he
possesses correctness and grace. If he fails
in those original expressions, of which one
alone frequently represents a host of ideas,
be has that ever-equal tone of color which
gives value to little things without disfigur-
ing great ones. As we have before remarked,
he never strongly excites the imagination ;
but he fixes it. His ideas rarely ascend very
high; but they are always just; and are
frequently also brought forward with a de-
gree of ingenuity which arouses the intellec-
tual faculties, and exercises without fatiguing
them. F16chier appears to have possessed
a deep and thorough knowledge of men;
every where he judges them as a philosopher
and portrays them as an orator. Finally,
his style has the merit of a double harmony ;
of that which, by the happy arrangement of
words, is destined to flatter and seduce the
ear, and of that which seizes the analogy of
numbers with the character of the ideas, and
which, by the suavity or the force, the slow-
ness or the rapidity of the sounds employed,
paints to the ear at the same time as the
image is delineated on the mind. In general,
the eloquence of Fl^chier appears to be
formed of the harmony and art of Isocrates,
the genius of Pliny, and the brilliant iniiagi-
nation of a poet, as well as of a certain im-
posing gravity and deliberation, in nowise out
of place in the pulpit, and which was, besides,
in accordance with the vocal powers of the
orator.
Before offering a few observations on the
more remarkable productions of our author,
we will briefly glance at some of the inci-
dents of his life, — a life, however, abounding
in no extraordinary events, offering as it does
but a record of the faithful accomplishment
of episcopal duties, and the assiduous and
successful culture of letters. In precise
ratio as the writers of the sixteenth century
were dissolute in their habits of life, those of
the seventeenth were recommended by their
irreproachable morality and their dignity of
character. Born at Peme, in the county of
Avignon, on the 10th of June, 1632, Esprit
Fl^chier entered, in 1648, the Congregation
of the Christian Doctrine, where, under the
direction of his maternal uncle. Father
Audiffret, Superior of the Order, he pursued
his studies with the greatest distinction.
Intrusted successively with the management
of several classes, and especially with that of
rhetoric, at Narbonne, he so highly distin-
guished himself among his brother professors,
that on him was conferred the honor of pro-
nouncing the funeral oration of Monseignenr
de Rebi, Archbishop uf the diocese.
In 1659 he quitted the garb of "Doctri-
naire," and proceeded to Paris, — that rendes-
vous for all talents and all capacities. We
have already spoken of his lines on the
"Carrousel" of 1669. But fresh successes
confirmed that which he owed to his know-
ledge of Latin poetry ; and soon, appointed
almoner in ordinary to the Dauphiness and
to the Abbey of Saint Severin, he was pro-
moted to the bishopric of Levaur in 1685,
from whence, two years afterwards, he was
translated to the see of Nlmes. Here it was
that, in the year 1710, he completed, at the
age of seventy-eight years, an existence en-
tirely devoted to the conscientious fulfilment
of his religious duties, and to the exercise of
the Christian virtues. Full of years and
honors, and certain of transmitting his name
to the most distant posterity, the good old
man passed away from the scene of his
earthly pilgrimage, restoring to his Maker a
soul whose faculty had, during a long and
active career, been consecrated to His honor
and glory, according to the tenets of the
Church which he adorned.
There are none of Fl^chier's writings in
which very many beauties are not perceptible.
The funeral orations on Madame de Montan-
sier, on the Duchess of Aiguillon, and on Uie
Dauphiness of Bavaria, not offering scope,
from the uneventful character of the lives of
these personages, for the display of " moving
incidents," abound with moral ideas, which
are presented with great beauty and delicacy.
The funeral oration for Maria Theresa is in
the same style, and displays similar beautiefu
The eulogium of a queen, removed by cha-
1853.]
FLEOHISBi THE FBBHCH PULPIT O&ATOB.
549
racier as well as by circumstances from great
interests and state afifairs, was a diflicult
subject, to render attractive, and we must
admire the talent of that orator who, by a
correct yet animated portraiture of the man-
ners of the day, and a philosophy at once
delicate and profound, is enabled to supply
what his subject has denied him.
The funeral oration of M. de Lamoignon»
first president of the parliament under Louis
XIV., presents throughout the portrait of a
magistrate and a sage. This picture, which,
perhaps, fails somewhat in brilliancy of color-
ing, possesses above all the merit of truth.
We know that De Lamoignon was as cele-
brated for his scholarship as he was for his
Christian virtues. The^e were, indeed, the
sole means by which he attained to place and
power. Under Louis XIV. be sustained the
nonor of the French magistracy, as did
Turenne and Cond^ that of her arms. He
was closely allied also with the greatest men
of the day, — a fact which clearly proves that
he was not beneath them in point of intellect;
for ignorance and mediocrity, always either
insolent or timid, are ever ready to repel the
talent which they dread, and which humil-
iates them. The friendship of Racine and
of Bourdaloue, and the laudatory poetry of
fioileau, will not contribute less to his repu-
tation than will this funeral oration, and they
will teach posterity that the orator has spo-
ken like his century.
But we must pass rapidly over all these
discourses to come to that which obtained,
and deservedly, the highest reputation ; we
allude to the funeral oration of Marshal
Turenne, that celebrated soldier who, in an
age the most fruitful perhaps of any in great
names, had no superior, and but one rival ;
who was as modest as he was great; as
highly esteemed for his probity as he was
for his military skill, and whose faults we
may all- the more readily pardon, seeing that
he never made a vain parade of his many
virtues ; the only man, in short, whose death
was rega^-ded by the people as a public ca-
lamity, and whose ashes, since the time of
Duguesclin, were judged worthy of being
mingled with those of kings. Here Fl^chier,
as has often been remarked, seemed to rise
above himself. It would appear as though
the public grief had imparted a more than
usual activity to his intellect ; his style
warms, his imagination rises, his images as-
sume a more imposing form. Yet between
this funeral oration and that of the Great
Cond6, by Bossuet, there is the same differ-
ence perceptible as between the characters of
the men themselves. The one bears the im-
press of pnde, and seems to be the work of
inspiration ; the other, even in its elevation,
appears the fruit of an art perfected by ex-
perience and study. Thus, singularly enough,
these two great men found in their panegyrists
a style of eloquence analogous to their indi-
vidual characters and dispositions.
The funeral oration of Marshal Turenne is
no less one of the gems of French pulpit ora-
tory ; the exordium, above all, will, for its
majestic and solemn character, be ever cited
as a masterpiece of harmonious eloquence.
The two 6rst parts present a noble image of
the talents of the general and the virtues of
the man ; but as the orator draws towards
the close, he seems to acquire fresh strength ;
he depicts with a rapid hand the final tri-
umphs of the warrior ; he shows us Germany
convulsed, the enemy in confusion, the eagle
already taking wing, and preparing for its
flight into the mountains ; the artillery thun-
dering from either flank to cover the retreat;
France and Europe awaiting in the expecta-
tion of a great event. Suddenly the orator
pauses ; he addres&es himself to the "God of
armies,'' who disposes alike of conquerors
and victories ; then he presents to our view
the pale and bleeding form of the great cap-
tain, stretched upon his trophies, and points
out in the distance the sorrowing images of
Religion and Fatherland. ^'Turenne dies i"
he exclaims ; "all is hushed in silent sorrow,;
Victory droops her wearied head ; Peace
flees away ; the courage of the troops, at one
moment overcome with grief, is at the next
reanimated by vengeance ; the whole camp
is motionless. The wounded think of the
loss they have incurred, not of the wounds
they have received, while dying fathers send
their sons to weep over the remains of their
dead general."
Yet, despite the general eloquence and
beauty of this funeral oration, we must con-
fess that we scarcely find in it the "counter-
feit presentment" of the great man we seek ;
it may be that the tropes, and figures, and
pompous trappings of rhetoric, instead of
fully exhibiting, rather in some measure hide
him from our view ; for there are many dis-
courses, as there are many ceremonies,
wherein the object of laudation is actually
eclipsed by the pomp with which he is sur-
rounded ; where the portrait is overpowered
by the gorgeousness of the fiame. We may,
perhaps, be mistaken in our view, but, in
our opinion, the few reflections bearing on
the death of Turenne which we find scat-
tered through some of the charming letters
652
WIFE OF THE GREAT OOKDE,
[Dec.,
From Chambers's lonmal.
WIFE OF THE GREAT CONDE
Thsrb are few to whom the name and
merits of the great Cond6 are unknown, and
who have not heard of the great deeds per-
formed by the victor of Rocroy at the early
age of twenty-one ; but there may be some
who have heard litile of Cl^mence de Mnill^,
his wife, save that she was the niece of Car-
dinal Richelieu : her virtues, her sufferings,
her heroism, are unrecorded in the histories
which give so pompous an account of her
husband's deeds of arms.
There was a magnificent ball given in the
palace of Cardinal Richelieu on the night of the
7th of February, 1641. The whole of a noble
suite of rooms, extending round three 'sides
of the courtyard, were brilliantly lighted up,
and thrown open for the reception of the
most noble and distinguished persons in Paris.
There was every where the sweetest music
swelling through the lofty rooms, and grace-
ful bands of dancers keeping time to its
strains : there were light gitlish figures, and
stately matronly ones ; young men dressed
in all the foppery of the period, whispering
soft nothings to the young and beautiful ;
and grave politicians on the watch to observe
whom the King spoke to, and Richelieu
smiled on. There was Anne of Austria, and
her enfeebled husband, Louis XIII., the beau-
tiful Genevieve de Bourbon, afterwards
Duchesse de*Longueviile, Mademoiselle de
Monlpensier, the swarthy Italian Mazarin,
and many others distinguished in the annals
of their period. But why happens it that
so gay and brilliant a company is this night
assembled in the halls of the Cardinal de
Richelieu? Do you see that young girl,
apparently not more than thirteen years of
age, sitting near the Queen ? — she is rather
pale, though extremely fair, with large,
thoughtful blue eyes, and rich brown hair.
That is Clair6 Cl^mence de Maill6, niece of
Richelieu : and do you see standing near the
farther entrance of the room that haughty-
looking young man, with piercing eyes,
aquiline nose, and severe mouth? He is
Louis, Due d*Enghien, afterwards Prince de
Gond6 ; and the magnificent f6te is to cele-
brate the betrothal of the first Prince of the
Blood withHhe niece of the parvenu minister.
Ill-omened engagement I From time to time
the Duke throws a satirical, disdainful glance
at the poor little bride, and then turns away
to talk with the distinguished-looking group
near him. Cl^mence, who has sat tolerably
composed and undisturbed all the evening, is
now engaged in conversation with the Queen
and a splendid ly-attired cavalier, who is
standing with his plumed hat in his hand
before them. He is saying : " Now, Made-
moiselle, that her Majesty has condescended
to urge my request, may I hope no longer
to sue in Tain for the honor of being your
partner in the next courante P
The color came and went in the cheeks of
the child — for such, in spite of her engage-
ment, she must be termed — and she hurriedly
said : ** she hoped the Queen and Monsieur
de St. Yalaye would excuse her — she had
danced so little."
'' Then it is time you should begin, cKtrt
petite,*^ replied the Queen : " you must no
longer be considered as a child. I much
wish to have the pleasure of seeing you dance
this courante with Monsieur de St. Yalaye
before I retire.*'
The tear which was just sparkling in
C16mence*s eye must, I fear, have pro-
claimed her a child still, when a voice behind
settled the matter for her, and made her
swallow her tears with the best grace she
might, by saying : " My niece will have much
pleasure in dancing with you. Monsieur ;"
and then turning to the Queen, Richelieu
excused her bash fulness on account of her
secluded education.
Cl6mence did not dream of disobeying her
uncle ; she rose from her seat, hnd M. de St
Yalaye, touching the tips of the little fingers
with his, led hereto her place in the dance.
Diamonds glittered, and rich silks rustled
as she moved along, and began to dance,
ti no idly indeed, but not ungracefully ; and
the Queen was in the act of expressing her
admiration, iq answer to some remark of
Rachelieu'sy when, alas for poor Cldmence 1
1868.]
WIFE OF TH2 GREAT OOKDE.
563
in the very act of perform! ng a deep rever-
ence, she stumbled and fell ; the cause of her
disaster displayed itself at the same time in
the shape of so enormously high- heeled a
pair of shoes, that it was a marvel the poor
child could even walk in them : they had been
given her to increase her height. No
motives of kindness or good-breeding could
restrain the laughter of the spectators ; as
M. de St. Valaye raised her, the tears which
had been for some time lurking near, burst
forth, for she had hurt herself much, falling
on the hard parquet- fioor ; but her ear caught
the sound of one mocking laugh high above
the rest, and looking towards the place where
the Due d'Enghien stood, she saw the sharp
glance of contempt and dislike he threw at
her. The poor girl shuddered, and put her
hands on her eyes. Then, recovering her-
self with a strong effort, she turned to her
partner, gently apologized for her awkward-
ness, and insisted on finishing the dance,
which she did with much grace and self-
possession.
But the praises which Anne of Austria
bestowed on her when she returned to her
seat were unheard. That mocking laugh
and that deadly look were present to her
imagination, haunting her, like a fiigbtful
vision of impending evil, for many a long
day:
It was two years after the marriage of the
youthful Cl^mence and her reluctant bride-
groom, that a large family-party was assem-
bled in the H6te] de Cond^, to ^reet the
return of the victorious Due d'Enghien from
the successful campaign of Rocroy. Cld-
mence was there, but sitting unnoticed in one
of the deep windew recesses, for her power-
ful uncle was dead, and the proud family of
Conde had no longer an inducement to treat
with any distinction his orphan niece.
^ She was taller than when we saw her last,
even when she had the aid of her high- heeled
shoef:, though still rather under the middle
height; and her sweet intellectual counte-
nance was animated by a more tender ex-
pression than ever, as she gazed on her child,
an infant of three months old, who was
lying on her lap. Her fair young cheek was
tinged with a flush of excitement : she was
waiting the moment when she should place
her child in the arms of his father, and be
able to read in his eyes the hope that for its
sake he would give her the love she had so
long sought in vain.
8he had borne with patience his cold in-
difference before he left her ; she was still
80 much a child as hardly to know or value
her rights of affection ; but the birth of the
little Henri had opened to her thoughts and
feelings she had not before experienced. She
had learned, with a heart throbbing with pride,
of her husband's victories and his glory ; and
she now hoped to gain the affection of the
hero, and to be able to offer in words the
sympathy her heart felt so deeply. She
longed to be to him all that he was to her,
forgetting, in her inexperience, poor child, that
the love which is the sole object of a woman's
life makes but a very small part of the hopes
and cares that throng the busy brain of a
man.
A distant huzza was heard in the streets,
then the sound of wheels and horses' feet;
and accompanied by his father and brother,
and greeted by the enthusiastic shouts of the
populace, the young Due d'Enghein rode
proudly into the courtyard, and in a few mo-
ments entered the saloon.
One by one, he greeted his assembled rela-
tions ; and last of all,C16.mence, having placed
her child in his nurse's arms, came forward
alone with her dark-blue eyes gleaming
through tears of joy, and endeavored to take
his hand and put it to her lips. He drew it
almost roughly away; and turning to his
infant son, caressed him, and spoke of him
with evident pleasure to his mother and sister.
Still, not a word to his poor wife the whole of
that long evening, not even a kindly glance.
" It was my fault," thought Cl^mence ;
** it was so silly in me to cry ; he must have
thought me a baby still. I will try and speak
to him.*'
So she waited till the guests were gone,
and then coming up to him, as he stood lean-
ing against the lofty chimney-piece, she said :
" Louis, I am the only one who has not con-
gratulated you in words on your triumphant
return ; but, believe me, no one has felt it
more than I. Every time I heard you were
going to attack the enemy, how my heart
trembled with anxiety — how earnestly I en-
treated God to preserve you unharmed ; and
then, when I was told of your triumphs, I was
so happy, I felt so proud in being the wife
of
** It must be a novel sensation, I should
imagine," interrupted the Due d'Enghien,
'' for a bourgeoiae to have any thing to be
proud of ; but it may diminish in some de-
gree your triumph, Madame, to know, that
had it in the least depended on me, you
would never have had the smallest share in
the dignities of the house of Cond6 — honors
which have remained until now unsullied by
a degrading alliance/'
654
WIFE OF THE 6BSAT OONDE.
[Dec.,
" It was not my fault," replied CMraence
mournfully; '< my inclinations were no more
consulted than yours, although I must own
to feeling pride in my connection with a fa-
mily you have rendered douhly illustrious.
Ah, Monsieur, forgive my involuntary crime ;
for the sake of my little Henri, cast me not
altogether from your heart. You will love
him at least?" she added hurriedly.
" I have no intention, Madame, of neglect-
ing my son on account of his mother's defects.
Have you any further commands for me ? if
not, I am wearied, and will retire ;" and with
a profound how, the Duke left the apart-
ment. •
An interval of seven years elapsed before the
scenes took place we are now about to sketch.
The wars of the Fronde have commenced ;
the Due d'Enghien, now become Prince de
Cond6 by his father's death, at first the idol
of the court, and general of the royal armies,
has gradually lost favor ; been accused of
combining with the Frondeurs, and through
the artifices of Mazarin been sent to the cas-
tle of Vincennes, together with his brother
the Prince de Conti, and his brother-in-law,
the Due de Longueville.
The Princess-dowager, Madame de Lon-
gueville, and Clemence, were holding a me-
lancholy council at the Ch&teau de Chantilly,
not only respecting the best means of restor-
ing the princes to liberty, but of providing for
their own safety — for a regiment of guards
had been sent towards Chantilly from Sois-
sons, and a lettre-de-cachet was daily expect-
ed. Len6t, the faithful adviser of the unfor-
tunate princesses, proposed taking the young
duke beyond the Loire, and endeavoring to
raise there a party in his father's favor.
Some urged submission, some resistance —
none asked the opinion of Clemence, who
was still treated by all as a child, when her
sweet clear voice was suddenly heard in a
pause of the debate. "I am not," she said, *'ei-
ther of an age or of an experience that should
entitle me to give my advice : I have no other
wish than to pay all deference to that of my
mother-in-law; but I entreat her most humbly
that whatever may happen, I may not be
separated from my son — my only remaining
hope. I will follow him every where with
joy, whatever dangers I may have to en-
counter ; and I am ready to expose myself
to any thing for the service of the prince, my
husband."
Tears filled the eyes of the proud daughter
of Montmorency at the noble words of the
despised Clemence. " Since we both," said
she, *'have but one object, we will both
share the same fate, and unite in bringing up
your son in the fear of God and the service
of his king."
But it was not so to be : the aged mother of
Cond6 died of grief and anxiety long before
her son was released from the dreary prison
so fatal to his race ; and Clemence and her
son were compelled to fiy from Chantilly in
disguise almost immediately after, leaving
her English maid-of-honor, Miss Gerbier, and
the gardener's son, to personate her and the
young duke. She retired to Montiond, in
Berri, where, with the utmost skill and secre-
Vsy, she succeeded in levying a considerable
force, and in exciting the neighboring gen*
try to her cause. When at length obliged
to leave Montiond, she went to Bordeaux,
reaching it after incredible danger and fa*
tigue — all which were supported with the
most unflinching heroism. The populace
there received her with enthusiasm, shouting
as she and her son passed down the street :
"Vive le roi, et les princes, et a has Mazarin !"
The parliament of Bordeaux were not equally
enthusiastic ; but they passed a decree, per*
mitting her residence in the town.
To defray the expenses of the war, C16*
mence pawned her jewels ; but as this was
still insufficient, Spain was applied to for
help; and Don Joseph Ouzorio was sent
with three frigates, some bullion, and more
promises.
The arrival of the Spaniards irritated ex*
tremely the magistrates of Bordeaux, who
passed a decree expressive of their disappro-
bation. The populace, excited secretly hj
the Due de Bouillon, a misjudging adherent
of the princess, rose against the parliament*
and nearly massacred the members. The
Dues de Bouillon and de Rochefoucauld re-
fused to aid in restoring order ; but Clemence
never shrank from a duty which lay before
her, and, attended only by a single equerry,
she went to the palais, where all was con-
fusion, every one, including the president,
speaking at once.
She had a great talent for public speaking,
and there was none there but felt the charm
of her manner, when, falling on one knee, she
implored them not to abandon her cause.
"I demand justice from the King, in your
persons, against the violence of Cardinal
Mazarin, and place myself and my son ia
your hands ; he is the only one of his house
now at liberty : his father is in irons. Have
compassion on the most unfortunate and the
most unjustly persecuted family in France."
Still, they would come to no decision.
: Then the princess offered to go out» and en-
1853.]
VrjFR OF THB GREAT CONDE.
566
deavor to persuade the mob to disperse, that
they might deliberate freely. But the mo-
ment she reached the door, some of the fore-
most rioters hurled her back, exclaiming they
would not allow h^r to pass till she had
gained all she wanted from the parliament.
<* They have gpven me all I asked/' she
exclaimed ; slill, they would not listen to
her, but shouted at the top of their lungs :
" Vive le roi, et les princes, et k has Maza-
rin !" She returned into the assembly, hope-
less of making herself understood by her
self-willed friends. On the way, however,
she was met by one of the officials, exclaim-
ing : "Ah, Madame, we have just heard that
one of the ^t^ra^tf has assembled a corps of
well-disposed towns- people, who will soon
cut down this rabble. If you will come this
way, you will see them scattering like the
leaves from the vines in autumn, when the
mistral blows."
But Cl^mence had no wish to see blood
flow of men whose ardor in her behalf had
been their greatest crime. She presented
herself again at the door. " 1 implore you,
my friends," she cried, ** disperse as quickly
and quietly as possible. You will be fired
on — you will be slaughtered ! For the love
of Heaven, go 1"
"Not till you have obtained satisfaction
from these traitors, Madame," said a burly
vintner, shaking a huge club he held in hi^
hand. "We will defend you against them
and the scoundrel Mazarin, to the last drop
of our blood ;" and the everlasting cry, "Vive
le roi, et les princes, et k bas Mazarin !" went
round ; for there is nothing a mob, and a
French one particularly^ are so constant to
as a form of words.
" Make way — make way for me 1" cried
CMmence : " do not let your blood be on my
head.''
She saw the troops of the jurat advancing,
and exclaiming : " Let those who love me,
follow !" plunged into the crowd, followed
by a few gentlemen. She struggled on,
regardless of the drawn swords that were
every where flashing round her ; two men
were killed close beside her, the body of one
falling across her path. Still, she pressed
onwards, till she arrived at the spot where
the troops of the jurat and the mob, who
had formed themselves into some degree of
order, were confronting each other. Their
muskets were levelled, and the order to fire
was within a moment of being given as she
rushed into the space between the combatants.
" Hold — hold ! " she shrieked ; "do not fire.
Lay down your arms, I entreat^-I command
you. I am the Princesse de Cond^," she
continued, observing hesitation in the faces
of some; "and oh, can it be for my sake
that the inhabitants of so noble and generous
a city are thus arrayed in deadly feud against
each other? There are enough of common
enemies without the walls ; the troops of
Mazarin will soon be upon us ; direct your
energies into a noble defense of your city and
your rights, instead of wasting them in these
miserable dissensions. Brave Bordelais I "
— ^addressing the mob — **I thank you. from
my heart for your zeal in my son's and hus-
band's behalf; but, believe me, you can best
serve us now by returning to your homes ;
the parliament has granted me all I could
ask." Then turning to the commander, she
entreated him to withdraw his men, pointing
to the slowly retiring mob in proof of force
being no longer necessary.
Thus through the courage and presence
of mind of a woman, till now unused to
take a prominent part of any kind, was this
dangerous insurrection quelled with scarcely
any bloodshed ; and she continued to be the
soul of all the movements that were madQ
in her husband's favor in the south of France.
At length Cond6 was set at liberty, princi-
pally through the heroic exertions of his de-
spised and neglected wife.
Surely so proved, so devoted a love, de-
served to meet with some return : for the
moment, even the hard heart of Cond^ was
moved, and for a few months Clemence was
treated with gentleness and respect. The
sequel will appear in the following scene : —
"Any more business to be settled to-day,
Le Tellier ?" said Louis XIV., at the close
of a long session of the council. " I think
we have had a long morning's work of it."
" Only one aflair more, Sire," replied the
minister ; *' this letter, addressed to me by
Monsieur le Prince de Cond^, declaring his
determination never to set foot in Pans so
long as his wife remains there; he desires, I
believe, a lettre-de* cachet to detain her pris-
oner for life."
" Pardieu !" exclaimed the Grand Mon-
arque ; " after all she has done and suffered
for him, that is too bad ; and surely he makes
her suffer enough without this. Why, I am
told that when he had joined the Spaniards
against us, after she crossed the sea to go
to him and her son in Flanders, at the immi-
nent peril of her life, all the physicians
telling her it would kill her, he actually re--
fused to see her; and she remained the
whole winter by herself in a miserable bour«
geois house at Valenciennes."
5£6
WIFE OF THJE GREAT CONDE.
fDec.9
" Tes," said Le Tellier ; " and for the sake
of joining him, she refused the most magnifi-
cent offers made to her by Mazarin, to induce
her to remain in France."
"And sold her jewels and estates, to give
him money to support the war/' added Fou-
quez.
'' Well/* replied the King, '' I am of opinion
that we should refuse this request of our
worthy cousin. I see no ground for imprison-
ing the poor princess ; and what will her son,
D'Eoghien. say to it V*
" Your Majesty need fear no opposition on
the part of the Due d'Enghein," said Le Tel-
lier, with a sarcastic smile. ** The memory
of his mother's love and services is swallowed
up in his admiration of the estates of the
Mar^chal de Br^z6 [Clemence's father] : he
is most active in urging the prince's request.*'
''Ah, is it indeed so?" said Louis, much
shocked, for his conduct to his own mother
had been exemplury. "Then may Heaven
help the poor woman, if her own son turns
against her !"
** Her life is almost that of a prisoner al-
ready," pursued Le Tellier. ** If your Ma-
jesty grants this, you will greatly oblige the
Prince de Cond^, whom it is important to
please ; and the mere change of place can
make but little difterence to Madame la Prin-
cesse."
A few sophistries of this sort sufficed for
Louis, who was seldom very eager where his
own interests were not concerned ; and the
lettre-de- cachet was signed and sealed, con-
taining, in the usual form, the greeting of the
monarch to his well-beloved subject, Claire
C16mence de Maille, and stating that, in his
condescending care for her health, he consid-
ered a residence at his castle of Ch&teaurouz
would be more salutary than her present
abode ; commanding her to remain there
until such time as his royal pleasure should
be further made known to her on the sub-
ject.
The castle of Ch^teauroux stands perched
on the summit of a gray, precipitous rock,
with the town to which it gives its name clus-
tered behind it on the more sloping side.
From the summit of the gloomy donjon, the
eye wanders over as lovely a scene as any
that is to be found in France. The Indre
winds like a band of silver studded with eme-
ralds— for beautiful islands, covered with
trees, rise here from its bosom — through the
Slain ; and mingling in the sunny distance,
e vineyards, orchards, lowly farm-buildings,
and stately ch&teauz, till the view is bounded
by those blue hills whence Cl^mence had
once called together so many brave hearta ia
defense of her husband. And here, on a
lovely spring evening in the year 1671, the
first evening of her captivity, Cl^mence de
Maill6 leaned over the battlements, with eyes
fixed on the scene below, but with thoughts
wandering far away.
The day before, a helpless, oppressed
prisoner, she had crossed that Loire which,
twice before, she had passed at the head of
an army, in the defense of her son and hus*
band. She had seen that son and husband
treat her with hatred and scorn, anxious only
to make her sign the deed which transferred
her property to them, and had fainted in her
son's arms on bidding him farewell. Then
the days at Bordeaux rose to her view, when
her glance animated thousands, and her word
was law, and she herself was filled with the
blissful, buoyant hope of gaining the love and
esteem of the husband for whom she would
willingly have died. Now, all was gone —
husband, child, friends, wealth, fame, station,
liberty ! How can she bear it ?
*' But oh, I am very, very wrong," she
thought, raising her eyes to the clear blue
heaven. " If God gave me strength then,
when I was a mere child in experience and
understanding, to plead my husband's cause
before thousands, and encourage armed men
to battle in his behalf, He will not fail me
now, when my only task is to bear patiently
what He sees fit to lay upon me. But oh,
D'Enghien, my son ! my son ! nature should
have pleaded for me in your heart. O God!
give me grace, give me fortitude, to bear the
heavy grief of feeling that my own son is my
bitterest enemy." And strength was given
to the desolate one — strength to bear twenty^
three years of confinement; for her dea^
which took place in 1694, was her only
deliverance.
She survived her husband eight years ; but
his decease was scrupulously concealed from
her, lest she should endeavor to recover her
liberty. They might have spared themselves
the trouble. What was there in the world
to tempt CMmence to return to it? Her
friends were dead, her unnatural son
estranged — why should she come back, like
a spirit from the tomb, among the gay and
thoughtless Jiving ? She died in the gray
old walls of Ch^teauroux, worn out with in*
firmities and sorrows, thankful and happy
that the long trial was over, and that the
bright day of reward, so long looked for, had
come at last.
1858.]
DB. ABERMJCTUy.
B6l
From BUba Cook's Joarnal.
DR. ABEMETHY.*
Evert body has beard anecdotes of " the
late celebrated Dr. Abemethy," and formed
certain notions of a rough, blunt-spoken man,
who referred all evils to the stomach ; who
bad written a *' book," to which he continu-
ally referred his patients for instruction and
obedience ; who occasionally ^ave sixpences
to bis iady visitors to buy skipping-ropes ;
and who invented the odious ''Abernethy bis-
cuits." Dr. George Macilwain, an old pupil
of Abernethy's, has just issued two volumes
of Memoirs, which will be eagerly perused
by a large number of persons, all more or
less opinionative with respect to the memory
of the Doctor.
The volumes are disappointing. Few ad-
ditions in the way of anecdotes will gratify
the curious hunter-up of such veritables. We
read patiently through many pages of the
author's miscellaneous reflections, and become
inquiringly hopeful for something more about
our subject. Dr. Macilwain, however, gives us
sandwich-like chapters, in which tongue is
abundant, but the sacred bread of ** life "
very sparely supplied. Half the 700 pages
would have given ample space for the Me-
nunr$,\{ thegossipping philosophy -made-easy
bad been omitted. Why will authors make
long books out of little matter ? These pnges
recall to one's mind the rural experiences of
great hedges with little linen. A kind of
lecture-room expository moralizing introduces
us to all the facts of Abernethy's life, so that
throughout we are kept in a gentle state of
wonder, prepared to be thankful for the im-
portant events in the " next chapter."
The facts of Abemethy 's life offer nothing
remarkable. He was of mixed Scotch and
Irish descent, bom in London, on the 3d
April, 1764, in the parish of St. Stephens,
Coleman street His early childhood was
passed at home, but when about ten years
old, he was sent to Wolverhampton Grammar
School. As he stood in the sun outside
* Memoirs of John Abemethy, X Rs S,, with a
VUv of hie Lectures, Writinffs and Oh'trader, By
George Macilwain, F. R. C. Sb In 2 vols* London:
Hurst A Go. 1868.
tbe school, carelessly but not slovenly
dressed, with his hands in his pockets,
fingering such boyish possessions as a little
money, a pencil, a broken knife, and a sketch
of " old Robertson's wig,*' there was an indi-
vidual character about the lad indicative of
no ordinary mind. He was a very sharp and
a very passionate boy, too. It was the prac-
tice in those times to " knock down '' the boys
when they were discovered offending by
such tricks as •* cribbing" Latin or Greek
translations. " To a boy Who was naturally
shy, and certainly passionate, such mechani-
cal illustrations of his duty were likely to
augment shyness into distrust, and to exacer-
bate an irritable temper into an excitable
disposition. Abemethy, in chatting over
matters, was accustomed jocularly to observe
that, for bis part, he thought his mind had,
on some subjects, what he called a punctum
saturationis ; so that ' if you -put any thing
more into his head, you pushed something
out.' If so, we may readily conceive that
this plan of forcing in the Greek might have
forced out an equivalent quantity of patience
or self-possession. It is difficult to imagine
any thing less appropriate to a disposition like
Abernethy*8 than the discipline in question.
It was, in fact, calculated to create those
very infirmities of character which it is the
object of education to correct or remove.'*
He contrived to learn a fuir share of Latin
and some Greek — rose to her the head of the
school, a quick, clever boy, and more than an
average scholar. He left Wolverhampton
for London in 1778, desirous of studying for
the bar in that world of life. '< Had my fa-
ther let me be a lawyer," he would say, " I
should have known every Act of Parliament
by heart." This, though an exaggerated
speech, had truth in it, for one of bis moat
striking characteristics was a memory equal-
ly retentive and ready. "A gentleman, din-
ing with him on a birthday of Mrs. Aberne-
thy's, had composed a long copy of verses in
honor of. the occasion, which he repeated to
the family circle after dinner. ' Ah 1 ' said
Abemethy, 8miliDg» 'that is a good jo^''
558
DR ABERNETH7.
[Dec.,
now, your pretending to have written those
verses.' His friend simply rejoined that
such as they were, they were certainly his
own. After a little good-natured bantering,
his friend began to evince something like an-
noyance at Abernethy*s apparent incredulity ;
80, thinking it was time to finish the joke,
* Why,' said Abernethy, * I know those verses
very well, and could say them by heart,'
His friend declared it to be impossible ;
when Abernethy immediately repeated them
throughout correctly, and with the greatest
apparent ease."
It does not appear why the boy did not
follow his own inclination, and study for the
bar; perhaps it was the accident that Sir
Charles Blicke, a surgeon in large practice, a
near neighbor of his father's, had noticed the
** sharp boy," and young Abernethy, know-
ing that Sir Charles rode about in a carriage,*
saw a good many people, and took a good
many fees, determined to be apprenticed to
the surgeon. So in 1779, when fifteen years
old, he was bound for five years to Sir Charles.
The money-making part of the profession
which he here witnessed had but few charms
for him, but from the first year of his appren-
ticeship he was diligent in noticing and ex-
perimenting, and early perceived the impor-
tance of chemistry in investigating the func-
tions of different organs, and in aiding gen-
erally physiological researches. Attending
the lectures of Mr. Pott at St. Bartholomew's
Hospital, and of Sir William B lizard at the
London Hospital, awakened in him a real love
for his profession. When lecturing at the
College of Surgeons in 1814, Abernethy
spoke of his old master Sir William Blizard
in a characteristic way. " He was my ear-
liest instructor in anatomy and surgery, and
I am greatly indebted to him for much valu-
able information. My warmest thanks are
also due to him for the interest he excited in
my mind towards these studies, and for his
excellent advice." Again, he remarked how
Sir William excited enthusiasm by the beau
ideal which he drew of the medical charac-
ter, how it should never be tarnished by dis-
ingenuous conduct, or by even the semblance
of dishonor.
That special qualifications were already
discernible in Abernethy may be inferred
from the post he obtained in the London Hos-
pital, as anatomical demonstrator, while only
the apprentice of a surgeon of St. Bartholo-
mew's. It was not long before Mr. Pott
resigned, and Sir Charles Blicke, who was
assistant surgeon, succeeded him, thus "open-
ing to Abernethy an arena in which he might
further mature that capacity for teaching hts
professMn which had been, as we learn from
his own testimony, an early object of his am-
bition." Abernethy was elected assistant
surgeon of St. Bartholomew's in July, 1787.
But this position was a miserably cramped
one for a man of his ability. Except in the
absence of his senior, he had officially no-
thing to do. Deriving no emolument from
the hospital, he started lectures on his own
account in Bartholomew Close, for at that
time there was no proper school at the hos-
pital. This was a most laborious part of
Abernethy's life, and hb exertions were so
great and continued, that doubtless he laid
the foundation of those ailments which in
comparatively early life began to embitter its
enjoyment. '' His common practice was to
rise at four in the morning. He would some-
times go away into the country that he might
read more free from interruption."
The lectures were so successful that a
theatre was built in the hospital, and Aber-
nethy founded the ''school'* by giving
courses on anatomy, physiology and surgery
in October, 1791. " In 1793, Abernethy, by
his writings and his lectures, seems to have
created a general impression that he was a
man of no ordinary talent. His papers on
Animal Matter, and still more his Eseay <m
the Functions of the Skin and Lungs, had
shown that he was no longer to be regarded
merely in the light of a rising surgeon, bat
as one laying claim to the additional distinc-
tion of a philosophical physiologist. He now
moved from St. Mary Axe and took a house
in St. Mildred's Court, in the Poultry." By
1795 especial value was attached to his
opinion, and consultations would terminate
for a time by some one observing, " Well,
we will see what Mr. Abernethy says on the
subject." In 1796 he became a Fellow of
the Royal Society, and in 1797 published
the third part of the Physiological Essays.
In 1799, his reputation having gone on rapid-
ly increasing, he moved to Bedford Row, and
never again changed his professional residence.
On the 9th January, 1800, Abernethy
married, at Edmonton, Miss Anne Threlfali,
the daughter of a retired gentleman. He
had met her at Putney, while professionally
visiting. Naturally shy and sensitive, and
wholly absorbed in teaching, studying and
practising, he wrote the lady a note, giving
her a fortnight to consider his proposal. It
was successful, and he obtained a wife of con-
siderable personal beauty and social and
moral attractions.
All Abernethy had hitheirto published
DR. ABEBNSTHT.
1858.]
^Tideneed that he was an independent think*
er, who overlaid established conventionalisms
with opinions of his own. He was eliminat-
ing principles of much wider application
than to the particular cases which had sug-
gested them. In 1804 he published his ma-
tured views in a book on the Constitutional
Origin of Local Diseases, known afterwards
as the celebrated "my book." In 1813
he accepted the surgeoncy of Christ's Hos-
piUl. In 1814 he was appomtcd Professor
of Anatomy and Surgery to the College of
Surgeons. In 1816 he had raised the school
of St. Bartholomew'^ to unrivalled eminence
in its peculiar character.
Lecturing at the College of Surgeons,
Abernethy got entangled in a controversy
with Lawrence, of St. Bartholomew's, upon
▼lews of life. Lawrence took to himself per-
sonally a general phrase of Abemethy's, and
soon there ensued a battle of words. Phy-
siology was merged into theology. Lawrence
was violent and scoffing ; Abernethy temper-
ate and dignified. Dr. Macilwain sensibly
says on this subject : •* Lectures on compara-
tive anatomy do not render it necessary to
impugn the historical correctness, or the in-
spired character, of the Old Testament^
Years later these diflferences were softened
down, and Abernethy gave a casting-vote,
electing Lawrence into the council of the
College.
Alter twenty-eight years of assistant sur-
geoncy, Abernethy, in 1815i was appointed
surgeon to St. Bartholomew's Hospital. There
is much said here about the '* hospital sys-
tem," into which we will not enter, as being
apart from the purposes of our sketch. Al-
though but fifty, Abernethy was complaining
of feeling aged ; he had led a fagging life,
and had never been remarkably strong.
About this time he took a house at £nfield,
and used to ride home from Bedford How and
its botherations on his favorite mare Jenny.
The quiet was very grateful to him ; from
early life he had sutiered from an irritable
heart, and at various periods of life had
been subjected to inflammatory sore-throat.
As he grew older, rheumatism added its tor-
; ture to his other troubles. • In 1817 he re-
signed his professorship at the College ; in
1827 the surgeoncy to St. Bartholomew's,
after forty years' attachment; in 1829 his
appointments at the College. He was now
lame, and walked with two sticks ; continued
waning, gradually got weaker, and died on
the 20th April, 1881. His death was com-
pletely tranquil. *' There was no body in the
room with him but his servant, to whom he
569
said : ' Is there any body in the room ? ' His
servant replied : * No, Sir.' Abernethy
then laid his head back, and in a few seconds
expired." His body was not examined, but
valvular disease of the heart was suspected.
A private funeral in Enfield Church followed.
Dr. Macilwain declares in his preface, that
*' to do Abernethy full justice, would require
a republication of his works, with an elabo-
rate commentary.*' The state of medical
science in his time was very much more in-
complete than at present. The hereditary
system of symptomatic treatment found an
able opponent in Abernethy ; and since his
time we have had many persevering hnd tal-
ented men still further breaking up the old
ground. What Abernethy did throughout
his life was to insist upon combined functions
being studied. Cautious and logical in his
reasonings, free from any biah, he gave no
undue preference to what are usually under-
stood by the digestive organs. He taught
that we must " extend our idea of a relation
which exists between two organs, to tho&e
which exist between all organs ; to regard as
their combined functions the sustentution of
the life and health of the individual. * * *
The absurd idea that he looked chiefly to the
stomach, that he thought of nothing but blue
pills or alterative doses of mercury, need
scarcely detain us. His works show, and his
lectures still more so, that there was no or-
gan in the body which had not been the ob-
ject of his special attention ; in almost all
cases in advance of his time, and not exceed-
ed in practical value by any thing now done,
his medical treatment was always very sim-
ple, and if its more salient object was to cor-
rect disorders of the liver, it was because he
knew that the important relations of that or-
gan not only rendered it very frequently the
cause of many disorders, but that there could
be nothing materially wrong in the animal
economy, by which it must not be more or
less affected. He showed that, however dis-
similar, nervous disturbance was the essential
element of disease ; and that the re-
moval of that disturbance was the es-
sential element of cure." Causes, not
symptoms, must have been his watchword.
Trephining, aneurism, tumors, are among
the surgery which he greatly reformed.
Though sensible that the public appreciation
was quicker gained by the fame of one ampu-
tation than by twenty saved limbs, he fagged
in teaching and practising his wiser and more
humane science, and would pay respect to
the demands for consideration from all tb*
members and organs of our bodies — pr^ '
66a
DR. ABERNETHY.
[Dec,
ring to restore a limb rather than ** cut it off,"
lest, in cutting it off, mortal offense should
be taken by some obscure though influential
constituent of our little repnblic.
In "the book" Abernethy set forth the
great fact of the reciprocal influence existing
between the nerrou-i system and the digest-
ive organs, and the power they mutually
exert in the causation and cure of diseases.
He took every pains to show that the whole
body sympilhizes with all its parts. '' That
disturbance of ^ part is competent to disturb
the whole system ; and conversely, that dis-
turbance of the whole system is competent to
disturb any part,^^ The nervous origin of
disease, and ihe necessary tranquillizing
treatment, were the main propositions of Ab-
ernethy's enforcement. In these days of
physiological classes and people's anatomies,
every schoolboy knows something true and
definite about lungs and stomach, and the
catechisms in every sensible school prepare
him to understand the fuller information im-
parted by such men as Abernethy and An-
drew Combe. When Abernethy published
his book, few but professional men saw it,
though its progress was slow and quiet. He
got the reputation of being clever, but theo-
retical,, slightly mad, and quite enthusiastic.
But he and his book made way.' The pub-
lic ** got hold of him," and his practice be-
came greater than he could attend to. Time
was invaluable ; so, when patients were
tedious, they were referred to "my book,
and especially page 72." He got quizzed
for this, of course, but it saved time, and
gained he-ilth, too, if the book was obeyed.
The public stick to the Abernethy anec-
dotes about the stomach, and no doubt feel,
as Englishmen, a gruff pleasure in hearing
tales of that beloved organ. They feed it
kindly and stupidly; they enconrage it to
misbehave, and then walk it off to the doctor,
prepared to hear advice, which they mean to
disobey, and to wonder (as a patient of Aber-
nethy's did) that if they do eat or drink too
much, " what the devil is it to him ?**
" Abernethy would sometimes offend, not
80 much by the manner as by the matter, by
saying what were very salutary, but very un-
pleasant truths, and of which the patient per-
naps only felt the sting." Many anecdotes
bear his spirit, whose authenticity cannot be
proved. To his hospital patients he was ever
kind and courteous: "Private patients, if
they do not like me, can go elsewhere ; but
the poor devils in the hospital I am bound to
take care of."
There is complete silence upon the point
of Abemethy's domestic life. His marriage
is announced, an anecdote appended, and
nothing further is stated. At the end of the
book there is this sole paragraph : — " As a
companion, Abernethy was most agreeable
and social, in the true sense of the word, that
is, not gregarious. Naturally shy, numbers
neither suited his taste nor his ideas ; but the
society of his family, or a few social friends
with whom he could feel unreserved, was bis
greatest pleasure. On such occasions, when
in health, he would be the life and joy of his
circle. There never was, perhaps, any one
more ministered to by an enduring affection
whilst living, nor in regard to whose memory
the regrets of affection have been more com-
bined with the hallowing influences of respect
and veneration. At home he would some-
times be as hilarious as a boy ; at other times
he would lie down on the rug after dinner,
and either chat or sleep away the short time
that his avocations allowed him to give to
that indulgence. Occasionally he would go
to the theatre, which he sometimes enjoyed
very much.
" One circumstance on the occasion of his
marriage is very characteristic of him, namely,
his not allowing it to interrupt, even for a day,
a duty with which he rarely suffered any
thing to interfere — namely, the lecture at the
hospital. ♦ • • Many y irs after this,
I met him coming into hospital one day, a
litlle before two, (the hour of the lecture,)
and seeing him rather smartly dressed, with
a white waistcoat, I said :
" ' You are very gay to-day. Sir !'
" * Ay !' said he ; * one of the girls was mar-
ried this morning.'
" ' Indeed, Sir,' said I. * You should have
given yourself a holiday on such an occasion,
and not come down to lecture.'
" • Nay,' returned he. * Egad 1 I came
down to lecture the day I was married my*
self 1'
" On another occasion, I recollect his being
sent for to a case just before lecture. The
case was close in the neighborhood, and it
being a question of time, he hesitated a little ;
but being pressed to go, he started off. He
had, however, hardly passed the gates of the
hospital before the clock struck two, when,
all at once, he said, * No, Til be if 1 do !'
and returned to the lecture- room."
Of his abilities as a lecturer we have fre-
quent mention. By the way, on this ques-
tion of lecturing our biographer come^ in
with quite a natural history of lecturers, and
goodness knows why that was put in, or what
is the use of it, in Memoirs of John Aber-
1853.]
DR. ABBRNKTHY.
661
nethy. Upon many other subjects we are
supplied with the same sort of preparatory
essay. This would be passable in a lecture-
room, whe^e people pay their shilliugs and
their patience to learn that possibly they may
possess in their water-butts at home a hydra-
headed animalcule like the restless object be-
fore them; but when such exuberant sen-
tences preface the fact of a marriage, we
begin to think of Gold Stick walking before
Trumpery. To a natural capacity for com-
municating his ideas to others, Abemethy
had added the practical experience of many
years of study and observation. Perfectly
at ease, yet without presumption ; strikingly
dramatic, but free from grimace or gesticula-
tion, he was cosy with his audience, as if they
were all about to investigate something to^
gether, and not as if they were going to be
" lectured at" at all. Quiet liveliness lighted
up his face, and as his conversational lecture
proceeded, you saw gleams of mirth, arch-
ness, and benevolence; always the same
quaint, unaffected humor, making things go
very amusingly. << He seemed always to be
telling not so much what he knew, as that
which he did not know."
In consultation, Abemethy felt his supe-
riority, but never forgot the world of know-
ledge beyond him, or set himself up as a
standard. He had a practical penetration
into facts at once, and went straight to the
point with which alone he had to grapple.
Of his humorous, dramatic expression, no
analysis can be given. '^Briliiant as his en-
dowments \^re, they were graced by moral
qualities of the first order."
We append two illustrative anecdotes.
'I On one occasion, Sir James Earle, his
senior, was reported to have given Abemethy
to understand, that on the occurrence of a
certain event, on which he would obtain an
accession of property, he. Sir James, would
certainly resign the surgeoncy of the hospi-
tal. About the time that the event occurred.
Sir James, happening one day to call on
Abemethy, was reminded of what he had
been understood to have promised ; Sir James,
however, having, we suppose, a different im-
pression of the facts, denied ever having given
any such pledge. The affirmative and nega-
tive were more than once exchanged, and not
in the most courteous manner. When Sir
James was going to take his leave, Abemethy
opened the door for him, and as he had al-
ways something quaint or humorous to close
a conversation with, he said, at parting:
' Well, Sir James, it comes to this : you say
VOL. XXX. NO. IV.
that you did not promise to resign the sur-
geoncy at the hospital ; I, on the contrary,
affirm that you did ; now all I have to add is,
the. liar !' "
"A gentleman had met with a severe ac-
cident, a compound dislocation of the ankle,
an accident that Abernethy was the chief
means of redeeming from habitual amputa-
tion. The accident happened near Winter-
slow Hut, on the road between Andover and
Salisbury ; and Mr. Davis, of* Andover, was
called in. Mr. Davis placed the parts ri^ht,
and then said to the patient: 'Now wnen
you get well, and have, as you most likely
will, a stiff joint, your friends will tell you :
'^Ahl you had a country doctor;" so. Sir, I
would advise you to send for a London sur-
geon to eonfirm or correct what I have done.'
The patient consented, and sent to London
for Abernethy, who reached the spot by the
mail about two in the morning. He looked
carefully at the limb, and saw that it was in
a good position, and was told what had been
done. He then said : ' I am come a long
way, Sir, to do nothing. I jnight, indeed,
pretend to do something ; but as any avoid-
able motion of the limb must necessarily be
mischievous, I should only do harm. You
are in very good hands, and I dare stiy will
do very well. You may, indeed, come home
with a stiff joint, but that is better than a
wooden leg.' He took a check for his fee^
sixty guineas, and made his way back to
London."
Abernethy was habitually careless of
money, and though he left his family com-
fortably provided for, few men, we thinks
would have failed to make much more money
where opportunity was so available.
Mystery is becoming less potent. While
all other sciences are popularized and pro-
gressing, medicine and surgery are becoming
less recondite. Our own bodies ought to he
known to us and receive our care. More
men like John Abemethy are wanted, and
then we should have more advances towards
a science of life. The great strides into al-
most a new path which Dr. Abernethy made,
testify to tKe superiority and vigor of his in-
tellect. One man can see in the dark about
as well as another. Dr. Abernethy, how-
ever, sought to remove the conjecture and
uncertainty from the practice of medicine and
surgery. Knowledge has gradually risen up
U) approve and recognize his efforts. Quack-
ery must decrease as the Unity of Life is
better understood by the profession and by
the public.
se
662 CAMILLE DESMOULIHS. THK ATT0RNEY-GE5NERAL OP THE LAMPPOST, [Dec,
From Chmmbert's Edinburgh Journal.
CAMILLE DESMOULINS, THE ATTORNEY-GENERAL OF THE
LAMP-POST.
Thb stigma branded on the revolutionary
brow of Camille Desmoalins has been com-
monly held to be — not effaced indeed — far
enough from that — ^but softened and sub-
dued in color and depth, by the stand he*
finally took against the excesses of his ultra
cooperatives. Such survivors of the Reign
of Terror as were in prison during the De-
cember of 1793 and the January of 1794,
have borne emphatic witness to the impres-
sion produced on them by the early numbers
of his Vieuz Cordelier, the paper in which
he strove to inculcate the policy of mercy.
Tbe impression was compared by them to the
first ray of the ^ sun gleaming athwart their
dungeon-bars. *' The man," remarks a liv-
ing French essayist, " who procured for his
fellow-creatures, bound in misery and iron,
so inspiring a light of hope, and who paid
the penalty of that good work with his blood,
deserves some measure of forgiveness. It
must be added, that he prodigiously needs it."
A life of this ^'Attomey-GeDeral of the
Lamp-post " — for such was Camille's nick-
name— has recently been publbhed in France
by M. Edouard Fleury. Among others,
MM. Cuvillier Fleury and 8t. Beuve have
also discussed him lately in their character-
istic '* studies." His eight volumes of re-
publican polemics were appealed to by him-
self as containing a complete justification of
the integrity of his motives and the consis-
tency of his conduct, and as forming, to use
his own words, " a pillow whereon his con-
science could repose in peace, while awaiting
the award of his judges and of posterity. '
These writings are the chief subject investi-
gated in the recent biographies — writings of
which Lord Brougham has said, that, ex-
cepting the pamphlets of Si^yea, they are
the only relics of that countless progeny
with which the revolutionary press swarmed,
that have retained any celebrity. This ex-
emption fiom the common lot, Camille owes,
n his Lordship's opinion, '' not merely to the
remarkable crisis in which his letters [in the
Vieux Cordelier'] appeared, the beginning of
general disgust and alarm at the sanguinary
reign of the Triumvirate [Robespierre, Cou-
thon, and St. Just] ; for these pieces are ex-
ceedingly well written, with great vigor of
thought, much happy classical allusion, and
in a style far more pure than the ordinary
herd of those employed who pandered for
the multitude." This comparative kind of
eulogy, when the objects of comparison are
considered, is, after all, of equivocal value ;
and we fear the late ventilation of Camille's
life and literature has not served to exalt the
public estimate of either, or to confirm, by a
recommendation to mercy, the favorable tone
of Lord Brougham's summing up.
Camille Dosmoulins was borne at Ooise,
in Picardy, in the year 1760. Of the baili-
wick of that town, his father was lieutenant-
general. Camille was educated at the col-
lege of Louis-le-Grand, and distinguished
himself there, especially in classics. Robes-
pierre was a fellow-student f and it waa
noted, that throughout his college course,
the young "sea-green incorrupUble '* waa
never once seen to smile, but passed through
his terms '* gloomy, solitary, austere, intent
upon his work, careless of relaxation, averse
to amusement, without a confidant, or friend,
or even companion." Camille, on the other
hand, was a gay, capricious, volatile bein^ —
creature of impulse and " mixed moods ' —
yet a steady student of those antique Ro-
mans whom he was one day to quote so
largely in pamphlet and pasquinade.
Col lege- days over, he entered the profes-
sion of the law. Unfortunately for his am-
bition in that capacity, he could get no prac-
tice ; so his ambition looked out for another
channel. This it soon found — and a turbid,
blood-red, overflowing channel it proved — ^in
the excitement of the year 1789. The Rev-
olution had begun, and Camille's notoriety
kept pace with it — ^rew with its growth, and
strengthened with its strength. He com-
menced, as the Revolutioft also commenoed —
1853.] CAMILLE DESMOULINS^ THE ATTORNETGENERAL OF THE LAMP-POST. 563
mildly. His d^but was even in the subdued
radiance of the milky- way of verse — in mawk-
ish odes, buch as that wherein he sublimely
compared Necker, just then the all-popular
lawgiver of France, to Moses descending from
Sinai with the sacred tables in his hands. It
was Camille who, on the 12 th of July, 1780,
two days before the taking of the Bastile,
leaped on a table, a sword in one hand, a pis-
tol in the other, and proclaimed the news of
Necker's dismissal ; then lore a leaf from a
tree, as a cockade, and saw with delight his
example followed by the multitude he ha-
rangued, until the trees around were stripped.
The die was now cast, and he must stand the
hazard of it.
France Enfranchised was his first pam-
phlet, breathing threatenings and slaughter
against every shade of conservatism in the
land. St. Beuve denounces it as both insane
and atrocious. There is no foreshadowing in
it of the opposition to wholesale extermina-
tion which he was at length to evince, when
too late. Next came his Discourse to the
Parisians on the Lampposty* in which he
spocts with his subject in flippant, heartless
insolence — a brochure "execrable in spirit
and tendency/' but full of sallies infinitely
delightful to those he addressed. In it he
jumbles together, in his wonted fashion,
things old and new — the Roman classics and
the sansculotte press ; Louis XVI. and The-
odosius the Great ; M. Bailly and the *' May-
or of Thebes," Epaminondas. His perform-
■ ance has been compared to the impudent
gestures of a Parisian gamin, boldly strutting
in front of the regimental band, mimicking
fife and drum, and hitting off the drum-
major to the life. Such a gamin — merry,
mischievous, malicious, was Camille. Mira-
beau saw at a glance the importance of se-
curing such a popular agitator, took him to
Yerhailies, and employed him for a fortnight
as his secretary. Danlon, too, paid him
marked attention, won him, and kept and
used him to the last. He echoed in print
what Danton shouted from the tribune. As
for hi/nself, Camille was no orator ; he labored
under an impediment of speech, and could
take hardly any part in the public debates.
An examination of these and his other
* This is not a good translation of lant&me — ^the
lamp which swung in the middle of the etreet, sus-
pended by a rope, extending from one side to the
other. The rope was long enough to admit of the
lamp beipg lowered when required ; and the sup-
plemental supply was a convenient resource for the
Parisian revolutionary mob when they desired the
ezoitement of an execution. Hence the ominous
cry of the period-^" d la lanterner
writings — such as the JRevolutions of France
and Brabant, (1789—91,) Brissot Un-
masked, History of the Brissotins, <fec. — will
hardly confirm Lord Brougham's opinion,
that there is nothing vile or low in Camille's
taste, " nothing like that most base style of
extravagant figure and obscene allusion which
disgusts us in the abominable writings of the
.Hcberts and Marats f ' and that neither are
our feelings shocked by any thing of the same
ferocity which reigned through their con-
stant appeals to the brutal passions of the
mob. What difference there is, is of degree,
not of kind ; Camille is more spiriiuel and
piquant, more sportive and refined ; but he
is revoitingly cruel, notwithstanding, and
offensively coarse. His Revolutions of France
provoked a warning from Andr6 Cbenier in
August, 1790 — an emphatic and severe pro-
test against confounding the distinctions be-
tween patriotism and anarchy. But Camille
believed himself equal to the occasion — be-
lieved himself to be part and parcel of the
solid, unmovable breakwater, which could
and would take up its parable against the
waves, and say : ** Thus far ye may come,
and no farther ; here, proud waves, shall ye
be stayed !" This confidence in his party
and in himself was soon to be shaken and
plucked up by the roots. It first suffered a
heavy blow and great discouragement by the
execution of the Girondins.
Against them his own voice had been
savagely and systematically uplifted. But
when the guillotine thinned their ranks with
such ominous swiftness, he became alarmed.
Surely that dear Robespierre was getting a
little beyond the length of his tether. Ver-
gniaud gone, and the Rolands, and all that
zealous party, whose turn would come next?
Camille had been what Lamartine calls the
'^Aristophanes of an irritated people," whom
he had taught, day by day, and line upon
line, to revile good order, moderation, and
constitutional measures. ''The day came
when he required for himself and young wife,
whom he adored, that pity which it had been
his cue to extirpate from the popular heart.
He found, in his turn, only the brutal derision
of the multitude, and he himself then became
sad and sorry for the first and last time." It
was now time for this Aristophanes to give
up farce- writing. Tragedy was the order of
the day, and in tragedy was his histrionic
career to close.
The gay temperament of the man — so op-
posed to that of Robespierre or St. Just —
conciliates in his favor many who will give
no quarter to the memory of his fellow-re?-.
594 CAMILLE BESMOULIKS^ THE ATT0RNET-6EKERAL OF THE LAMP-POOT. [Dec.,
olutionists. "Poor Camille" is a not unfa-
miliar exclamation ; but who says " Poor
Danton." or "Poor Robespierre," or "Poor
Marat?" Carljle sketches him as ''he with
the long curling locks, with the face of dingy
blackguardism, wondrously irradiated with
genius ;" and after chnracterizing him as " a
fellow of infinite shrewdness, wit, nay, hu-
mor ; one of the sprightliest, clearest souls tn
all those millions," thus apostrophizes him:
" Thou, poor Camille 1 say what they will of
thee, it were but falsehood to pretend one
did not almost love thee, thou headlong light-
ly sparkling man!'* Mignet's eccount of
" this brilliant and fiery young man " is, that
although approving the movements of the
Revolution in all its exaggerations up to this
lime, his heart was " tender and gentle ;*'
that he had praised the revolutionary regime
because he believed it indispensable for the
establishment of a republic, and cooperated
in the ruin of the Gironde, because he feared
the dissensions of the republic ; that for the
republic he bad sacrificed his scruples and
wishes, even justice and humanity — giving
all to his party, in the belief that his party
teas the republic, sole and indivisible. But
the wholesale destruction of the Qironde
deputies opened his eyes. He devoted his
pen henceforth to more righteous ends — be-
ginning in December, 1793, the publication of
tire famous Vieux Cordelier. That he was
not violent in his rta.tionary measures may,
however, be significantly illustrated in the
fact, that in the early numbers he is civil
enough to Marat to hail him as "divine!"
Indeed, Robespierre was concerned in these
earlier numbers, which were sent to him for
revisal and correction. Camille is uneasily so-
licitous to assure every one that he still exults
in the bonr^i rouge, and in his solicitude pro-
claims himself still a sound revolutionist — nay,
more, a brigand — and glories in the name.
But gradually he takes a more honorable
and decisive stand. To him belongs the
credit of being the first, as St. Beuve remarks,
in the group of oppressors and terrorists, to
separate himself from the unclean herd, and
to say, in so doing : " No, Liberty is not a
ballet-girl, or a bonnet rouge, or foul linen, or
rags and tatters. Liberty is goodness, is
reason. Would you have me acknowledge
Liberty, and cast myself at her feet, and
pour out my blood to the last drop for her
sake ? Well, then, open your prisons, and
set free those 200,000 prisoners whom you
call suspects.*^ Again, he thus appeals to the
^Convention against Hebert's vile faction:
"What! while the 1,200,000 soldiers of the
French people daily face the redoubts bris-
tling with the most murderous batteries, and
fly from victory to victory, shall we, France's
deputies and representatives — we, who can-
not, like soldiers, fall in the shades of night,
killed in the dark, and with no witness of our
bravery — we, whose death in the cause of
liberty cannot but be glorious, impressive,
and exhibited before the whole nation, before
Europe, before posterity — shall toe be more
timid than our troops? Shall we fear to
expose ourselves, to look Bouchotte [a He-
bertist] in the face ? Shall we be afraid
of braving the fury of Fire Duchesne, [He-
bert's literary organ,] when by so doing we
may win the victory which France looks for
from us — victory over ultra- revolutionists, as
well as counter-revolutionists — victory over
all the intriguers, all the knaves, all the ambi-
tious, all the enemies of the country ?" " Let
fools and fops," he says elsewhere, " call me
a ' moderate ' if they will. I do not blush
at not being more furious than Marcus Bru-
tus ; and observe what Brutus wrote : ' You
would do better, my dear Cicero, to strain
every nerve to wind up the civil wars, than to
exercise your wrath and pursue your resent-
ments against the vanquished.' "
Something must be done with this Vieux
Cordelier; whose arrows were as hot burning
coals to the objects of its assault. Hebert de-
nounced Camille as the hireling of priests and
aristocrats, and demanded his expulsion from
the Jacobin Club. Barr^re, Secretary of the
Committee of Public Safety, thundered
against him before Committee and Convention.
Danton found it convenient for a while to dis-
own him. Robespierre, that dear Robespierre,
sternly said at the tribune : " His writings
are dangerous. They cherish the hope of
our enemies. They court public malignity.
He is a child led away by bad companions.
We must be severe against his writings."
And the speaker ended with a motion to
burn the collected numbers of the Vieux
Cordelier. Here Camille suggested that to
bum was not to answer — ^and reminded his
old school- fellow that he had shared in the
management of the doomed paper. This
was adding fuel to the fire, as poor Camille
found speedily enough.
Three years before, when Camille had
wedded his beautiful and youthful Lucile,
the marriage contract had been signed by no
fewer than sixty of his political friends and
allies — deputies, journalists, pamphleteers,
<&c. Now, at the very commencement of the
Vieux Cordelier, there remained of these
threescore publicists, two only — ^Danton and
] 853.] GAMILLE DESMOaUNS^ THE ATTQSNET-OENERAL OF THE LAMP-FOfiT. 56(
Robespierre — all the reel were either in pri-
son, or guillotined, or in exile. It is thought
that Camille might have eseaped the j)ro-
scriptions which involved Danton and his
party, so far as Robespierre was concerned
— Lord Brougham holding it certain that
Camille's doctrine in favor of more moderate
courses was not so much dreaded by that
' terrible chief as by others, especially St.
Just. " But a sarcastic expression in which
he indulged at the expense of that vain and
remorseless fanatic, sealed his doom. St.
Just was always puflfed up with his sense of
self-importance, and showed this so plainly
in his demeanor, that Camille said he ' car-
ried his headlike the holy sacrament.' 'And
I,' said St. Just, on the sneer being reported
to him — ' and I will make him carry kia head
like St. Denis' — alluding to the legend of
that saint having walked from Paris to his
grave carrying his head under his arm."
Accordingly, by St. Just's impeachment,
Camille was included with Danton and the
rest in the order of arrest.
On the last night of March, 1794, he was
awakened by the clatter of the butt-end of
a musket against his bed-room door. A
guard of soldiers had come for him. ** This,
then," he bitterly cried, •' is the reward of
the first voice of the Revolution !" For the
last time he pressed his youDg wife to his
heart, caressed his infant child, and followed
his grim captors to the Luxembourg. Lu-
cile wrote a passionate letter of supplication
to Robespierre, but it was never delivered.
The letters of Camille to her form a touching
episode in Lamartine's prose epic of the Gi-
rondins.
At his trial, Camille rose to read the de-
fense he had prepared, but was forbidden by
the president, Hermann, who refused him
liberty of speech. Camille angrily reseated
himself, and tearing up his manuscript, tossed
the fragments away. Then, like the impul-
sive trifler he was, he changed his demeanor
from indignation to buffoonery, and stooping
to- collect again the scattered bits of paper,
he rolled them into ** globular pellets," and
began throwing them at the head of his
merciless kinsman, Fouquier-Tinville, the
public accuser, and who owed to Camille his
appointment to that office in 1793-94. Dan-
ton joined his fellow-prisoner in this petty
paper- war. Of course they were found
guilty, and condemned to death. The peo-
ple were disposed to side with them against
their judges, and raised a movement in their
favor, which, for want of organization, came
to naught ; but it is alleged that if Lucile
had not been arrested during the night — if
she had given, by her presence, one voice
and one passion more to the tumult, the ac-
cused would have been saved and the Com-
mittee vanquished. When the court rose,
Camille clung to his seat, and could only be
removed by actual force.
The agitation of his last hours in prison
was extreme. He tried to read those two
dolorous English books. Young's Mghi
Thoughts and Hervey's Meditations; but
continually the volume fell from his feverish
grasp — and continually, at intervals of a few
minutes, he would invoke wiih choking voice
the names of his wife and child : " 0 my
Lucile I 0 my Horace 1 what will become of
you ?" When the executioner laid hands on
him, to bind him previous to leaving the
prison, he struggled as if for his life, and as
though by such struggle life was jet a possi*
biiity. Oaths and curses showered from his
lips — his fury was without bounds — it was
found necessary to prostrate his writhing
body, while the act of binding him and crop-
ping his flowing locks was performed. On
his way to the scaffold he kept up one wild
vociferation, addressed to the multitude: —
*^ Generous people I unhappy people f you
are duped, you are undone, your best friends
are sacrificed ! Recognize me ! Save me I
I am Camille Desmoulins ! It was I who
called you to arms on the fourteenth of July ;
I it was who gave you the national cockade."
His appeal was urged with convulsive ges-
tures, with the vehemence of absolute frenzy ;
in his agonizing fury he so *' loosened his
cords, and tore and tumbled his coat and
shirt, that his thin and bony chest was almost
bare." Lord Broug^ham says, that he met
death with *' perfect boldness," though his
'* indignation at the gross perfidy and crying
injustice to which he was sacrificed " enraged
him so as to make his demeanor " less calm
than his great courage would have prescribed."
At any rate, this dismal exhibition told against
him. The mob only responded wilh hoot-
ings. Danton reproached him for his seem-
ing imitation of Madame du Barry, and
growled impatiently in his ear : " Be quiet,
and never mind this filthy rabble 1"
Under the shadow of the guillotine itself,
he recovered in some measure his calmness.
The popular herald of the Revolution, await-
ing the guillotine-stroke of the Revolution —
it is a strange sight, and an instructive.
Bat, in these cases,
We btill have jadgroent here ; that we but teach
Bloody instructions, which, being taught, return
566
ARAOO AKD AUOUBTB ST. HILAIBE.
pec.
To plagne the inventor : this even-handed jastice
Commends the ingredients of oar poisoned chalice
o our own lipe.
On the scaffold, Camille pressed in his
hand a lock of his wife's hair, which he had
worn next his breast, and which Danton, at
his entreaty, had taken thence when the
bonds had restrained his own movements.
It WAS his last consolation, this glossy carl
of the bride at whose wedding that dear
Robespierre had probably danced, and per-
haps almost smiled. And now Camille drew
near to the fatal machine, whose insatiable
greed for gore he had long known so well.
The blade was streaming with the blood of
bis associates. He eyed it with composure ;
then turning towards the crowd, cried to ears
that hearing heard not, and to hearts that
would not understand : '' Look on, and mark
the end of the first apostle of liberty !" As
though he had said with the babbler in the
Viiion of Sin — in bitter irony —
Greet her with applausive breath —
Freedom — gaily doth she tread ;
In her right a civic wreath,
In her left a human head.
Let her go ! her thirst she slakes
Where the bloody conduit runs :
Then her sweetest meal she makes
On the Jirsi'hom of her sons.
Small acqa»ntance with inductive philosophy,
philosophy teaching by example, suflBced to
warrant Camille's prediction : '*The monsters
who murder me will not survive me long."
He then turned to the executioner, and said :
*'' Send this lock of hair to my mother-in-
law." They were his last words. Another
minute, and his head was in the basket, and
Danton took his place. It was the 5th of
April, 1794.
Eight days after, Lucile Desmoulins was
conducted to the scaffold. She there said to
a fellow-victim : '*' The cowards are about to
kill me ; but they know not that a woman's
blood excites indignation in the souls of ft
people. Was it not the blood of a woman
which for ever expelled from Rome the Tar-
quins and the Decemvirs? Let them kill
me, and let tyranny fall with me." She
might have looked back, as well as forwards,
and have remembered the recent time when
the execution of a woman, by name Marie
Antoinette, and of another, the revolutionary
Roland, had elicited from her no pity, no
shame, no remorse, but a blind delirium of
exultation. But it is thus the whirligig of
time brings round its revenges. And when
the time was fully come, and that was
speedily, the judges of Camille and his com-
panions were themselves judged in their turn,
and with such measure as they had measured
withal, was their doom meted out.
-*♦-
From the AthenaBam.
ARA60 AND AU&USTE ST. HILAIBE.
Last week we announced, in few words,
that Dominique-Francois- Jean Arago is num-
bered with the illustrious dead. For nearly
half a century he has maintained an extraor-
dinary position in the world of science.
Owing to his rare quaIi6cations, the universal-
ity of his genius, and his remarkable industry,
he placed himself in the relation of centre to
a system, — and became the guiding and
directing power to an extensive class of
European philosophers.
It becomes our duty, when such a man
has passed away from the scene of his long
labbrs, to give a record of the work which he
accomplished. It is of our office to give
"honor due*' to all such manifestations of
intelligence ; and while endeavoring to show
the extent to which the mental prowess of
M. Arago was effective in gaining for man-
kind new truths from Nature, we have also
to examine the degree in which such a mind
as his was influential, by suggestion and by
example, in elevating the spirit of his age.
M. Arago was born in the village of Es-
tagel, near Perpignan, in the Pyrenees, on
the 26th of February, 1786, — and he died at
the Observatory in Paris, on Sunday, the 2d
of October: — consequently, he was in the
sixty-eighth year of his age. Gifted by na-
ture with powers of a higher order than
1853.]
ABAOO AND AUGUBTE ST. HILAIREL
567
those which are ordinarily bestowed on man,
be possessed, or acquired, habits of industry
which enabled him to develop them in all
their fulness. Like the majority of really
great men, he was the architect of his own
fortune* He owed little to fortuitous cir-
cumstances ; — and, indeed, achieved much
when serious obstacles stood in his path.
Suffering no difficulty to bear him back, he
rose always superior to misfortune, and with
ereat honesty of purpose and indomitable
independence he labored towards the end
which he had in view. From his boyhood
this appears to have been his character.
"When a youth in the College of Perpignan,
his ambition was excited by the appearance
of, and the respect paid to, an engineer en
chef. He learned that this honor might be
obtained by means of the Polytechnic School,
— and that a searching examination in ma-
thematics must be gone through to insure
his admission to that institution. Francois
Arago, then, seriously commenced mathe-
matical studies, and in 1804 he entered the
school in question with the highest honors.
In 1806, when only twenty years of age,
so much had he distinguished himself, that
he was appointed a Secretary of the Board
of Longitude ; and almost immediately after-
wards, his acquirements having attracted the
attention of Monge, he was recommended as
the fitting assistant to Biot for undertaking
the measurement of an arc of the meridian
in Spain. This scientific labor was consider-
ably advanced in 180?, when Biot returned
to Paris, leaving Arago in charge of the im-
portant work. The war commencing at this
time between France and Spain put an end
to this scientific mission; and the young
mathematician had to make his escape from
an enraged and ignorant peasantry in dis-
guise. He escaped death only to become a
prisoner; and when eventually liberated by
the Spaniards, he fell into the hands of an
Algerine corsair, and was released from cap-
tivity by the Dey only in 1809. At the age
of twenty-three, Arago returned to Paris;
and as a reward for his zeal, he was elected
a Member of the Institute of France — in the
Astronomical Section — on the death of the
great astronomer Lalande. Within a very
short period, he was also appointed Profess-
or of Analysis, Geodesy and Social Arith-
metic to the Polytechnic School ; — thus at
80 early an age achieving a scientific position
of the highest order, and fairly entering on
that remarkable career which, after many a
a subsequent trial, has just terminated.
During this period, we find that M. Arago
contributed sixty distinct Memoirs on various
branches of science. With a view of show-
ing the variety of branches which claimed his
attention — and to all of which he gave the
most searching investigation — we add the
titles of a few of these contributions which
appear of the most importance, selected from
the Annuaire du Bureau des Lonffitudes, the
Comptes Rendus Hebdomadaires des Siances
de VAcadimie des Sciences, and the Annates
de Physique et de Chimie,
Arago's first work was read before the In-
stitute on the 24th of March, 1806. It was
an investigation in which he was assi^ed by
Biot, " On the Affinities of Bodies for Light,
and particularly on the Refracting Powers
of different Gases." With M. Petit, Arago
investigated " The Refractive Power^f cer-
tain Liquids, and of the Vapors Tormed
from them." With Fresnel, he examined
" The Action which the Rays of Polarized
Light exercise upon each other ;" — and on
those subjects much valuable matter will be
found in his Memoirs. Omitting from our
list those astronomical notices which regu-
larly appeared in the Annuaire, — and which,
though forming a part of his official duty,
manifest, nevertheless, the zeal of the Secre-
taiy and subsequent Director of the Bureau
des Longitudes, — we would refer to M. Ara-
go's memoirs " On the Comets of Short Pe-
riods,"— " On the Pendulums of MM. Bre-
guet," — " On Chronometers," — " On the
Double Stars," — and on the vexed question,
"Does the Moon exercise any appreciable
Influence on our Atmosphere?" Passing
from astronomical subjects, we find several
memoirs : — " On Nocturnal Radiation," —
•* The Theory of the Formation of Dew :" —
and on allied subjecU,— as " The Utility of
the Mats with which Gardeners cover their
Plants by Night,"—" On the Artificial form-
ation of Ice/'— and "On the Fogs which
form after the setting of the Sun, when the
Evening is calm and serene, on the Borders
of Lakes and Rivers." Indeed, the whole
of the phenomena to which Dr. Wells had
directed attention in his excellent work " On
Dew " was thoroughly investigated by M.
Arago.
When we add the memoirs on " The An-
cient Relation of the different Chains of
Mountains in Europe," "The Absolute Height
of the most Remarkable Ridges of the Cor-
dilleras of the Andes," " Historical Notices
of the Steam Engine," "On Explosions of
Steam Boilers," " Historical Notices of the
Voltaic Pile," — those which are connected
with the Polarization of Light, the phenom-
MB
ARAGO AND AXTGUBTB ST. HTTjATRK
[Dee^
ena of Magnetic Rotation, and on the Egyp-
tian Hieroglyphics, we think we indicate
labors of a most varied and important char-
acter.
The French nation may be justly proud of
such a man as Arago ; but in their eagerness
to do honor to his name they have claimed
for their philosopher discoveries to which his
title may be disputed. Amongst these, we
may name the electro -magnet, which com-
mon consent has allowed to be the invention
of poor Sturgeon ; — and again, although Ara-
go extended the inquiry into the remarkable
phenomena of magnetic rotation, the prelim-
inary researches of Sir W. Snow Harris
should not be forgotten. The weakness here
indicated is one common to our French neigh-
bors, and from which the distinguished man
of whom we write was himself far from free.
On several occasions, M. Arago endeavored
to claim for his countrymen discoveries which
had long previously been made in England
and elsewhere. On one of these, when dis-
cussing the merits of the discovery of a
Frenchman, he was reminded that an Eng-
lishman had already, through M. Biot, made
his invention known in France by a commu-
nication to the Academy of Sciences; — he
declined, however, to withdraw the claim, on
the expressed ground that it was for the
honor of France that he should maintain it.
The same feeling was shown in M. Arago's
" Historical Eloge of James Watt," — in
whicb he claimed for Papin a position cer-
tainly due to Savery, Newcomen and Watt.
With his usual force of language, he prefaced
his iloge by the following words : —
^ I approach this inquiry with the firm deter-
mination of being impartial — with the most ear-
nest solicitude to bestow on every improver the
credit which is his due — and with the fullest con-
viction that I am a stranger to every considera-
tion unworthy of the commission that you have
conferred on me, or beneath the dignity of science,
originating in national prejudices. 1 declare, on
the other hand, that I esteem very lightly the in-
numerable decisions which have alreadv emanat-
ed from such prejudiced sources; and^thatl care,
if possible, still less for the bitter criticisms which
undoubtedly await me, for the past is but the mir-
ror of the future." ,
After this, we find a constant efiPort to in-
crease the value of each invention of Papin,
and to lower the several improvements of
Savery* Newcomen and Watt. We have no
desire to depreciate the labors of Papin.
His inventions were important steps in ' the
progress of the steam-engine ; but it must
not DO forgotten that Papin abandoned his
own engine as useless. Papin saw the power
of steam, but he could not apply it : Watt
diligently sought out the laws regulating the
formation and condensation of steam, and
left the steam-engine perfect. M. Arago
could not deny the high claims of Watt :
yet his national prejudices led him to place
Pepin and Watt on the same pedestal.
Having said what was fitting at the time,
and in the fitting tone, it is not over the
grave of Arago that we will renew our quar-
rel with him for the part which he took in
the discussion respecting the rival claims of
Adams and Leverrier. We allude to these
subjects only because, as honest chroniclers
and critics, we are bound to exhibit the un-
philosophic side in the character of a great
philosopher, to whatever nation he may be-
long.
In surveying the results of such a life as
that of M. Arago, we cannot overlook his
earnest desire to give to the public all the
advantages of the discoveries of science with
the least possible delay, and with the ut-
most freedom from mere technicalities. In
1816, he established, in connection with M.
Gay-Lussao, the Annates de Physique et de
Chimie : — and, on his pressing representa-
tion, on the 13th of July, 1835, the Academy
commenced, in charge of its Perpetual Se-
cretaries, Lee Comptes Rendue Hehdoma"
dairee.
In 1830, Arago was made Director of the
Observatory, — and he succeeded Fourier as
a Perpetual Secretary of the Academy of
Sciences. His remarkable activity of mind
and unwearying industry led him without
difficulty through an amount of labor which
would have overwhelmed an ordinary man.
There was a remarkable clearness in his per-
ception of those matters to which his atten-
tion was directed. He readQy stripped them
of any adventitious clouding or mystery by
which they might be 8urrounded,and fearless-
ly and energetically expressed his convic-
tions. As a writer, we may remark the strong
evidences of the latter in his firmness of
style, — and the clearness of his perceptive
faculties is shown in its lucid elegance. It
is not easy to render the delicate beauties of
one language into another ; but the senti-
ment expressed in the following passage from
M. Arago's ** Eloge on Watt^' will find its
response in every earnest mind : —
"We have long been in the habit of talking of
the age of Auffustua and of the age of Louis the
Fourteenth. Eminent individuals amongst as
have Ukewise held that we miffht with propriety
speak of the age of Voltaire, oi Rousseau and of
1853.]
ARAGO AND AUGUSTE ST. HILAIRK.
569
Montesquieu. I do not hesitate to declare my
conviction, that, when the immense services al-
ready rendered by the steam-engine shall be
added to all the marvels which it hblds out to
promise, a grateful population will familiarly talk
of the age of Papin and of Watt.
We have, of course, little to say on the
political life of M. Arago. He was a con-
sistent philosophical ref^ublican; and we
find in his "Lettre a MM. les Electeurs de
I'Arrondissement de Perpignan" in 1831, his
''Lettre sur les Forts d(itach6s," and his
*< Lettre sur rEmbastillement de Paris," in
1833, evidences of a bold and liberal mind,
ever alive to the social interests of his fellow-
men. As a deputy, M. Arago delivered a
great number of speeches to the Chamber.
Speaking of these, M. Normenin says —
"There is something perfectly lucid in his
demonstrations. His manner is so expressive
that light seems to issue from his eyes, from
his lips, from his very fingers. He inter-
weaves in his discourses the most caustic
appeals to ministers — appeals which defy all
answer — the most piquant anecdotes, which
seem to belong naturally to the subject, and
which adorn without overloading it.
A mind so active as that of M. Arago could
not be idle during the political convulsions of
France. In 1840 he was elected a member
of the Council- General of the Seine. He
was named a member of the Provisional
Government, and Minister of War and Marine
ad interim. He labored with all honesty to
subdue the tempest. He displayed hiscour-
rage in the sad days of July, in the streets
of Paris— endeavoring, but in vain, to stay
the hand of the slayer ; — but the result put
an end to the political career of the philoso-
pher. Another strong evidence of moral snd
golitical courage was given by M. Arago in
is refusal when summoned as a public officer
to take the oaths to the Government of
Louis Napoleon. Rather than sacrifice his
principles, he resolved to quit the Observa-
tory, and, in his old age, cast himself upon
the world. This resistance was made the
more remarkable by its result. Before his
attitude the spirit of menace retreated.
Government made an exception in his favor:
and at his death he still held the public offices
which he filled so well, and which he so
highly illustrated.
The troubles of his latter days— or rather
those of his country — deeply afflicted M.
Arago, and did their work in undermining
his robust frame. General debility gave rise
to slow disorganization of his system, — his
vital powers became gradually ezhaustedi —
and under the influence of a general dropsy,
his life was extinguished.
We have spoken freely of the high claims
of M. Arago as a man of science: yet we
must add that, when the world shall ask
hereafter what great discovery Arago made,
it will he difficult to give an answer to the
question. His was one of those minds which
could not bind itself to that njinute analysis
which led » Newton to the discovery of the
laws of gravitation, or that investigation
which conducted a Davy to the invention of
the Safety Lamp. He stood the busiest man
in a busy age — the great expositor of Na-
ture's truths as they were developed by the
labors of experimentalists. The idea given,
Arago saw at once its entire bearing, and
advanced himself by rapid strides to the elu-
cidation of the fact. His suggestions were
the guiding stars of science in France, — his
experiments were the foundations on which
new sciences were to be built. Arago never
aUowed his thoughts to be involved in a
theory; he accepted a theory as a menus of
advancing, hut was ever ready to abandon
it when it was found that facts favored a
contrary view. In the History of Philosophy
his name will have enduring fame, not from
the discoveries which he made, but from
the aid which he gave to science in all its de-
partments by his prompt and unfailing pene-
tration. A member of nearly all the scien-
tific Societies of Europe, he was the point
uniting them in a common bond. In every
part of the civilized world his name was re-
garded with reverence, — and all scientific
communities felt that they had lost a friend
when they heard of the death of the Astro-
nomer of France.
We announced last week the loss which the
circle of French botanists had experienced
in the death of M. Auguste St. Hiluire. He
was a member of the Botanical Section of the
Academy of Sciences. His first botanical pub-
lications were on the local vegetation of
France. In 1812 he published a notice of
seventy species of phsenogamous phnts dis-
covered in the department of the Loiret. In
the same year he published observations on
the new Flora of Paris. In 1816 his me-
moir appeared on those plants which have a
free central placenta. At this time he went
to South America for the purpose of inves-
tigating the vegetation of this vast continent.
He remained there till 1822 ; and during the
time of his residence in America and since,
he published a number of valuable memoirs
and papers on the plants of South America.
The most important of these were: — 1. A
670
LITERARY MISCKLLANIE&
[Dec,
Hbtory of the most remarkable Plants of
Brazil and Paraguay. It contained figures
of the plants, and was published in Paris in
1824. 2. The Plants used economically by
the Brazilians; also published in 1824, with
plates. 3. From 1825 to 1832 appeared in
parts, illustrated with folio plates, his *' Flora
Brazilian Meridionalis." In this and in the
foregoing works M. Saint-Hilaire was assisted
by MM. A. Me Jussieu and J. Cambepedes.
They comprise by far the most complete ac-
count extant of the exuberant vegetation of
the Brazils. M. Saint-Hilaire has also pub-
lished accounts of his various travels in South
America. In 1830 appeared his travels in
the provinces of Rio de Janeiro and Minas
Qeraes. In 1833 he publi>hed an account
of his travels in the diamond districts and on
the shores of Brazil. On his return from the
Brazils, his herbarium contained seven thou-
sand species of plants which he had collected
during his travels in South America. M.
Saint-Hilaire di«d in the seventy fourth year
of his age.
1 1 ^ 1 1
LITERARY MISCELLANIES.
The principal issues of the London press during
the past month are embraoed in the following list :
Anaong books of travel, which constitute the
much larger share of the new works, are the fol-
lowing ; —
Alfred Bann in America. Old England and New
England. By Alfred Bunn, the dramatists
English Notes; or Impressions of Europe. By
Ralph Waldo Emerson. These two works have
been published too recently for any critical notices.
A Walk across the French Frontier. By* Lieut
March, R.Bl
Traits of American- Indian Life and Character.
By a Fur Trader.
Rough Notes of a Trip to Reunion, the Mauritius^
and Ceylon. By Frederick J. Mouat^ M.D.
A Cruise in the .^ean. By Walter Watson.
Wanderings through the Cities of Italy in 1860
and 1861. By A. L. Von Rochau.
Sea Nile, the Desert^ and Nigrttia; Travels in
Company with Captain Peel, R.N. 1861-2. De-
scribed by Joseph H. Churi.
Narrative of a Religious Journey in the East in
1850 and 1851. By the Abb^ de St. Michon.
This work the Athenceitm regards but little bet-
ter than the printed pocke^book of a railway trav-
eller from London to St Jean d'Acre. It does not
sustain the interest which its title will awaken in
many. The writer seems to be an amiable enthu-
siast^ without perception of character, and with
that niaUerie which results from indulging in the
sentimental egotism peculiar to certain French
travellers who take Chateaubriand for their model
in style. The favorite idea of the Abb£ de St
Michon is, the reconciliation of the Protestant and
Roman Catholic Churches ; and it appears that he
addressed a long memorial to the present Pope on
the subject. He gives us in several pages the con-
tents of this memorial : — ^which we need not fur-
ther notice than by saying that it is composed in a
kindly spirit but apparently without any deep
knowledge of the innumerable political and theo-
logical obstacles in the way of its realization.
A Lad^*s Visit to the Gold Diggings of Australia
in 1852<a By Mrsi Charlea Clacy.
Of all the books that have been written on the
Gold Diggings of Australia, the Literary QatetU
says, this single light volume by a lady, '* belonging
to the pocket-edition of the feminine sex,*' is the
most pithy and entertaining. The authore^ went
out as Miss E ^ a sprightly Amazon, in a wide-
awake,— lolling on a dray, however, instead of rid-
ing on horseback,— and after a successful routine tA
adventures, along with a brother and party of
friends, at Bendigo, the Black Forest Eagle Hawk
Gully, Iron Bark Gully, Forest Creek, and Ballarat^
came home (after a change, purely personal, which
made the brother's protection no longer needed)
Mrs. Charles Clacy, full of pleasing and congenial
feelings.
Adventures in Australia in 1852 and 1853. By
the Rev. H. B. Jones^
The Critic saya, the Rev. Mr. Berkeley Jones
aims rather at usefulness than at brilliancy. He
looks at facta as they are, and reports them with a
sort of photographic truth. His outlines are good,
— his details accurate, we have no doubt ; but the
scene, as he presents it, is wanting in light and play,
color and motion. The artis^ the man of fancy,
will learn nothing from Mr. Jones's adventures.
Indeed, it is an abuse of terms to call such common-
place experiences of men and things, "adventures."
The emigrant however, will find iu this record of
personal observation hints for his guidance of no
small value.
London Homes, a new work by Miss Catherine
Sinclair, gets the following "first-rate" notice from
the Athenceum :
" The publisher's advertisement, irftended to recom-
mend this book, states that the reception given in
America to * Beatrice,' Miss C. Sinclair's last novel,
* has, in fact, exceeded that of " Uncle Tom's Cabin"
in England. Above one hundred thousand cop ea
were sold in a few weeks. A pamphlet was pub-
lished by twenty-eight clergymen of New York,
fdvising that each of their congregation should
possess a copy.' Recollecting the opinion expressed
of 'Beatrice on its publication, [Athen, No. ISOlJ
1868.]
LITBRABY HISCBLLANIEB.
671
we ean only regret that Kew York poeiewea so
Urge a ooogregation of foolien clergymen. Next
oomes MuB BineUir's own prefftoe, preparing ue (as
indeed the title of her new book had in parta done)
for a new exposition of the case of Palace versus
Garret, St James versus St. Oilei^ — and assuring
OS that a * fervent desire for usefulness is her sole
motive for writing/ Thirdly, we have the book
itseli^ which proves to be an <ila, made up of many
thingd ol.d and new. Among others^ there are * a
leffcnd belonging to a remote district of country
betongiog to Lord Oas^lis, betwixt Ayrshire and
Galloway/ — an absurd scene in dialogue, with a
sort of * rum-ti-iddity* chonu^ by way of ^uia on
the Humane Society, — and suoh of Miss Sinclair's
'Common-Sense Tracts' against papistry as had
already appeared: — the success of said oommon-
sense apparently not having warranted the fulfil-
ment of the original scheme^ which contemplated
the publication of twelve tracts. What all this
may nave to do with * the condition of the London
EK>r/ or with 'the excellent Secretary to the
endicity Society' — ^in other words» with the busi-
ness and motives announced in Miss Sinclair s pre-
leave to the twenty-eiffht reverend gentle-
men in New York to discover.
The Rise and Progress of the English Consti-
tution. By Prot Creasy, Barrtster-at-Law, Author
of "The Fifteen Decisive Battles of the World."
Memoirs of the Life of the Princess Palatine,
(Princess of Bohemia.) Together with her Corre-
apondence with the Great Men of her Day. By the
Bturoness Bluze De Bury, Author of '* Germania,
its Courts and Campa."
Civil Liberty and Self-Govemment. By Francis
Lieber, L.L.D., author of "Political Ethica^" "Ee-
miniscences of Kiebuhr," Ao.
The British (Quarterly Review thus commends
Mias Bremer's Homes of the New World, which, as
contrasting with the generally unfavorable notices
of the press, deserves to be quoted : "MIm Bremer
is a genial soul, rich in good-sense and good-nature.
Wherever agreeable companionships are to be found,
she is sure to find them. She is not blind to the
foibles or faults of the human beings who come in
her way, but she has the happy secret of guarding
against one-sidednesi^ of placing the good over
against the evil, the wise over against the foolish,
uid thus 'finds the world to be much more full of
people to be interested about and to like, than per-
sons of a less humanized intelligence can give our
planet the credit of containing. They give us a
Detter idea of the 'Homes o7 the New World'
than could have been conveyed bv any novel or
treatise wrought up from them. We accompany
Miss Bremer Uirough North and South, through free
States and slave States ; we hear her talk with and
about politicians of all grades, and we are with her
in her intercourse with the almost endless variety
of religionists to be fuund in those regions, from
Mr. Waldo Emerson to the Shakers and the Mor-
mons. In politics, Miss Bremer's sympathies are
strongly on the side of freedom and humanity. In
rdigion she is tolerant of wide diflferences^ if only
allied with honest conviction and real feeling. We
know of no book Uiat does really give you so uch
of the 'homes' — that is^ of the home manners,
talkings^ and feelingp of the people in the New
World."
The Atheiusmn thus describes our Mr. Hoffman's
new work : —
'* Chronicles selected from the Originals of Carta-
philus^ the Wandering Jew : embracing a period of
nearly Nineteen Centuries. Now first revealed to,
and edited by, David Hoffman, Hon. J.U.D. of
Gottegen.
'* Mr. Hoffman is clearly one of those transcen-
dental philosophers now beginning to abound both
in England and in the United States, who, full of
great notions about the past, present, and the future,
and especially adverse to the progress of the so-
called materialism between which and transcen-
dentalism the age is divided, are not satisfied with
literary attempts on the ordinary duodecimo or
octavo scale, — ■ but desire to put forth * revelations
of truths,' in which the ' totum scibile,* or whole
round of knowledge, is metaphysically reorganized
and adapted to the speculation of the time. The
appearance of such work^ under such names as
'Alpha,' the * Poughkeepsie Seer,' and the like,
is among the most curious of the intellectual signs
of the times — ^partly hopeful, partly sad enough.
Mr. Hoffman is far more rational and orderly in
his views than most of these philosophers of the
' totum seihile,^ He seems to be a very orthodox
Christian gentleman, with a system of theologico-
metaphysical tenets which he has worked out for
himself in connection with the doctrines of the
Trinity, Free Will, Original Sin, and the like ;—
entertaining, moreover, a dread of the progress of
Romanism at the present time, and a faith in the
speedy advent of a miilennariaa epoch, when one
pure form of universal belief will irradiate the
woild. With all this there b very considerable
intellectual power, some originality, no small
amount of learniog, and much candor and fine
feeling."
The Athenceum also thus disposes of another
American work, ' Mark butherland' by Mrs South-
worth :
" Mark Sutherland is one of those common-place
American tales which are not worth reprinting. It
in no page or paragraph tempts us to mitigate or
modify the character of its authoress offered not
long ago in the Atherueum,"
Mr. Saunders' genial little work, " Salad for the
Solitary," elicits the following notice from the
Literary Oasette:
"An American book, 'Salad for the Solitary,'
by an Epicure, contains under this figurative title a
medley of light literary reading, under such head-
ings as ' Facts and Fancies about Flowers,' ' The
Shrines of Geniw^' ' Dying Words of Distinguished
Men,' ' Pleasures of the Pen,' ' Citations from the
Cemeteries^' 'Sleep and its Mysteries.' The sub-
jects are varied and interesting, but the author's
style is not good, and the frequent efforts at smart-
ness and pun-making are offensive to good taste.
He has, however, collected and arranged a large
amount of carious literary matter, while some parts
of the book, as the chapter on ' The Talkative and
Taciturn,' display acute observation of character
as well as learned research."
The Literary Gazette thus compliments Mr^
Tuckerman's work, " Mental Portraits ; or, Studies
of Character:"
"This volume contains a series of literary por-
traits of what Mr. Tuckerman's oountryman, Emer-
son, would oall representative men. Southey, the
B12
UTERABY MI30ELLA5IBS.
[Dec., 1863.]
man of letters ; Savage, the literary adrentarer ;
D'Aseglio, the literary Btatesman ; L<^ Jeffrey, the
Reyiewer ; Sir David Wilkie, thepainter of cnarao-
ter ; Audubon, the ornithologist; Waahisgton Irving,
the humorist; Jacques Laltte, the financier; and
eight or ten other equally marked charaeter8» are
delineated. In these biographical essays Mr. Tuoker-
man displays much acuteness of observation and
soundness of judgment In so great a range of sub-
jects there is room for diversity of opinion, and there
IB inequality of merit in the several ^sketches, but on
the wnole the book may be oommended for the
faithfulness and spirit of the mental portraits.*'
The British Qwirterly R€mew thus notices
Fanny Fern :
** The book consists of a series of short articles^
having little or no connecUoa' with each other, but
all are more or less interesting, and out of the grave
and the gay some useful leseon generally issues.
The pieces have appeared for the most part in
American periodicals, and there is enough in the
substance and literary workmanship of them to
betray their transatlantic origin. We say to our
young readers, get Fanny's Portfolio ; it will be
pleasant and usetul reading as snatched in a rail-
way, or upon a rainy day."
Itxhs.
Mr. Hugh Miller, the geologist, is giving, in the
"Edinburgh Witnen'^ newspaper, of which he is
editor, the story of his early life, under the title
of " My Schools and Schoolmasters ; or, the Story
of my Education.'* The series of papers is not yet
half completed ; but the work is already announced
for publication in a separate volume by one of the
chief houses in Boston.
The " Edinburgh Review ^^^ the oldest of the ex-
iating quarterlies, has in its last number, the 200th,
commenced its second half-century. Jeffrey eave
up the editorship after the first hundred numoers
were published. His successors have been Profea-
Bor Napier, Professor Empson, and Lord Monteagle
temporarily, till the appointment of the present
editor.
Mr. Petermann is preparing for publication, by
authority of her Majesty^ Government^ a set of
mape and views, with descriptive letterpress, illus-
trating the progress of the expedition to Central
Africa, from 1849 to 1868.
A manuscript work " On the Natural History of
Balmoral and its Neighborhood," from the pen of
the late Dr. Macgillivray, Professor of Natural His-
tory in Marisch^l College of Aberdeen, has been
purchased from the executors by Prince Albert
The Earl of Ellesmere has become possessed of a
complete copy of an important English work relat-
ing to the discovery of America. It is entitled,
"Divers Voyages touching the Discovery of
America, and the Islands adjacent unto the same,
Ac," and was printed by Thomas Dawson for
Thomas Woodcocke, in 1582, 4to. It was compiled
and prepared by the celebrated Richard Hakluyt^
who deoicAted it to Sir Philip Sidney.
A French paper states that Lord Brougham has
placed the following inscription over the entrance-
door of his chateau at Cannes :
" Inveni portum ; spe» el foriuna, valete ;
Sat me lusistia : ludile nunc alios:*'
Tl^e noble and learned Lord's neighbors oonatrue
th]< as an annonn^ment of his intention to retire
from public life^ and to pa^s the remainder of his
^yt •moDgrt them in tJw goiial dimate of the
Var.
The French Government has just granted £6000
sterling towards the expenses of purchasing and
demoUflhing houses at Yienne, department of the
Is^re, for the purpose of exposing to public view
an ancient temple of Augustus and Livia. Yet
though thus liberal->-and this is no isolated case —
it allows a large sam annually for the restoration
of historical monumenta.
ARuaiuan saivant^ M. Jacobi, has invented an
apparatus for employing electricity in attacking
whales. By means of it, several snoceesive shocks
can be given to the huge leviathan, and it ia aa>
sumed that it will thereby be rendered powerU
Madame Ida Pfeiffer, the great traveller, ha^ say
the German papers, written to friends in Berlin
and Vienna to say that she intends to abandon the
prosecution of her voyages in the Indian Archipel-
ago, and to return to Europe forthwith.
M. Lamartine is again unwell, owins to the seve-
rity of his literary labors M. Michelet, the cele-
brated professor and historian, who had returned
to Paris after a year's residence in Brittany, is re-
commended to pass the winter at Nice, on acooilnt
of the state of his health.
The Prene publishes a letter illustrating the last
tour deforce of Alexandre Dumas. It is addressed to
M. Hous8aye,director of the Th^&tre Fran^ais. **Mon
cher Directeur : I have just travelled from Brus-
sels, havine heard that the Jeuneste de Louis XIV.
has been interdicted by the censorship. This b
Tuesday : be good enough to be ready for the read-
ing of a new play on Monday next. I'll read five
acta. What it will be like, I do not know, for I
have just heard of the interdict ; however, we'll
call it the Jeunesse de Louis XV. 1 will manage to
bring in the scenery, which I understand you have
prepared. I need not say that this play will not
contain a word of the other, which will be ready
for use, should the censorship be one day more
placable^ — Yours entirely, A. Dumaa"
The scheme for erecting a statue to Prince Albert,
in Hyde Park, on the site of the building of the
Great Exhibition, is progressing rapidly towards
completion. The subscribers are of all ranto^ and
the subscriptions of various figures. Dukes, banken»
men of letters and men of business, painters and
poets^ brewers and botanists, marquises and machi-
nists, crowd the Ust already*
M. Scribe, the dramatic writer, has purchased the
estate of Courbetire, in the neighborhood of Chateau-
Thierry, for 260,000fr. Dr. William Freund, the
lexicographer, has returned to England from a scien-
tific tour through the Grisons and l^rol, the ancient
Rbsetia, where he sojourned during the summer by
order of the Royal Academy of Sciences at Berlin.
The results of his researches, ethnographic and
linguistic, he will imbody in a volume which he ia
now prei^ng for the press.
The first Congress of Statistic which met in Brus*
sela, has been brought to a close. The meetings
have been well attended by English, French, Ger-
mans, and others, and considerable interest has been
exeftM by their proceedinga among the inhabitaati
I
of that gay and picturesque capital